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Journal articles on the topic 'Suffragio universale'

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Published: 9 March 2023

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Bardi, Luciano. "RAPPRESENTANZA E PARLAMENTO EUROPEO." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 19, no. 2 (August 1989): 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200012934.

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IntroduzioneUno degli interrogativi principali posti dalle elezioni a suffragio universale del Parlamento Europeo riguarda la loro capacità di fornire, se non immediatamente almeno nel medio periodo, una legittimità autonoma alla Comunità Europea. Sul piano analitico, questo significa che per uno studio sull'evoluzione della Comunità occorre stabilire se il Parlamento direttamente eletto riuscirà a sostituirsi alle fonti attuali (essenzialmente i governi nazionali) nel fornire legittimità alle azioni di governo europeo.

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2

Bettinelli, Ernesto. "La lunga marcia del voto elettronico in Italia." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 46, no. 1 (April 30, 2002): 5–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-12775.

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Voto elettronico ed effettività del suffragio universale. Condizioni per l'esercizio "genuino" del diritto di voto. Inderogabilità dei requisiti della "libertà" e "segretezza" del voto. La segretezza del voto come garanzia anche "esterna". Immaterialità dell'E-Poll e riduzione delle cause di invalidità del voto. Adeguamento e semplificazione della complessiva organizzazione elettorale e, in particolare, del procedimento preparatorio. Il recupero del "diritto alla mobilità" da parte degli elettori. Appendice - Esperienze della sperimentazione di Avellino.

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3

Cavalli, Luciano. "Domenico Losurdo, Democrazia e bonapartismo. Trionfo e decadenza del suffragio universale, Bollati Boringhieri, 1993, pp. 364." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 24, no. 1 (April 1994): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200022760.

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4

Uleri, PierVincenzo. "LE FORME DI CONSULTAZIONE POPOLARE NELLE DEMOCRAZIE: UNA TIPOLOGIA." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 15, no. 2 (August 1985): 205–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200003130.

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IntroduzioneAffrontando il tema delle consultazioni popolari dirette si pongono due problemi principali: perché tale tipo di processo elettorale è più usato in certi casi che non in altri e quali sono le conseguenze del ricorso ad esso sul sistema politico nel complesso. Rispetto al primo problema molti anni addietro, nel 1912, William E. Rappard sottolineava l'incoerenza degli avversari delle consultazioni popolari. Costoro, pur consentendo che le masse scelgano liberamente i loro rappresentanti, «fanno affidamento, per la loro sicurezza, sulle discrepanze che possono sorgere tra gli atti della maggioranza degli eletti e i desideri della maggioranza degli elettori». Rappard formulava, quindi, una previsione «In teoria … l'ulteriore estensione del controllo popolare mediante la legislazione diretta sembra inevitabile in tutti i paesi dove il suffragio universale prevale». È facile intuire che la previsione si basasse sulla conoscenza e l'analisi delle esperienze svizzera e statunitense. In altri Paesi, in quegli anni, si discuteva sulla opportunità di adottare forme di consultazione popolare come in effetti accadde con alcune costituzioni elaborate subito dopo la prima guerra mondiale, in primo luogo con la costituzione di Weimar.

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5

Fairbairn, Brett. "Authority vs. Democracy: Prussian Officials in the German Elections of 1898 and 1903." Historical Journal 33, no. 4 (December 1990): 811–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013777.

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The suffrage for the German Reichstag had by the 1890s become the most potent symbol of democratic ideas in imperial Germany. ‘Universal, equal, secret, and direct’, as contemporaries described it, the Reichstag suffrage stood in contrast to restrictive state suffrages as a model of liberty and fairness. By the turn of the century, 70–80 per cent of adult male German citizens took advantage of their right to participate in this, the freest of all German political arenas.

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6

Newman, Louise M. "REFLECTIONS ON AILEEN KRADITOR'S LEGACY: FIFTY YEARS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1965–2014." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, no. 3 (July 2015): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000055.

