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CAVALETTO, TOMMASO. "Democrazie in crisi epistemica: il suffragio universale alla prova." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/277367.
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La ricerca analizza la crisi sistemica attraversata dalle democrazie contemporanee leggendone i sintomi alla luce di un profilo specifico, ossia quello del declino epistemico che colpisce l’utenza di tali sistemi normativi. Si è in particolare focalizzata l’attenzione sul divario sempre più marcato tra, da una parte, lo scarso livello di (in)formazione e capacità di ragionamento dei cittadini e, dall’altra, la crescente quantità di competenze necessarie per orientarsi correttamente all’interno della società. Si è quindi cercato di dimostrare come l’esacerbazione di tutti i principali sintomi dell’attuale crisi democratica sia fortemente correlata alle preoccupanti dimensioni ormai raggiunte da questo “differenziale epistemico”, il quale, pur rappresentando una fonte di criticità sempre latente all’interno di società organizzate democraticamente, incontra oggi condizioni di contesto che favoriscono il pieno dispiegamento dei suoi effetti anche sul piano fenomenico. La sintomatologia della crisi democratica viene esaminata ricorrendo all’ausilio di elaborazioni socio-demoscopiche sul rapporto tra cittadini e politica, di dati statistici relativi alle abilità cognitive e al livello delle competenze possedute dagli elettori, e di ricerche sul decision making applicato al contesto elettorale, prestando un’attenzione particolare al panorama italiano. Questo complesso di studi ha consentito di approcciare criticamente quelle teorie che, pur con molteplici sfaccettature, fondano la legittimazione assiologica della democrazia su una presunta capacità dei cittadini di autogovernarsi.
L’analisi è stata quindi orientata verso la ricerca di soluzioni istituzionali volte a superare la crisi in modo strutturale. In primo luogo si è esplorata la possibilità di intervenire sul sistema formativo e sulla regolamentazione di quello mediatico, con l’obiettivo di innalzare il livello delle competenze, di incrementare le abilità analitiche, e di migliorare lo stato informativo dei cittadini. Realisticamente, simili interventi si prospettano tuttavia soltanto parzialmente risolutivi rispetto a un fenomeno diffuso, consolidato e persistente come il deficit epistemico che colpisce l’elettorato democratico. Nella seconda parte del lavoro si è quindi rivolto lo sguardo alle teorie elaborate nell’ambito della filosofia politica di orientamento epistocratico, la quale, pur con molte sfumature e diverse declinazioni, propone di ridiscutere la pressoché incondizionata universalità del suffragio caratterizzante le democrazie contemporanee, per sostituirla con forme di selezione dell’elettorato fondate sulla valorizzazione della conoscenza. La scelta di concentrare l’attenzione sulle dottrine epistocratiche discende dal fatto che esse stanno acquistando un ruolo sempre più rilevante nel dibattito scientifico, e configurano uno dei filoni di ricerca attualmente più innovativi (e al contempo più controversi) per l’analisi critica del modello democratico. Si sono quindi esaminate le condizioni giuridiche che un’eventale restrizione del suffragio dovrebbe rispettare per non violare i principî supremi degli ordinamenti democratici, per poi trattare il problema della realizzabilità di queste proposte anche dal punto di vista assiologico. Da ultimo ci si è interrogati se, al di là della legittimità giuridica e della condivisibilità teorica, simili interventi risulterebbero altresì realisticamente concretizzabili nell’attuale contesto socio-politico, ovvero se quest’ultimo imponga di orientare il processo di epistocratizzazione verso soluzioni politicamente meno dirompenti. In particolare, si sono prese in considerazione alcune proposte che, pur mantenendo formalmente inalterato il suffragio universale, potrebbero comunque ridurre per via indiretta l’incidenza dell’ignoranza politica sul processo elettorale.<br>This work analyzes the crisis faced by contemporary democracies moving from a specific point of view, i.e. the epistemic decline of democratic electorates. In particular, I focused on the gap between low level of information/reasoning ability of the average citizen, and the growing amount of skills he needs to get properly oriented in contemporary society. Therefore, I show that all the main symptoms of the current democratic crisis are strongly correlated with this “epistemic gap”, which has always been a potential problem for democracy, but its effects are nowadays amplified by the social, political and technological context we live in.
In order to analyze the features of this epistemic crisis, I used surveys on the relationship between citizens and politics, statistical data on voters’ cognitive skills and studies on voters’ decision-making, focusing in particular on the Italian context. As a result, these studies cast a shadow over many democratic theories that base the axiological legitimacy of democracy on a citizens’ supposed ability to govern themselves.
Therefore, I tried to find institutional solutions to overcome the crisis. First of all, I proposed some interventions for improving education and media systems, aimed at increasing competences, analytical skills, and information of citizens. However, a phenomenon as pervasive and entrenched as epistemic deficit cannot be fully solved only by this kind of interventions. Therefore, in the second part of the thesis I considered the theories developed by epistocratic political philosophy, which proposes to rethink universal suffrage and replace it with some kind of knowledge-based electorate selection. I chose to focus on epistocratic doctrines because of the increasingly key role they are acquiring in the contemporary scientific debate: nowadays, they are one of the most innovative (and controversial) line of research in the field of critical analysis of the democratic model.
I studied the legal conditions that a suffrage restriction should respect in order not to violate the supreme principles of democratic systems. I then studied the same issue also from an axiological point of view. Lastly, I wondered about the feasibility of these kind of interventions in the current socio-political context. From this point of view, it has emerged it was appropriated to think also of less disruptive solutions in the short-medium term. In particular, I analyzed some reform proposals that could reduce indirectly the incidence of political ignorance on the electoral process, while keeping universal suffrage formally unchanged.
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Bressan, Alice <1996>. "Verso la parità di genere: dal suffragio universale al riconoscimento internazionale." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19249.
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Il tema che si affronta in questa tesi di laurea specialistica riguarda le modalità attraverso le quali si è giunti al riconoscimento internazionale della parità di genere.
Per attuare questa analisi, nel capitolo primo verrà data una definizione di genere basandosi sul lavoro della storica statunitense Joan Wallach Scott. Attraverso la prospettiva sociologica, si delineeranno le tappe fondamentali della formulazione del concetto di genere nella società. A conclusione del capitolo si evidenzierà il concetto di parità di genere.
Successivamente nel secondo capitolo si analizzerà la prima ondata del movimento femminista per la conquista del suffragio universale. In questo capitolo, si esamineranno le opere della suffragista inglese Millicent Garrett Fawcett per ricostruire il suo operato per la conquista del diritto di voto in Gran Bretagna. Si analizzerà, in seguito, la collaborazione delle suffragiste inglesi e americane per il suffragio femminile negli Stati Uniti d’America.
Nel terzo capitolo verrà approfondita la seconda ondata del movimento femminista, principalmente negli Stati Uniti d’America. Per ricostruire il movimento femminista americano degli anni Sessanta, verrà analizzata una raccolta di giornali composta da tre numeri pubblicati dall’organizzazione Women’s Liberation Movement.
Infine, nel quarto ed ultimo capitolo, si prenderanno in considerazione gli organismi e le normative internazionali create dall’Organizzazione delle Nazioni Unite al fine di riconoscere e promuovere la parità di genere.
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Fruci, Gian Luca. "Il popolo elettore : discorso, norma e pratiche del primo voto a suffragio universale in Francia e in Italia (1848-1849)." Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0135.
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La thèse étudie de façon comparative la première mise en œuvre européenne du suffrage universel (direct masculin) qui se déroule aussi bien sous la Seconde République que pendant les expériences démocratiques italiennes (Venise, États Romains, Toscane). Au niveau du discours et de la loi, la thèse analyse les débats à partir des années Trente et les codifications des années 1848-49, alors que, en ce qui concerne les pratiques, elle se focalise sur la convocation des assemblées constituantes française et romaine. Cette approche pluridimensionnelle permet de vérifier que le caractère collectif du vote de 1848-49 n'est pas le résultat de l'interaction d'une société et d'une vision du politique archaïques avec des institutions supposées modernes, mais la conséquence des conceptions du suffrage et de leur traduction dans la législation électorale. Bref, le protagoniste n'est pas l'individu électeur, mais le «peuple électeur», célébré pour sa sagesse et son penchant naturel au bon choix<br>The thesis examines - through a comparative approach - the first European realization of the maie direct universal suffrage, which takes place both under the Second French Republic and the Italian démocratie expériences (Venice, Rome, Tuscany). As far as public discourse and law are concemed, the thesis focuses onto the debates starting from the Thirties and the 1848-49's codifications. On the contrary, as far as the political expériences are concerned, it analyses the convocation of the French and the Roman Constituent Assemblies. Thus, this spécifie multidimensional approach allows an actual vérification of the collective aspect of the 1848-49's v te. Besides, it shows itself not as the resuit of the interaction between an arcaic society and political vision and some assumed modem institutions, but as the conséquence of a spécifie concept of the suffrage and as its tranformation into électoral rules. Yet, the protagonist of the whole process is not the individual elector, but a sort of "elector people", who is celebrated precisely because of both his wiseness and his natural inclination towards the best possible choice
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Brody, Michelle. "Voting Rights and Wrongs: Philosophical Justification for Universal Suffrage." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/418.
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This thesis analyzes Jason Brennan's paper "The Right to a Competent Electorate," then critiques his argument in favor of restricting voting rights to those deemed competent. I consider the practical and ethical implications of testing for competence, then conclude, contrary to Brennan, that granting all citizens voting rights is more just than restricting the voting population.
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Martin-Gay, Bruno. "L' agent public confronté à l'enjeu de la candidature officielle (1852-1870) : contribution à une réévaluation du césarisme démocratique et libéral." Thesis, Paris 11, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA111008.
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Dans l’inconscient collectif et la culture nationale, l’image du Second Empire fut longtemps couverte par un voile d’opprobre. La défaite de Sedan, les diatribes de Victor Hugo et le coup d’État se conjuguèrent pour fixer durablement une légende noire. Des travaux historiographiques ont en partie réparé cette image, en montrant la réalité de la mutation libérale durant la décennie 1860 et la particularité de la conception du suffrage universel. Il restait à envisager les conséquences sur l’agent de l’État, en particulier dans son rapport avec l’une des spécificités de l’Empire : la candidature officielle. L’idéologie césarienne consiste à subordonner l’existence de l’Empire à la victoire du candidat recommandé par le Gouvernement lors de chaque élection, locale ou nationale. Le salut impérial requiert donc de placer tous les « fonctionnaires » sous la dépendance de ce candidat. L’opération est facilitée par deux points : d’une part, il n’existe pas de statut protégeant les fonctionnaires ; d’autre part, les libertés publiques sont sévèrement contrôlées. Mais la dépendance ne saurait être absolue. Le rôle de l’État évolue et les agents compétents qui parviennent à se rendre indispensables s’ouvrent un espace d’autonomie. Surtout, la législation électorale promouvant les grands principes modernes relatifs à la liberté des scrutins commence à être appliquée par la jurisprudence du Conseil d’État. L’agent devient donc partagé entre les nécessités inhérentes au soutien du candidat patronné et les obligations légales contrôlées par le Conseil d’État<br>The image of the Second Empire was disgraced for a long time in our national culture. Indeed the French defeat at Sedan, Victor Hugo’s diatribes and the Coup combined to firmly corroborate the dark vision of the period. Yet some historical studies have partly restored it by showing the reality of the liberal mutation in the 1860’s and its particular conception of the universal suffrage. Thus it was also important to focus on the consequences on the Civil Servant and more particularly on his link with the official candidacy, which was one of the characteristics of the Empire. The ideology of Napoleon III consisted in subordinating the existence of the Empire to the victory of the candidate recommended by the Government for each local or national election. Therefore all the “civil servants” had to be subservient to the official candidacy. The manoeuvre was facilitated by two things. Indeed there was no status to protect the civil servants and the public liberties were strictly controlled by the Imperial rule. Yet it was not a complete dependence. The role of the State evolved and the competent civil servants who managed to be vital elements progressively became autonomous people. What is more, the electoral legislation, which conveyed great modern principles connected to voting freedom, began to be applied by the case law of the Legislative Body. Hence the civil servant became torn between the innate necessities to endorse the legitimate candidate and the legal obligations controlled by the Legislative Body
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Ponceau, Robert. "La Loi et le suffrage universel essai critique et constructif /." Lyon : Université Lyon3, 2006. http://thesesbrain.univ-lyon3.fr/sdx/theses/lyon3/1990/ponceau_r.
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Galloway, Stuart John. "The American Equal Rights Association, 1866-1870 : gender, race, and universal suffrage." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/29034.
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This thesis studies the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), 1866 to 1870, and argues for its historical distinctiveness and significance. The AERA was the only organisation in nineteenth-century America that explicitly campaigned for the rights of men and women on the same platform. Formed in the immediate aftermath of the American Civil War, the AERA joined the discussion of how to reconstruct the war-torn nation, demanding political rights to be extended to all American citizens based on their common humanity. As the first academic study to focus purely on the AERA, this thesis presents a series of new findings and interpretations about the association. It studies the creation, exploits, and demise of the AERA, highlighting and analysing key aspects of the association’s character, from its membership and ideas, to its campaigning and organisational dynamics. It also broadens the source base beyond the two figures of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, who have long dominated writings on the woman suffrage movement. Instead, the thesis examines the AERA membership as a whole. In so doing, it argues three main points: first, the association was more than just the vehicle for the woman suffrage movement at this time; second, the association worked well and was not constantly beset by divisions and disputes, and third, the final collapse of the association was due more to the actions of individuals than to wider historical or contextual forces. Besides arguing for the historical distinctiveness and significance of the AERA, this focus on the association itself provides a new angle on wide-ranging questions, concerning Reconstruction history, political relations between men and women and the role of men in movements for gender equality.
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Ngango, Bernard. "Le droit des élections politiques au Cameroun : suffrage universel et démocratie." Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010328.
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En mettant en place de nouvelles institutions, le législateur camerounais a souhaité se doter d'instruments juridiques susceptibles d'entraîner la participation du plus grand nombre de citoyens. Mais si le vote est l'acte par excellence à travers lequel le citoyen s'implique dans la vie politique la question peut se poser de savoir si sa réalisation est effective. En effet, une législation qui proclame le principe du suffrage universel mais qui ne l'accepte qu'à regret, peut, dans une mesure appréciable, en corriger les effets par une réglementation appropriée de la procédure électorale. Dès lors, l'interrogation majeure autour de laquelle s'articule notre propos est de voir si l'objectif proclamé par le législateur camerounais, à savoir l'instauration d'une société démocratique a été atteint.