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AbstractThis article assesses the impact that Aileen Kraditor's classic monograph, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) has had on fifty years of suffrage historiography. Kraditor is best known among scholars for offering the terms “justice” and “expediency” to distinguish between two strains of suffragist argumentation, the former of which she associated with the nineteenth century and the latter with the Progressive Era. Although specialists no longer believe in a firm divide between the two periods, many continue to differentiate between principled (egalitarian) arguments that called for suffrage as a universal right of citizenship and instrumental (expedient) claims that often contained racist assumptions about white women's superiority. The majority of scholars now accept Kraditor's fundamental insight that a political movement devoted to the extension of democracy contained within it antidemocratic and racist elements, but they have challenged other key aspects of Kraditor's work, including her characterization of white southern women's advocacy of suffrage and her Turnerian assumptions about why statewide suffrage referenda succeeded first (and primarily) in the West. In addition, scholars have expanded the terrain of women's political activism to include analyses of black women's suffrage activities and understandings of citizenship; in so doing they have connected the regional histories of the South and the Midwest, displacing Kraditor's national narrative. Collectively the field has moved far beyond Kraditor's focus on the National American Woman Suffrage Association to emphasize the enormous range of suffrage activities that took place before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, demonstrating how woman suffrage encompassed new understandings of citizenship that were inseparable from the histories of Reconstruction, U.S. expansion, and western imperialism.

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7

Offen, Karen. "Women And The Question of ?Universal? Suffrage in 1848: A Transatlantic Comparison of Suffragist Rhetoric." NWSA Journal 11, no. 1 (April 1999): 150–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nws.1999.11.1.150.

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8

DUONG, KEVIN. "Universal Suffrage as Decolonization." American Political Science Review 115, no. 2 (January 8, 2021): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000994.

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This essay reconstructs an important but forgotten dream of twentieth-century political thought: universal suffrage as decolonization. The dream emerged from efforts by Black Atlantic radicals to conscript universal suffrage into wider movements for racial self-expression and cultural revolution. Its proponents believed a mass franchise could enunciate the voice of colonial peoples inside imperial institutions and transform the global order. Recuperating this insurrectionary conception of the ballot reveals how radicals plotted universal suffrage and decolonization as a single historical process. It also places decolonization’s fate in a surprising light: it may have been the century’s greatest act of disenfranchisement. As dependent territories became nation-states, they lost their voice in metropolitan assemblies whose affairs affected them long after independence.

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9

Magni-Berton, Raul. "Immigration, redistribution, and universal suffrage." Public Choice 160, no. 3-4 (July 17, 2013): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-013-0094-6.

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10

Lau, Raymond Kwun Sun. "The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 498–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2018-0129.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the slow and frustrating process of democratization in Hong Kong through understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage. It aims to offer possible explanations for the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. Design/methodology/approach This paper seeks to construct a triangular model of institutional constraint, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust for understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage in Hong Kong since the 1980s, the nature of current political predicament they found themselves in and the current political impasse between the pan-democrats and Beijing. Findings The dilemma facing Hong Kong’s pan-democrats and Beijing’s leadership is attributed to the institutional constraints of Basic Law on Hong Kong’s system of governance, the clashing visions of Beijing-led Chinese-style democracy and Western-style liberal democracy as advocated by the pan-democrats and the mutual political distrust between the two parties. The findings suggest that this triangular model will remain relevant in understanding the political predicament of the pan-democrats under Chinese rule and the political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over universal suffrage for the coming decades. Originality/value This paper provides a new interpretation of the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. It offers new insights into the nature of current political predicament the pan-democrats found themselves in amidst their fight for realizing universal suffrage since the 1980s by constructing a triangular model of institutional constraints, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust.

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11

Ramanathan, Swati, and Ramesh Ramanathan. "The Impact of Instant Universal Suffrage." Journal of Democracy 28, no. 3 (2017): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2017.0047.