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Aliot, Louis. "L'élection du président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct /." Paris : F.-X. de Guibert, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390671495.
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Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Droit public--Toulouse 1, 2002. Titre de soutenance : Les effets de l'élection du président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct.<br>En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 303-321. Index.
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O'Sullivan, Maureen. "Morality patently matters : the case for a universal suffrage for morally controversial biotechnological patents." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31227.
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This thesis is a critique and proposed reform of the decision-making process under the European Patent Convention 1973, Article 53(a) as it relates to morality. It postulates that the manner in which the morality bar is currently managed is inappropriate as it relies on patent officials to make the initial decision as to whether the patent application is morally permissible or not. In a pluralistic world, morality is understood differently by a wide variety of people but this is not currently being acknowledged within the patent system. Whilst there is an option to bring opposition proceedings to challenge patent grants, this onus is considerable on the challenger and any debate is then played out by a very small sector of highly specialised experts, often with very differing views on morality. This thesis seeks to broaden the decision-making process to reflect society's pluralism. Officials, it will be argued, should instead of trying to decide what constitutes morality in a realm of such importance for humanity as a whole, administer a system which facilitates public participation and a vote. This will be based on existing models of widespread public deliberation and participation, albeit not ones that currently operate in (or near) the patent world. At present, criticisms in the legal literature tend to suggest more deliberation in the patent field and more participation is recommended in science literature but the logistics are unexplored and will be brought together in this work, making an original contribution to knowledge. In order to achieve its aim, the thesis employs a pluralistic methodology which includes doctrinal, socio-legal and interdisciplinary facets which will enable the construction of a model for reform of the patent system in the domain of morality. This will come from outside of traditional legal mechanisms such as legislative, judicial or patent office reform solutions, as a far-reaching paradigm is envisaged. The claim to originality lies in the extraction of principles from deliberative and participatory models of democracy and their application to the decision-making process in morally controversial biotechnological patents.
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Niu, Yue, and 牛悦. "Forming a legislature by universal suffrage in Hong Kong: a study based on political representation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B47033502.
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Aliot, Louis. "Les effets de l' élection du Président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct." Toulouse 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002TOU10009.
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L' élection du président de la Cinquième République a-t-elle rempli la mission que lui avait assignée le général De Gaulle ? La pratique gaullienne de la Cinquième République est liée à l' exercice d' une autorité garante de l' équilibre et de l' indépendance de la Nation. La prééminence du pouvoir présidentiel est atténuée par l' acceptation d' une contradiction au sommet de l' État. L' élection du Président de la République au suffrage universel direct occasionne une véritable fracture qui permet l' expression d' une certaine démagogie. Enfin, l' intégration européenne a modifié l' exercice du pouvoir présidentiel, mais aussi l' exercice démocratique. Dans ces conditions, l' élection du Président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct est-elle toujours une bonne solution pour la France ?
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Delcourt, Christine. "Le parlement européen élu au suffrage universel direct et les relations extérieures de la communauté européenne." Rennes 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994REN11034.
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Depuis 1979, on assiste a l'emergence d'un statut tridimensionnel du parlement eu ropeen (pe) dans le domaine des relations exterieures de la communaute europeenne (ce). Le pe apparait, tout d'abord comme un "spectateur engage" des relations exterieures : il ne manque jamais, en effet, de prendre position sur le contenu, les objectifs, l'instrumentalisation, c'est-a-dire, de facon plus generale, sur l'orientation des liens que la ce entretient ou devrait entretenir avec les etats ou groupes d'etats tiers. Non seulement il prend position sur les relations exterieures de la ce mais il contribue effectivement a les orienter. Il s'affirme en effet dans les procedures decisionnelles comme interlocuteur du tandem institutionnel (commissionconseil) ayant en charge la conduite des relations exterieures au niveau communautaire. Enfin, le pe cherche a promouvoir a l'exterieur de la ce se propre conception des relations exterieures. Le meilleur moyen d'y parvenir et de gagner ainsi en influen ce sur l'orientation de celles-ci, etait, pour lui, de developper son propre reseau de relations exterieures. A cet egard, et plus particulierement depuis 1979, le pe est devenu un acteur de fait dans les relations exterieures de la communaute. Il importe de souligner que l'on assiste a un veritable enrichissement du statut du pe dans le domaine des relations exterieures et non au passage d'un statut a un autre qui serait chaque fois un peu plus favorable et que l'on ne peut desolidariser les differentes dimensions de ce statut parce qu'elles n'ont de sens que les unes par rapport aux autres<br>One can note that ever since 1979 the tridimentional status of the european parliament (ep) has become more and more sharply outlined in the area of the ec's external relations. The ep, first, appears like a "committed spectator" of the external relations of the community entity : it always make sure to take a stand on the contents, the objectives, the instrumentalisation, i-e, in a more general way, on the orientation of the links the ec keeps up which, or should keep up with third states or groups of third states. Not only does it take a stand on the ec's external relations but it also contributes to orientate them effectively. Indeed, it asserts its role in decsional procedures as a interlocutor of the institutional pair (commission-council) in charge of external relations at community level. Finally, the ep seeks to promote its own vision of external relations outside the ec. The best way to do it and so to become more influent on the orientation of those, was for it to develop its own network of external relations. In this respect, the ep could no doubt be considered as a de facto actor in the external relations of the community, this has been particularly the case since 1979. It should be underlined that this constitute a real improvement of the ep's statut in the area of external relations, that it is not a constant shift from one status to a more favourable one and that the different dimensions of this status cannot dissociated as they only make sense when considered in relation to each other
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Berling, Åselius Ebba. "Rösträtt med förhinder : Rösträttsstrecken i svensk politik 1900-1920." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-687.
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The aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse the voting restrictions of the Swedish franchise reform of 1909. These restrictions required that the voter should be a male of good repute, who had paid his national and local taxes for three years before the election year, had done his military service, had not been declared incapacitated or bankrupt nor owed society any poor relief. In practice, this meant that some 20% of the adult male population were excluded from voting. This study explores both the ideological beliefs and political strategies behind these restrictions, and how the system worked in practice at the national and local levels. Since earlier literature has paid scant attention to the voter’s status as a citizen, this dissertation uses citizenship as one of its analytical tools. Although often described as universal suffrage for men, the 1909 Electoral Law was thus less radical than is usually assumed. As you had to have fulfilled certain obligations as a citizen in order to vote, it is hard to say that voting was a right. A central role in formulating these new conditions was played by the Riksdag’s moderate Conservative group. The reform therefore had the potential to preserve the political influence of the Right in the age of mass democracy, not least as the question of the unrestricted franchise for men and women could be deferred. However, the 1909 Electoral Law was not only aimed at reducing the political influence of the lower classes, but the proponents of the system also wanted to educate the citizens ideologically by constructing an image of the ideal citizen as a self-supporting male, who fulfilled his obligations to society. The National Women’s Franchise Association, whose campaign demanded suffrage for women on the same conditions as men, therefore had to relate to a political discourse dominated by (male) civic virtues and qualifications, and argue that women made a major contribution by fulfilling their special obligations to society. Also, the tax payment and poor relief voting restrictions in the 1909 franchise reform had an impact on the way proposals for women’s right to vote were formulated. The Social Democrats, whose electorate was heavily affected by the taxpaying qualification, in their programme for a constitutional reform demanded that this particular restriction should be abolished. To limit the number of party voters excluded from the polls, Social Democratic newspapers and election offices tried to mobilise disenfranchised workers to appeal the electoral register and get back on it. Those activities, which have been largely neglected in earlier research on the history of the Swedish Social Democratic Party, came to constitute an important element in the party’s election campaigns during the 1910s. In Sweden, the poor relief voting restriction (the pauper exclusion) was applied in a much more general way than in other countries, disqualifying recipients of very small or provisional amounts that had not been repaid as well as family providers who had received poor relief because of family members. The rules also proved very difficult to put into practice. The Social Democrats and many Liberals, but also leading members of the Swedish Poor Relief Association wanted to reform the law so that only those permanently supported by poor relief should lose their right to vote. Unlike the Social Democrats, the Liberals supported the taxpaying qualification as a necessary token of orderliness. However, they wanted the conscientious poor taxpayers to be distinguished from those who were neglectful and dilatory. As the Liberal-Social Democratic coalition government, which came to power in 1917, found out, this proved impossible. Instead, the taxpaying qualification was abolished in connection with the 1918-1921 constitutional reform, which also gave women the vote and limited the poor relief voting restriction to those permanently receiving support. In sum, the 1909 franchise reform did not constitute a sharp divide between the old system of income and property qualifications and twentieth century democracy. There was a clear continuity with the former system, in which you earned the right to vote by fulfilling your obligations. The 1909 reform did not lead to universal suffrage for men. Instead, it should be regarded as an intermediate stage in the development towards universal suffrage. Property and income qualifications for voters were abolished, but new qualifications and new mechanisms for exclusion were introduced instead. In this respect, Sweden was not unique. Before adopting universal suffrage, many countries combined universal suffrage with various voting restrictions. In Sweden, however, the right to vote came with an unusually large number of conditions.
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Dayan-Herzbrun, Sonia. "L'Investissement politique du mouvement ouvrier : Ferdinand Lassalle et la démocratie." Paris, EHESS, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987EHESA001.
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L'oeuvre politique de ferdinand lassalle, fondateur du premier parti ouvrier allemand, l'adav, a ete progressivement occultee au fur et a mesure que se construisait le "marxisme", puis definitivement condamnee, dans le processus de bolchevisation. Cette condamnation permettait de masquer les failles et les contradictions de la pensee politique de marx. Lassalle, au contraire, a constitue une theorie coherente et unitaire de l'etat, du parti et de l'identite nationale. Il a impulse un mouvement articule sur cette theorie, dans lequel l'obtention du suffrage universel et donc la democratie devenaient pour les ouvriers allemands la voie d'acces au socialisme. L'elimination de lassalle hors de la memoire ouvriere doit donc etre interpretee comme une elimination de la democratie<br>The political work of ferdinand lassalle, founder of the first german labour party, the adav, has been progressively overshadowed, with the making up of "marxism",- then definitely condemned, as the process of bolchevization went on. This conviction permitted to conceal the flaws and the contradictions of marx's political thought. On the contrary, lassalle built up a coherent and unitary theory of state, party and national identity. He impulsed a movement linked with this theory, in which the obtention of universal franchise and therefore democracy, became, for german workers, the way to socialism. Lassalle's elimination out of labour memory should be interpreteted as an elimination of democracy
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Bouglé, Moalic Anne-Sarah. ""Vive la République quand même !" : le suffrage des Françaises, aléas d’une idée républicaine : 1848-1944." Caen, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011CAEN1601.
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Alors que les hommes obtiennent le suffrage universel en 1848, ce n’est qu'en avril 1944 que les femmes accèdent à ce droit. Entre ces deux dates, l'idée même de droit de vote féminin connaît une longue évolution. Celle-ci est ici analysée à la fois dans une perspective de genre, en étant reliée au contexte mental qui privilégiait leur partition, et dans une perspective politique. La notion de République paraît essentielle pour comprendre ce qui a parfois été jugé comme un « retard français ». Cette notion, tout en étant l'élément moteur du débat sur le suffrage et l'éligibilité des femmes, en est aussi la principale limite, en particulier sous la Troisième République. Trois phases se distinguent dans l'appréhension chronologique du sujet. Entre 1848 et 1896, la lecture masculine de la politique et la séparation rigide des sphères d'influence des deux sexes limitent la discussion sérieuse de cette proposition au-delà de quelques cercles restreints de femmes et d'hommes faisant difficilement entendre leurs voix. Entre 1896 et 1919, le suffrage féminin devient une idée plus consensuelle et davantage médiatisée. Le débat qui s'ouvre dans la société civile et politique montre un équilibre entre les arguments tenant au genre et à la politique. Enfin, entre 1919 et 1944, l'évolution des mentalités affaiblit les entraves liées au genre et le vote des femmes, en discussion au Sénat et à la Chambre des députés, devient un enjeu républicain et politique tant pour ses opposants que pour ses défenseurs. En 1940, la chute de la République ouvre la voix à sa réalisation par l'Assemblée consultative d'Alger et le gouvernement de la France libre<br>While Frenchmen were given the universal suffrage in 1848, Frenchwomen had to wait April 1944 to get it. In-between, the mere idea of women’s suffrage evolved a lot. It has to be studied in a double way. First, it has to be read as a gender issue, being linked tightly to a mental context, but also as a politics issue. The notion of Republic seems essential to understand the so-called “French delay”. Republic, while being the main component of the debate over vote and eligibility of women, is also its principal limit, especially under the Third Republic. This subject can be chronologically divided in three stages. Between 1848 and 1896, a masculine interpretation of politics and a strict separation of both genders’ influence spheres are real limits to a serious debate beyond few unheard circles of women and men. Between 1896 and 1919, women’s suffrage becomes more conventional and begins to get media coverage. The debate, making its way in both civil and politic worlds, presents a balance between gender and politics arguments. At last, between 1919 and 1944, impediments bounded to the genders begin to fade away. Women’s suffrage, discussed in Senate and Chamber of Deputies, becomes a republican and political stake for its opponents and defenders. In 1940, Republic’s fall open the way to its realization thanks to the Consultative Assembly of Algiers and to the government of the France libre
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François, Abnel. "Les mécanismes de la prise du pouvoir exécutif en Haïti : de l’acclamation du chef de l’État à l’introduction du suffrage universel (1804-1950)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040194.