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12

Nosanenko, Galina Y., and Ruslan V. Gavrilyuk. "From monarchical absolutism to popular representation and universal suffrage in England." Current Issues of the State and Law, no. 3 (2022): 286–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2022-6-3-286-294.

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In the context of social problems of finding effective tools for representative institutions and organizing elections approved by the population, the formation of institution of popular representation and universal suffrage is considered. The purpose is to study the peculiar features of these processes characteristic of England, on the basis of which the formation of individual elements of the universal suffrage system in the state is illustrated. In connection with the stated guidelines, the objectives of the work determined the study of the problems and features of the formation of these institutions and the characteristics of doctrinal approaches to the issues under consideration by domestic philosophers, historians, jurists and political scientists; the formation of final conclusions of work, where we indicate the opinion that the system that developed by the end of the 19th century in England took another step towards universal suffrage, coming almost close to it. We substantiate the presence in the scientific doctrine of a high degree of problem development of the formation of the institution of popular representation and universal suffrage. On the basis of formal-logical and historical research methods, the opinion of pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern scientists, theorists and specialists of branch legal directions to the origin and development of the English popular representation and the institute of universal suffrage in the corresponding existence period of the state and law, as well as the scientific views expressed by them, is analyzed. The presence of a direct relationship between the establishment of the institution of popular representation and the institution of universal suffrage is revealed and proved. In summing up the results of the study, we point out the long path of English democratic institutions formation, the peculiarities of its formation due to the predominance of the strong state power of the crown throughout the historical development. We conclude that by the end of the 19th century in England there was a persistent public demand for the transition to universal and equal suffrage, where one legally specified voter had one vote in the elections, although the reactionary mass of patriarchal society was able to slow down its implementation.

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ZHAVORONKOV, Sergei, and Konstantin YANOVSKIY. "The Few Notes on Universal Suffrage Morality." Economic Policy 12, no. 6 (2017): 102–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18288/1994-5124-2017-6-05.

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14

Jansz, Ulla. "VROUWENKIESRECHT ALS OMSTREDEN KWESTIE ONDER NEDERLANDSE FEMINISTEN, 1870-1900." De Moderne Tijd 1, no. 3 (January 1, 2017): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2017.03-04.004.jans.

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WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE AS A CONTROVERSIAL ISSUE AMONG DUTCH FEMINISTS, 1870-1900 Female suffrage was not the Dutch women’s movement’s central issue from the beginning, nor did contemporary social reformers conceive it as part of the democratisation process they favoured. This article explores the public debate on women’s suffrage against the backdrop of the movement towards universal suffrage in its first three decades. Due to sources refraining from stating the obvious, it remains obscure why exactly parliamentary politics continued to be seen as an exclusively male domain for so long. What is clear, is that conservative feminists associated the demand for women’s suffrage with a radical strand of feminism which they abhorred.

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15

Miller, Dale E. "The Place of Plural Voting in Mill's Conception of Representative Government." Review of Politics 77, no. 3 (2015): 399–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670515000340.

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AbstractWhile it may not be surprising that Mill's proposal for a “plural voting” scheme that would award more votes to citizens with more education has few contemporary supporters, it is surprising that so many interpreters take him to regard plural voting as merely a temporary measure meant to ease the transition from restricted to universal suffrage. Contra Amy Gutmann, Maria Morales, Wendy Donner, David Brink, Wendy Sarvasy, Bruce Baum, and Jonathan Riley, I argue that Mill believes that plural voting should always accompany universal suffrage and thus that it should be in place indefinitely.

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16

CHEN, Albert H. Y. "The Law and Politics of the Struggle for Universal Suffrage in Hong Kong, 2013–15." Asian Journal of Law and Society 3, no. 1 (January 22, 2016): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2015.21.