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L’abondante littérature existante sur la vie politique haïtienne, œuvres de propagande ou de réprobation des gouvernements, fait de l’histoire politique un lieu de règlement de compte, ce qui donne une allure de polémique passionnée aux textes de nos aînés. Avec cette thèse, nous rejoignons et nous contribuons au travail de quelques rares spécialistes, universitaires de sciences humaines et sociales, qui cherchent à renouveler l’histoire politique haïtienne. Étudier les mécanismes de la prise du pouvoir exécutif en Haïti, ce n’est pas seulement le fait de dénoncer des élections truquées, des coups d’État, des insurrections qualifiées à tort de révolution ; mais c’est surtout une volonté de montrer de nombreux efforts qui ont été faits pour instaurer un régime démocratique et moderniser la vie politique haïtienne. L’objectif du travail, c’est de montrer comment Haïti passait de l’acclamation du chef d’État aux insurrections, des armes aux bulletins de vote et aboutir au suffrage universel<br>The Abundant literature on the Haitian political life, as works of propaganda or disapproval of the governments, fact of the political history a place of settling of score, which gives a pace to impassioned polemic concerning the written documents of the elder generation of historians. This thesis, join and contribute to the work of some rare social scientists, which seek to renew Haitian political history. Studying the mechanisms of the executive seizure of power in Haiti does not mean denouncing faked elections, putsch, revolts, that are wrongly qualified of revolution. But it especially concerns a will to show the efforts which were made to establish a democratic regime and to modernize the Haitian political life. The objective of this work is to explain how Haiti has passed from the acclamation of the Head of State to insurrections, from weapons to polls, and from polls to the vote for all
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Daugeron, Bruno. "La notion d'élection en droit constitutionnel. Contribution à une théorie juridique de l'élection à partir du droit public français." Paris 10, 2009. http://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D5442%26nu%3D86.
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Tout invite à penser que l’élection est bien connue des juristes tant elle est associée à de multiples concepts du droit constitutionnel : politique, démocratie, représentation, suffrage universel, pouvoir, légitimité, citoyenneté, autorité, majorité, responsabilité. . . , autant de termes évocateurs qui structurent théorie et pratique constitutionnelles. Pour autant, ces associations sont-elles fondées ? Qu’exprime une élection ? La volonté du peuple ? Mais est-elle seulement une manière de vouloir pour le peuple ? Possède-t-elle une fonction dans la théorie de l’État ? Envisagées du point de vue du droit constitutionnel, les questions posées par la notion d’élection ne s’inscrivent plus seulement au nombre des thèmes les plus classiques de la science politique comme l’accès au vote et les conditions de son exercice, dimensions dans lesquelles elle trop souvent est enfermée. Elle met au jour des enjeux qui, dépassant ceux du seul droit électoral, touchent aux concepts fondamentaux de la théorie du droit et de l’État : le peuple, la manifestation de sa volonté, l’exercice de sa souveraineté, la légitimité de son pouvoir, l’opposition de la représentation et de la démocratie. L’étude juridique de l’élection, longtemps délaissée, constitue même un préalable indispensable à une réflexion d’ordre général sur les institutions politiques en même temps qu’est posée, à travers elle, la question de la juridicité des phénomènes politiques, celle de l’origine du consentement au pouvoir et l’histoire de sa mutation<br>All the indications are that legal practitioners are fully familiar with the notion of election due to its close association with multiple concepts of constitutional law: politics, democracy, representation, universal suffrage, power, legitimacy, citizenship, authority, majority, responsibility, etc. , so many evocative terms which structure constitutional theory and practice. However, the question remains as to whether these associations are well founded? What does an election express? The will of the people? But is it not simply an expression of what others want on the people's behalf? Does it have a function in the theory of the State? Viewed from the standpoint of constitutional law, the questions raised by the notion of election no longer merely feature among the standard topics of political science such as access to the vote and the conditions of its exercise, dimensions within which it is all too often imprisoned. It highlights key issues which go beyond those of electoral law alone to touch on the fundamental concepts of the theory of law and the State: the people, the manifestation of its will, the exercise of its sovereignty, the legitimacy of its power, the opposition of representation and democracy. Legal analysis of election, for so long neglected, even constitutes a prerequisite to a more general consideration of political institutions while, at the same time, raising the question of the legal nature of political phenomena, that of the origin of consent to power and the history of its transformation
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Taghizadeh, Doughikola Javad. "Essai sur le droit iranien des élections politiques par comparaison avec le droit français." Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010261.
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En mettant en place de nouvelles institutions, les constituants de la République Islamique d'Iran ont souhaité l'instauration d'instruments juridiques susceptibles d'entraîner la participation du plus grand nombre de citoyens à la vie politique. Mais la question qui se pose est de savoir si cette participation est effective. Autrement dit, les élections politiques sont-elles libres et sincères en Iran? L'étude de la liberté des acteurs des élections politiques et celle de la sincérité du processus électoral s'imposent. En comparaison avec le droit français, il s'avère que le droit de vote se trouve dans une situation rudimentaire et que le droit d'éligibilité est restreint en Iran. La poursuite des expériences classiques en matière de campagne électorale et les aléas de l'expérimentation en matière de modes de scrutin caractérisent la démarche traditionnelle du déroulement des élections politiques iraniennes tandis que le contrôle de leur régularité suit une logique novatrice.
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Dunbay, Seda. "Les conséquences de l'élection des présidents de la République au suffrage universel direct sur le régime politique : Étude comparative des systèmes constitutionnels français et turc." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0438.
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La Turquie et la France sont deux pays qui ont de longues expériences en parlementarisme. Cependant, elles ont réalisé des révisions constitutionnelles concernant le mode d’élection présidentielle qui ont créé des effets marquants dans la structure de leur régime politique. Comme on le sait, selon les régimes parlementaires monistes, le président de la République n’a qu’un rôle symbolique dans le fonctionnement des institutions et se place au-dessus des partis. Il existe deux facteurs essentiels directement liés au renforcement de sa position et au changement de la structure originelle du régime parlementaire : lui conférer des pouvoirs considérables et élire au suffrage universel direct. Ainsi, le mode d’élection présidentielle revêt une importance toute particulière. Par conséquent, l’étude comparative des systèmes constitutionnels de ces deux pays permettrait de comprendre les causes qui ont conduit à réaliser de telles modifications et ses conséquences sur l’évolution de leur régime politique<br>France and Turkey are two countries which have long histories of parliamentary rule in parliamentary system. However, they both conducted a constitutional review relating to the method of presidential elections which created vast reaching effects within the structure of their political regime. As is well known, the President of the Republic has only a symbolic role in the running of the institutions and is theoretically placed above party politics, according to the monistic parliamentary system. There are two essential factors directly related to the reinforcement of the President’s position and the change to the original structure of the parliamentary system: His extensive powers and his election through direct universal suffrage. Therefore, the method of presidential elections is especially important. Consequently, the comparative study of the constitutional systems of these two countries would aid in the understanding of the causes that led to constitutional revisions and their political consequences
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BODINI, PAOLO. "DEMOCRACY AND THE RULE OF KNOWLEDGE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/920424.
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Democracy and the Rule of Knowledge
The work starts from the analyses of epistocratic theorists, reconstructing their criticism to democracy in order to develop a broader reflection on the role of political knowledge (episteme) within democratic paradigm. The thesis aims to present knowledge as vital component of political agency that democracy assumes and institutionalizes. Nonetheless, epistocrats’ epistemic reductionism represents a misinterpretation of such an agency and, accordingly, the remedies they support are presented as a misunderstanding of episteme’s reach and function in political process.
Chapter 1 focuses on epistocrats’ account of citizens’ epistemic littleness, emphasizing how ignorance and irrationality characterize their participation to political decision-making. Chapter 2 deals with the notion of political knowledge assumed by epistocracy: episteme is understood as a body of factual information, which constitutes the cognitive background of political decision-making. Chapter 3 argues that epistocratic interpretation of democracy recalls instrumentalism and, with it, the questionable assumption of politics as a mere epistemic practice. On the contrary, the thesis collocates the role of episteme in a procedural understanding of democracy, asserting that democracy embodies an “enlightened procedure”. In this view, democracy institutionalizes people’s capacity to formulate and consider factual truths (“serviceable truths”) concerning the context in which they operate as decision-makers. Chapter 4 challenges epistocracy by proposing an alternative institutional approach to deal with political ignorance. Democratic institutions have the duty to empower citizens’ epistemic agency, transforming the assumption of that agency into the commitment to spread political knowledge in society.
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Dubiton, Stéphanie. "La confrontation des autorités administratives indépendantes au principe démocratique." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012MON10050.
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Nées dans l'incertitude, les autorités administratives indépendantes semblent aujourd'hui durablement implantées dans le paysage institutionnel français. Le succès remporté par la catégorie juridique ne saurait, toutefois, éluder les questions que posent ces instances vis-à-vis des principes fondateurs de la démocratie moderne. Au regard des schémas ordinaires de la théorie de la représentation, les autorités administratives indépendantes constituent, en effet, une déviation du système démocratique. Pourtant, une conception renouvelée de la théorie politique permet d'établir ces organismes comme de potentielles entités démocratiques. En dehors des rouages traditionnels de l'Etat, la formule institutionnelle révèle la possibilité d'une démocratie enrichie et ressourcée. Reste que, sous peine de ruiner l'originalité de l'objet juridique, les pouvoirs publics et les corps constitués doivent prendre la mesure du phénomène par un ajustement du contrôle juridictionnel et un aménagement du contrôle politique<br>Despite uncertain beginnings, independent administrative authorities now appear implanted once and for all in the French institutional landscape. However, the success of this legal category must be confronted with the founding principles of modern democracy. By comparison with the dominating theory of representation, independent administrative authorities constitute, in fact, a deviation from the democratic system. Yet a renewed conception of political theory enables these organisations to be considered as genuine democratic entities. Beyond traditional state structures, their institutional configuration reveals the possibility of an enriched and revitalised democracy. Nevertheless, both government and state bodies must take stock of the impact of this phenomenon by adjusting both judicial and political controls; otherwise, the originality of this legal subject could be ruined
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Antonakis, Constantin. "Les aspects politiques de l'évolution de la nouvelle vie parlementaire au sein du Parlement européen depuis sa première élection au suffrage universel direct en juin 1979 : le bilan des deux premières législatures." Paris 2, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA020040.
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La physionomie de la nouvelle vie parlementaire au sein du parlement europeen elu au suffrage universel direct en juin 1979. Au cours de deux premieres legislatures se forment de nouveaux courants politiques de dimension europeenne. A travers les enjeux du processus de l'integration europeenne et les questions economiques qui preoccupent la communaute se revele le nouveau "jeu politique et parlementaire europeen" determine par les interets nationaux et le recul du facteur ideologique. Ainsi les forces politiques du nord et du sud communautaires raisonnent elles selon leurs opinions nationales. D'autre part le parlement revendique un role important dans le systeme institutionnel tandis que le nouveau systeme politique europeen ressemble de plus en plus au modele americain<br>The appearance of the new parliamentary life within the european parliament elected by direct universal franchise in june 1979. The first two turns of office saw the emergence of new political currents of european size. Via the ups and downs of european integration and the economic questions which are the community's member one concern, the new political european parliamentary game, determined by national interests and the decline of the ideological factor, comes to the fore. At least that's what the political powers of the north and south of the community put forward based on their national choices. Whereas the parliament demands an important role in the institutional system, the new european political system is looking more and more like the american model
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Villette, Vincent. "Apprendre à voter : l'apprentissage du suffrage de masse sous la IIè République dans le département de la Seine (1848-1851)." Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0056.
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En 1848, le Gouvernement provisoire issu des journées de Février proclame le suffrage direct et universel. Cette décision est inédite, elle est aussi impromptue. En effet, le suffrage universel est encore une énigme. Nul ne s'accorde sur un tel concept qui apparaît davantage comme un slogan d'opposition à la monarchie de Juillet. Par ailleurs, la mise en œuvre du suffrage universel quarante-huitard se présente comme une gageure. Comment faire voter des millions de citoyens qui, pour beaucoup, n'ont jamais été électeurs ? Tout reste à faire, et à inventer un corps électoral de masse, une géographie électorale, des pratiques. Toutefois, les quarante-huitards arrivent à relever le défi d'un suffrage de masse. Malgré de multiples difficultés, incidents et fraudes, le processus électoral arrive à son terme. Par l'adhésion qu'il suscite, le suffrage universel quarante-huitard s'impose alors comme un mode d'exercice légitime, fondateur et singulier d'une souveraineté populaire<br>In 1848, the Provisional government resulting from the events of February proclaims direct and universal suffrage. This is an unprecedented and impromptu decision. Indeed, universal suffrage remains something of an enigma. Nobody knows much about this concept which appears to be rather a slogan of opposition against the July Monarchy. Furthermore, the implementation of universal suffrage in 1848is a challenge. How does one persuade millions of citizens to vote, citizens who, for the most part, have never voted before? There remains much to be done and invented : a mass electorate, electoral geography and methods. However, the 1848 revolutionaries do succeed in the challenge of mass voting. Despite numerous difficulties, incidents and frauds, the electoral process cornes into being. Through the implication it arouses, universal suffrage is not only the founder of popular sovereignty but goes on to become legitimate practice
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Simões, João. "Cultura política democrática nas Relações Internacionais do século XXI." Master's thesis, Academia da Força Aérea, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.26/40261.
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Aspirante a Oficial-Aluno Piloto-Aviador 138544-F João Simões.
Júri:
Presidente: Major-General Paulo Mateus;
Orientador: Professora Doutora Sandra Balão;
Co-orientador: Tenente-Coronel Luís Rocha;
Vogal: Professora Doutora Helena Rego<br>A Democracia Representativa (nascida dos ideais da Revolução Francesa) pressupõe a ideia do governo do povo, pelo povo e para o povo (BALÃO, 2001), sendo que esta realidade se traduz num governo de uma minoria eleita pela maioria dos cidadãos através do sufrágio universal.
A participação na democracia e no sufrágio universal terá de ser feita de acordo com as crenças, valores, prioridades e conhecimentos, enquadrados num sistema político democrático (isto é, com os direitos e os deveres que se atribuem aos cidadãos), para podermos falar de cultura política democrática.
As decisões políticas que dizem respeito aos negócios estrangeiros e às Relações Internacionais na UE, partem de governos eleitos democraticamente nos vários Estados membros. Assim, a cultura política democrática e a qualidade das democracias constituem factores determinantes para a vivência harmoniosa na UE.
Fenómenos como o Brexit e a proliferação, um pouco por toda comunidade europeia, de partidos de extrema-direita, extrema-esquerda e “antissistema” vieram provar e até mesmo explorar a falha da UE em acompanhar as diferentes culturas políticas [democráticas], em reconhecer a sua diversidade na organização supranacional e em dar uma resposta eficaz face aos interesses comuns e objetivos pré-estabelecidos entre os vários Estados-membros, como as questões de transferência de poderes do governo para a organização supranacional, as políticas sobre a imigração e sobre a administração económica europeia.
Ao longo deste trabalho procuramos desenvolver uma análise da Cultura Política Democrática (por um lado do RU, e por outro da UE), com o objectivo de procurar e identificar as causas que terão levado ao antieuropeísmo inglês que se traduziu no Brexit.<br>Representative Democracy (inspired by the ideals of the French Revolution) presupposes a form of government of the people, by the people and for the people (BALÃO, 2001), and this reality results in a government of a minority, elected by a majority of citizens through universal suffrage.