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AbstractPost-1997 Hong Kong under the constitutional framework of “One Country Two Systems” has a political system that may be characterized as a “semi-democracy.” Hong Kong’s constitutional instrument—the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China—provides that the ultimate goal of the evolution of Hong Kong’s political system is the election of its Chief Executive by universal suffrage. Since 2003, a democracy movement has developed in Hong Kong that campaigned for the speedy introduction of such universal suffrage. In 2007, the Chinese government announced that universal suffrage for the election of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong may be introduced in 2017. In 2014, the Chinese government announced further details of the electoral model. The model was rejected by Hong Kong’s Legislative Council in 2015, with the result that the election of the Chief Executive in 2017 would not materialize. This article seeks to tell this story of Hong Kong’s quest for democratization, focusing particularly on the context and background of the “Occupy Central” Movement that emerged in 2013 and its aftermath. It suggests that the struggle for universal suffrage in the election of Hong Kong’s Chief Executive in 2017 and the obstacles it faced reveal the underlying tensions behind, and the contradictions inherent in, the concept and practice of “One Country, Two Systems,” particularly the conflict between the Communist Party-led socialist political system in mainland China and the aspirations towards Western-style liberal democracy on the part of “pan-democrats” and their supporters in Hong Kong.

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17

Neri, Filippo, and Lorenza Saitta. "An Analysis of the “Universal Suffrage” Selection Operator." Evolutionary Computation 4, no. 1 (March 1996): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/evco.1996.4.1.87.

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The “universal suffrage” selection operator, designed primarily for concept learning inside the system REGAL, is discussed for both overlapping and nonoverlapping populations. Analysis of its behavior is performed by using the “virtual average population” method, a new tool for investigating asymptotic properties of convergence of macroscopic quantities related to the population of a genetic algorithm.

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18

Lafoa'i, Ioane. "Universal suffrage in western samoa: A political review." Journal of Pacific History 26, no. 3 (December 1991): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223349108572684.

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19

Siegel, J. A. "Felon Disenfranchisement and the Fight for Universal Suffrage." Social Work 56, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.1.89.

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20

Andersen, Margaret Cook. "French Settlers, Familial Suffrage, and Citizenship in 1920s Tunisia." Journal of Family History 37, no. 2 (January 31, 2012): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199011432993.

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After the First World War, many politicians sought, and ultimately failed, to replace universal suffrage with familial suffrage in French elections. This article analyzes how this new effort to think of French citizens in terms of gender and familial identities extended to the empire with the 1922 introduction of familial suffrage in Tunisia. This reform redefined the relationship between French settlers and their government. It also shows that Tunisia, which has thus far been absent from the developing literature on settler citizenship in the empire, represents a particularly compelling case study of the intersection of gender and familial status with definitions of citizenship.

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Chmielewska, Lucyna. "Lewellerzy i powszechne prawo wyborcze podczas debaty w Putney (1647 r.)." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 1, no. 65 (February 28, 2022): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.09.

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This is a review article. Its purpose is to present the findings of researchers on the English Levellers’ attitude to universal manhood suffrage, especially during the Putney Debates (1647). This issue is not clear and the dispute of researchers has been going on since the 1960s. The aim of the article is to present the findings on this issue contained in the important English studies on Levellers. The article presents the results of research that allows to answer the questions: whether the Levellers really supported the universal manhood suffrage, or were they therefore unconditional democrats? and why despite the success achieved during the Putney Debates the electoral reform proposed by them did not gain broad support.

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22

Chan, Joseph, and Elaine Chan. "Perceptions of Universal Suffrage and Functional Representation in Hong Kong: A Confused Public?" Asian Survey 46, no. 2 (March 2006): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.2.257.

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23

Englert, Gianna. "‘Not more democratic, but more moral’: Tocqueville on the suffrage in America and France." Tocqueville Review 42, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.42.2.105.

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Tocqueville has been portrayed as a “strange liberal” for his singular defenses of individual liberty. This essay highlights an overlooked instance of Tocqueville’s distinctiveness by analyzing his thoughts on suffrage, which placed him at odds with his French liberal contemporaries. It uncovers Tocqueville’s attitude toward universal suffrage in America and his critiques of a capacitarian suffrage in France. I argue that Tocqueville articulated his hope not for a “more democratic, but for a more moral” electoral law during most of the July Monarchy, aiming to transcend existing debates over the extent of the electorate or the capacité politique of the individual elector. By arguing for Tocqueville’s singularity on the suffrage, this essay brings to light both his departures from the thought of the liberal Doctrinaires and his reflections on the particular character of democracy in France.

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Birnbaum, Pierre. "Universal Suffrage, the Vanguard Party and Mobilization in Marxism." Government and Opposition 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01068.x.

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THERE ARE ONLY A FEW PASSAGES IN MARX AND ENGELS dealing with the relation they established between party, class and elections. After showing that the proletariat formed a well-defined class by virtue of its place in the relations of production, Marx and Engels emphasized that the workers had been able to overcome their isolation in order to organize themselves. To cease being simply a mass, atomized by competition, they formed an association to strengthen their ‘union’ and make possible their mobilization. Profiting from the use of the means of communication, the workers became conscious of their common interests: ‘the result was the organization of the proletariat into a class and then into a political party’. It was the whole class that transformed itsef into a political party: no division took place. Rejecting the Blanquist conceptions of elitist parties, Marx and Engels added that ‘all previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority’.

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Schmid, Samuel D., Lorenzo Piccoli, and Jean-Thomas Arrighi. "Non-universal suffrage: measuring electoral inclusion in contemporary democracies." European Political Science 18, no. 4 (February 14, 2019): 695–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-019-00202-8.

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26

Palagitskaya, G. "GENERAL VOTING LAW IN THE SYSTEM OF VOTING LAW." Social Law, no. 2 (April 21, 2019): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37440/soclaw.2019.02.28.

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Universal suffrage occupies a fundamental place in the system of principles of modern electorallaw, which is the basis of legal regulation of the entire electoral process and defines the boundarieswhere the mechanism of electoral legal relations operates.Consolidation of the generality principle is necessary precondition for guaranteeing theelections. The need to apply the universal suffrage is due to the historical development of society, theresult of which was the demand to consolidate democratic ways of the formation of representativeagencies of state authority and local self-government agencies, the basis of which is the universalsuffrage.Ignoring the generality principle in the process of elections actually negates the fairness in therealization of the right to elect and be elected and as a result makes doubts about the legitimacy ofelections and democratic development of the country.

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27

Townsend, Mary. "Justice for All Without Exception: Julia Ward Howe's 1886 Lecture “The Position of Women in Plato's Republic”." Hypatia 36, no. 1 (2021): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2020.53.

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AbstractJulia Ward Howe, author of the lyrics to “The Battle Hymn of the Republic,” remains known as a poet, abolitionist, and founding member of the antiracist organization American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), but her work on political philosophy and her foundational sense of the necessity for justice and suffrage for all without exception are still unexplored. Howe's speech, “The Position of Women in Plato's Republic” provides a window into the philosophy that shaped the second half of her life and her political organizing. Howe explores problems feminist scholars have often had with Socrates's plans to educate and enfranchise women of the ruling class, analyzes the rhetoric behind Socrates's successful persuasion of reluctant interlocutors, and transforms Plato's arguments into overwhelming rhetorical support for universal suffrage. Howe's intellectual conversion to the cause of suffrage, which occurred later in life and after her support for the 15th Amendment, comes into focus as she wrestles with the questions fundamental to her change of heart: women's moral relationship to human excellence, whether suffrage would destabilize family life, the relationship of gender to divine genderless unity, and the relationship of the Platonic principle of the Good to practical political policy.