Participation in democracy and universal suffrage will have to be done according to beliefs, values, priorities, and knowledge, framed within a democratic political system (that is, with rights and duties provided to citizens) so that we can talk of a democratic political culture.
Political decisions concerning foreign affairs and international relations in the EU come from democratically elected governments in the various member states. Thus, democratic political culture and the quality of democracies are key factors for a harmonious society in the EU.
Phenomena such as Brexit and the proliferation, all over the European community, of populist far-right, far-left and anti-system parties have proven and even exploited the EU's failure to follow different [democratic] political cultures; to recognize their diversity in the supranational organization and to respond effectively to the common interests and pre-established goals of the various member states, such as the transfer of government powers to the supranational organization, immigration policies and the European economic administration.
Throughout this work, we have tried to develop an analysis of Democratic Political Culture (from the UK on the one hand and from the EU on the other), with the aim of investigating and identifying the causes of English anti-Europeanism, which led to Brexit.<br>N/A
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LE, YAOUANC JENNAWI NADIA. "La theorie de l'etat dans le mouvement ouvrier francais avant 1914. Pouvoir politique, suffrage universel, classes et transformation socialiste : les positions des leaders du socialisme politique ( jaures, guesde, vaillant, ...); comparaison avec leurs adversaires antietati." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010276.
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L'objet de ce travail est la position du mouvement socialiste francais d'avant 1914 sur l'etat ; on adopte un point de vue resolument doctrinal, cherchant a mettre en evidence la structure logique, l'articulation conceptuelle. On tente de couvrir l'ensemble des tendances se reclamant de la revolution sociale. Une distinction primordiale est celle entre socialistes antietatiques (anarchistes, syndicalistes revolutionnaires, allemanistes,. . . ) et socialistes politiques ( guesde, vaillant, brousse, jaures,. . . ) qui font appel a l'etat. Ces derniers constituent le centre du travail. Dans une premiere etape, on etudie la place de l'etat et du suffrage universel, de la republique dans les strategies respectives des "revolutionnaires" ( guesde, vaillant) et des " gradualistes" (le jaures d'apres 1900), montrant le role central que l'etat joue dans les deux cas dans la transformation sociale, quoique de facon tres differente. Dans une deuxieme etape, on degage les postulats theoriques communs sur lesquels reposent les positions des revolutionnaires et des gradualistes, qui concernent a la fois la structure de l'etat et l'analyse du suffrage universel et qui semblent emprunter largement aux conceptions juridicoconstitutionnelles ambiantes. On met ainsi en evidence chez les socialistes politiques une conception "instrumentale" de l'etat, a la fois distincte du marxisme et de la these traditionnelle d'un etat au-dessus des classes. Dans cette conception, l'etat peut passer tel quel des mains de la classe economiquement dominante a la classe dominee, et servir ainsi tantot a des objectifs conservateurs, tantot a des objectifs progressistes<br>The work concerns the position of the french socialist movement as regards state, before 1914 ; the approach is resolutely doctrinal, striving to display the logical structure and conceptual connections. One tries as much as possible to survey all the tendencies referring to social revolution. However, a primary distinction is to be made between anti-state socialists(anarchists, revolutionary syndicalists, allemanists) and "political" socialists (guesde, vaillant, brousse, jaures), who appeal to state to perform the social transformation. The latter constitute the main concern of our work. In a first step, one studies the respective role of state, of republic and universal suffrage, in the strategies of "revolutionaries" (guesde, vaillant) and "gradualists" (jaures after 1900). One shows that state has a central place in both, although in a quite different way. In a second step, one displays common theoretical postulates, on which the positions of revolutionaries and gradualists are both relying - and which regard the state structure and the analysis of universal suffrage. These postulates are for a large part borrowed from juridico-constitutional conceptions. One thus brings to light, at the root of political socialism, and present from the beginning, an "instrumental" conception of state, distinct at the same time from marxism and from the traditional idea of the neutrality of the state. According to this conception. The state may pass from the control of the economically dominant class to the one of the ruled classes, and therefore serves conservative or progressive goals as well
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Berthet, Laurent. "Contribution à une étude critique de la démocratie politique : l'antidémocratisme en France (1848-1890) ou le moment renanien." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0135.
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De la Révolution de Février 1848 à l'installation puis la pérennisation de la troisième République, la France vécut un moment fondamental de son histoire par la multiplicité des expériences politiques, par le tragique d'évènements à la source de maintes réflexions philosophiques, par le questionnement et la remise en cause quasi permanents de la forme constitutionnel du pays. En lien avec cette riche actualité, une approche critique de la démocratie va s'élaborer et se retrouver chez une dizaine d'auteurs, dont Ernest Renan mais Hyppolite Taine, Gustave Flaubert, Arthur Gobineau. Ceux-ci ne cesseront de prendre pour cible première le Peuple, l'Egalité, le Suffrage universel. S'attelant à désacraliser la démocratie, à démythifier la Révolution française, adoptant un discours scientiste, ces «renaniens» proposeront une forme singulière d'antidémocratisme tout au long d'un parcours intellectuel qui s'achèvera dans la résignation de la victoire définitive de la République démocratique<br>By the multiplicity of the political events from the 1848 Révolution to the Third Republic, France has been living one of its most fundamental moment in its history. In bond with this period, a critical approach of the democracy will be worked out to finaly find ten authors, including Ernest Renan, Gustave Flaubert, Hyppolite Taine. They will continously take for target People, Equality and the concept of Vote for aIl. These "renaniens" will propose a singular form of antidemocratism throughout an intellectual course which will be completed in resignation when the democratic Republic finaly reached victory
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Coutant, Arnaud. "La Constitution de 1848 et le peuple : le regard tocquevillien." Reims, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004REIMD005.
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Cette thèse visait à démontrer que la Constitution de 1848 a été influencée dans sa théorie et dans sa pratique par la prise en compte puis la participation d'un corps électoral opposé au régime qu'elle instituait. Pour ce faire, les travaux comme le témoignage et les jugements d'Alexis de Tocqueville ont été utilisés dans un but : mettre en exergue par comparaison et analyse systématique le rapport au peuple en tant que corps électoral que ce régime français établissait. Imposée par des révolutionnaires socialistes minoritaires, la République n'a été acceptée par l'électorat que pour limiter ceux-ci. Poursuivant initialement le même dessein, les constituants républicains ont pris conscience de l'anti-républicanisme des électeurs censés soutenir le régime. Pour autant, ils n'ont pu se résoudre à modifier leur Constitution. Les limites qu'ils ont intégrées sont demeurées dans le cadre de la conception formelle de la souveraineté, impuissantes face aux conséquences néfastes des votes opposants. L'évolution de la Constitution a alors conduit à sa remise en cause matérielle et institutionnelle. La souveraineté du peuple a ainsi paradoxalement été consacrée par les actions de l'électorat contre le régime<br>This thesis aimed at demonstrate that the Constitution of 1848 has been influenced in its theory and in its application by the participation of an electorate who was opposed to the regime which the text created. To prove this, the Works like the testimony and the judgements of Alexis of Tocqueville has been utilized in an aim : to emphasize by simile and systematic analysis the approach of people as electorate that this regime established. Imposed by socialist and minority revolutionaries, the Republic has been accepted by electorate just to limit them. Pursuing initially the same aim, the Republican members of Constituent Assembly have discovered the anti-republicanism of the citizens who must support the regime. Nevertheless, they couldn't agree to modify their Constitution. The bounds which they integrated remained in the formal conception of sovereignty, revealing their incapacity to avoid the disastrous consequences of opposed votes. The evolution of the Constitution resulted in its material and institutional demolition. In this point of view, the proclaimed sovereignty of people resulted in acceptation of anti-republican electorate, against the regime
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Hall, Bo G. "Perspektiv på Patron : Bruksägaren och statsministern Christian Lundeberg (1842–1911)." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-113399.