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Beckman, Ludvig. "Who Should Vote? Conceptualizing Universal Suffrage in Studies of Democracy." Democratization 15, no. 1 (February 2008): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340701768091.

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Teele, Dawn Langan. "Women & the Vote." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (January 2020): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01771.

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There are four contexts in which women have won voting rights: as part of a universal reform for all citizens (15 percent of countries that granted women suffrage); imposed by a conqueror or colonial metropole (28 percent); gradually, after some men had been enfranchised (44 percent); or a hybrid category, often in the wake of re-democratization (14 percent). This essay outlines the global patterns of these reforms and argues that in a plurality of cases, where women's suffrage was gradual, enfranchisement depended on an electoral logic. Politicians subject to competition who believed women would, on average, support their party, supported reform. The suffrage movement provided information, and a potential mobilization apparatus, for politicians to draw on after the vote was extended. Together, both activism and electoral incentives were imperative for reform, providing important lessons for feminist mobilization today.

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Dion, Stéphane. "Why is Secession Difficult in Well-Established Democracies? Lessons from Quebec." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000466.

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Secession, defined as ‘formal withdrawal from a central authority by a member unit’, has been particularly rare in democracies. In fact, there has never been a single case of secession in democracies if we consider only the well-established ones, that is, those with at least ten consecutive years of universal suffrage. The cases most often mentioned happened only a few years after the introduction or significant expansion of universal suffrage: Norway and Sweden in 1905, Iceland and Denmark in 1918, Ireland and the United Kingdom in 1922. What is more, one would hesitate before calling the first two cases real secessions, since the ties between the political entities involved were very loose at the outset. Secessionists never managed to split a well-established democracy through a referendum or an electoral victory. We must conclude that it is very hard for them to achieve and maintain the magic number of 50 per cent support. My aim is to explain why this is the case.

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31

Scott, Ian. "Political Scandals and the Accountability of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong." Asian Survey 54, no. 5 (September 2014): 966–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.5.966.

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This article examines two political and constitutional issues arising from scandals concerning the past and present Hong Kong Chief Executive. These relate to whether existing measures are sufficient to ensure integrity in high office and to the role of the Chief Executive after the introduction of universal suffrage in 2017.

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32

Chaput, Erik J. "Proslavery and Antislavery Politics in Rhode Island's 1842 Dorr Rebellion." New England Quarterly 85, no. 4 (December 2012): 658–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00231.

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Bringing race back into the history of the Dorr Rebellion, this article, grounded in deep archival research, demonstrates that Providence attorney Thomas Wilson Dorr's attempt at extralegal reform stirred the fears of slavery's proponents and opponents alike, thus unwittingly undermining the very reform his initiative was designed to advance: universal male suffrage.

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Nastic, Maja. "Electoral rules in Serbia and the European standards on universal suffrage." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Nis, no. 68 (2014): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfni1468187n.

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34

Langer, L. "The elusive aim of universal suffrage: Constitutional developments in Hong Kong." International Journal of Constitutional Law 5, no. 3 (June 13, 2007): 419–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mom018.

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35

Kornezov, Alexander. "THE RIGHT TO VOTE AS AN EU FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT AND THE EXPANDING SCOPE OF APPLICATION OF THE EU CHARTER OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS." Cambridge Law Journal 75, no. 1 (March 2016): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197316000167.

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IS the right to vote in European Parliament elections a matter for EU law? Until recently, the answer to this query seemed to be a clear “no”. Indeed, while Article 223(1) of the TFEU does confer on the European Union the competence to lay down a uniform procedure for the election of Members of the European Parliament (“MEPs”), this competence has not been exercised so far. Consequently, Article 8 of the Act concerning the election of the MEPs by direct universal suffrage, annexed to Council Decision 76/787/ECSC, EEC, Euratom (OJ 1976 L 278 p. 1, henceforth “the 1976 Act”), provides that the “electoral procedure shall be governed in each Member State by its national provisions”. Apart from the general principles of “direct universal suffrage in a free and secret ballot” and of non-discrimination on the ground of nationality, enshrined respectively in Article 14(3) of the TEU, Article 1(3) of the 1976 Act, and Article 20(2)(b) of the TFEU, there is nothing in EU law that governs specifically the eligibility to vote in EP elections.

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Gusakova, M. A. "The European Parliament: from the Direct Universal Suffrage to the Draft Treaty Establishing the European Union." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 3 (2012): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-3-59-63.

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The article discusses the process of the European Parliament’s empowerment and strengthening its role in the system of the European institutions. Introducing of direct universal suffrage to the European Parliament gave the strongest impetus to this process, guaranteeing its transformation into real democratic institution. The key role in the process of the Parliament’s strengthening played its member – Altiero Spinelli who drafted the Treaty establishing the European Union in 1984.

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Cross, Máire. "1945–1995: Fifty years of universal suffrage: Looking forward to real democracy." Modern & Contemporary France 3, no. 2 (January 1995): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489508456228.

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Polosky, Janet L. "A Revolution for Socialist Reforms: The Belgian General Strike for Universal Suffrage." Journal of Contemporary History 27, no. 3 (July 1992): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949202700304.

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Lone, Fozia Nazir. "The ‘One Country, Two Systems’ Model and Political Reform in Hong Kong: A twail Approach." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 21, no. 1 (October 10, 2018): 404–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13894633_021001014.

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This article seeks to elucidate the issues affecting political reform in Hong Kong in terms of China’s international law positions and practice. This involves reviewing Hong Kong’s unique legal position, the international law approach that China has adopted, and the manner in which China’s control of Hong Kong can coincide with respect for international norms and standards. In order to achieve this, concepts such as sovereignty, democracy and universal suffrage are examined.

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Oakes, James. "What's Wrong with “Negative Liberty”." Law & Social Inquiry 21, no. 01 (1996): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1996.tb00010.x.

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On 5 January 1879, the Chicago Tribune published an interview with Karl Marx that had been conducted in London a few weeks earlier. In the course of the interview Marx clarified the platform of the International Society as it had been established at Gotha in 1875. The platform was a litany of liberal reforms: universal male suffrage in all elections, popular referenda on issues of war and peace, the abolition of a standing army matched by universal military duty, the abolition of all laws regulating the press and public assemblies, free legal counsel and jury trials, universal public education, freedom of science and religion, a progressive income tax, legal restrictions on the length of the working day, the abolition of child labor, sanitary laws guaranteeing the safety of the living and working conditions of labor, and restrictions on prison labor.

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Zurita-Aldeguer, Rafael. "Universal male suffrage and the political regeneration in Spain and France (1868-1871)." Historia y Política: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales, no. 42 (December 16, 2019): 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18042/hp.42.08.

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SHAW, GEORGE. "‘Filched from us …’ The Loss of Universal Manhood Suffrage in Queensland 1859-1863.*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 26, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 372–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1980.tb00540.x.

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STARK, BRUCE P. "Universal Suffrage, the "Stand-up Law," and the Wallingford Election Controversy, 1801-1818." Connecticut History Review 53, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 16–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44370217.

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Yee, Herbert S. "Governing Hong Kong: Legitimacy, Communication and Political Decay. By Lo Shiu-hing. [New York: Nova Science, 2001. xii+349 pp. $69.00. ISBN 1-59033-095-1.]." China Quarterly 172 (December 2002): 1065–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902310623.

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This book argues that the HKSAR government has encountered a crisis of performance legitimacy. Legitimacy, according to Huntington, has procedure and performance aspects. As the HKSAR's Chief Executive is not directly elected by universal suffrage, his procedure legitimacy is relatively weak and he has to rely on performance to buttress legitimacy. Unfortunately, from July 1997 to April 2001, the performance legitimacy of the HKSAR government was plagued by mismanagement of the civil service and of various crises.

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Boix, Carles. "Money, Markets, and the State: Social Democratic Policies since 1918. By Ton Notermans. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 312p. $59.95." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401682017.

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Notermans has written a bold and ambitious book in which he purports to explain the conditions under which social democratic policies, and therefore the social democratic project, have been successful in modern democracies. The book, which relies heavily but not exclusively on historical data, examines the ebb and flow of social democratic domi- nance in five countries-Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Britain-since roughly the introduction of (male) universal suffrage after World War I.

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Azinge, Epiphany. "The Right to Vote in Nigeria: A Critical Commentary on the Open Ballot System." Journal of African Law 38, no. 2 (1994): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300005507.

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The right to vote in Nigeria has a rather chequered history. Universal adult suffrage became a reality in Nigeria in the 1979 elections when women in the North were allowed for the first time to participate in elections. Originally the right to vote was thought of as a direct consequence of property interests rather than adhering to the person as a political right. It was only gradually that the vote was altered from a property and income right to a political right.

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Branciforte, Laura. "Las “ravnopravki” y el movimiento por la igualdad de los derechos a través de la historiografía = The “ravnopravki” and the movement for the equality of rights through historiography." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4872.

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Resumen: En este artículo se aborda, a partir de un estado de la cuestión sobre el debate historiográfico más reciente en torno a las mujeres y la revolución rusa, el papel que tuvieron las feministas rusas, las ravnopravki, las luchadoras por la igualdad de derechos de las mujeres. A través de algunas de las protagonistas del asociacionismo feminista, haré especial hincapié en el movimiento sufragista que se fue consolidando en un momento clave para el Imperio ruso, desde 1905 hasta 1917. Pasando de una revolución a otra, de un domingo a otro (1905- 1917), analizaré, a raíz de la bibliografía existente, no muy copiosa, las formas de la participación de las mujeres en el estallido de la Revolución de febrero, el día 23 de febrero o 8 de marzo de 1917 según el calendario adoptado: el Día Internacional de las mujeres, disputado entre bolcheviques y feministas. Por último, tomaré en consideración otro día muy señalado en la historia del protagonismo revolucionario femenino ruso y su descripción en la historiografía: el día 19 de marzo de 1917, cuando, 40.000 mujeres marcharon por la Nevsky Prospect, bajo el lema: igualdad para las mujeres y obtuvieron el sufragio universal del nuevo gobierno provisional.Palabras claves: ravnopravki, Día Internacional de las mujeres, feminismo, bolcheviques, activismo femenino y feminista.Summary: Starting with a review of the historiographical debate about women and the Russian Revolution, this paper deals with the role that Russian feminists, the ravnopravki, played in the fight for the equal rights of women. Through some of the protagonists of feminist associations, the focus is on the Suffragist movement that was gaining momentum at a key moment for the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. Going from one revolution to another, from one Sunday to another (1905-1917), the analysis relies on the existing, though not-so-abundant literature and explores the ways in which women participated in the outbreak of the February Revolution, on 23 February or 8 March 1917, depending on the calendar adopted for International Women’s Day, which was disputed between Bolsheviks and feminists. Finally, consideration is given to another important date in the history of the revolutionary role of the movement of Russian women and its description in historiography, 19 March 1917, when 40,000 women marched down the Nevsky Prospect under the slogan: Equality for women! and obtained universal suffrage from the new Provisional Government.Key words: ravnopravki, International Women’s Day, feminism, Bolsheviks, feminine and feminist activism.

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Coetzee, Frans. "The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918–1929." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 2 (January 1999): 65–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528297.

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Witherell, Larry L., and Neal R. McCrillis. "The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918-1929." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052793.

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Képes, György. "The question of universal suffrage in Hungary after the First World War, 1918–19." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 40, no. 2 (May 3, 2020): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2020.1771533.

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