Full textAbstract:
The dissertation is a biography of the industrialist and statesman Christian Lundeberg, a leading and stongly pronounced conservative actor in Swedish political life during the decades around1900, but nowadays almost forgotten. The purpose is to identify the main forces – convictions as well as external factors – behind his actions. He was very influential within a range of important sectors, i.a. compulsory national service, repeated interventions to keep the iron ore of Norrland under Swedish ownership, establishment of a regular conservative party and the decision on the vote to right (for men) in 1907. His most well-known action was as Swedish Prime Minister and head architect behind the peaceful dissolution in 1905 of the union with Norway. However for a long time biographies have not been regarded as ”real” scientific work within the concerned academic Swedish circles. For this reason the introductory chapter analyses these discussions and concludes that time now is ready for the genre to come in from the cold , enumerating six criteria regarded to be of paramount importance. These are being observed in the consecutive parts of the study. The following chapter studies the concept of paternalism as defined within Swedish professional circles, forming a background to the remaining parts of the dissertation. In their turn these present thorough reviews both of Lundeberg’s activities as a paternalistic foundry proprietor in the local family owned community of Forsbacka and of his contributions on the central political level. The final chapter summarizes the driving forces behind Lundeberg’s activities in stating that he was not an ultraconservative person, a priori opposing all progress. Instead as the years passed he developed a clear readiness for compromise solutions. Three key concepts are said to be central to the understanding of his person: “Fatherland”, ”Responsibility” and “Duty”. Throughout all his life he adhered to many of the paternalistic principles and values he learnt at an early age in Forsbacka. His present anonymity is explained by the fact that he in a retrospective very often is considered as being defeated in a number of political convictions now regarded as important.
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Gaboriaux, Chloé. "Le paysan français, un enjeu idéologique au XIXe siècle : perspectives françaises et perspectives sur la France." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008IEPP0045.
Full textAbstract:
Dans une France encore très rurale, l’instauration du suffrage universel masculin en 1848 fait des paysans un enjeu électoral majeur. Ce que montre cette thèse, c’est qu’elle en fait aussi un enjeu idéologique pour les forces politiques en présence, qui cherchent à donner des comportements politiques du monde rural une explication propre à conforter leur position. Les conflits qui naissent à leur propos sont révélateurs des conceptions de la représentation qui président à l’entrée des masses en politique. Ils soulignent notamment le rôle du bonapartisme rural dans la formulation des thèses républicaines et des amendements qui lui sont apportés au cours du XIXe siècle. Parce que le vote des paysans remet en question les attentes des républicains, il les oblige à repenser les rapports qu’ils avaient jusqu’ici établis entre le progrès matériel et l’engagement politique, la sociabilité communale et l’accès à la citoyenneté, la liberté civile et la liberté politique. L’analyse de la figure du paysan à un moment où la validité des projets politiques repose en grande partie sur leur pertinence sociologique permet ainsi de donner un nouvel éclairage aux clivages qui opposent alors les différentes familles politiques et divisent le camp républicain lui-même, en particulier dans les débats suscités par l’idéal de démocratie directe porté par les radicaux, la question de la décentralisation ou encore les lois constitutionnelles de 1875. En s’attachant à scruter l’imaginaire social et géographique qui sous-tend les positions politiques, elle souligne les enjeux idéologiques majeurs soulevés par les diverses réponses institutionnelles apportées à la question de la représentation<br>In a still overwhelmingly rural France, universal male suffrage introduced in 1848 made peasants become a major electoral force. What this thesis shows is that it also made them become an ideological stake for the political movements, who tried to give such an explanation of rural voters’ political behaviours that might reinforce their political positions. Debates about peasants reveal the conceptions of representation at a time when the masses entered politics. In particular, they underline the role of rural “bonapartism” in the phrasing of republican theories and in the changes the latter underwent during the 19th century. Rural voters disappointed the expectations of the Republicans and therefore forced them to revise the relationships they previously established between material progress and political commitment, communal sociability and citizenship, civil liberty and political liberty. At a moment when the validity of political theories was mainly based on their sociological pertinence, the analysis of the peasant persona puts into perspective the splits that then separated the different political families and divided the Republicans themselves, especially in the debates concerning the Radicals’ ideal of direct democracy, the issue of decentralization or the 1875 constitutional laws. By scrutinizing the social and geographical imaginary background that underlay political positions, it is possible to put forward the major ideological issues raised by the various institutional answers then given to the question of representation
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Verjus, Anne. "Les femmes, épouses et mères de citoyensDe la famille comme catégorie politique dans la construction de la citoyenneté (1789-1848)." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 1997. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00003786.
Full textAbstract:
Lorsqu'on cherche à situer politiquement les femmes, dans la première moitié du XIXème siècle, la réponse semble aujourd'hui s'imposer d'elle-même : privées du droit de suffrage, elles sont exclues de la citoyenneté révolutionnaire, universelle et individualiste telle qu'elle est définie à partir de 1789. Le constat de leur exclusion, d'une objectivité irréprochable, ne rend pourtant pas compte de leur situation politique, telle qu'elle est pensée, du moins, à cette époque (de 1789 à 1848). Peu d'historiens ou de politologues se sont penchés sur la façon dont le cens électoral de l'électeur était calculé : tout se passe comme s'il était payé individuellement, c'est-à-dire sur la base des seules propriétés du citoyen considéré. Or, non seulement le citoyen, s'il est marié, paye les contributions au nom de la communauté de biens qu'il forme avec son épouse ; mais il peut également, selon les lois électorales de l'an X à 1831 incluses, se faire adjoindre les contributions d'autres membres de la famille, fussent-ils eux-mêmes majeurs et de sexe masculin. Le fait que la famille soit, pendant toute cette période, pensée comme une unité politique conduit à reconsidérer la situation des personnes, qui ne peut plus être saisie à travers une approche univoque, en termes de “ qui vote ” et “ qui ne vote pas ”. C'est en tant que membres de la famille que les femmes restent en dehors de la participation politique ; de même que c'est en tant que pater familias que le citoyen est investi du droit individuel de voter au nom de la Nation tout entière. Seul un travail sur les catégories implicites de la construction politique pouvait faire émerger ce qu'on a appelé une conception familialiste du suffrage, caractéristique de toute la période révolutionnaire (1789-1848). C'est ainsi qu'au-delà de la résolution du soi-disant “ problème ” de l'exclusion des femmes, se trouve également modifiée notre conception actuelle de l'individu politique révolutionnaire, plus évolutive qu'on ne le croit.
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Kaveh, Shamal. "Det villkorade tillståndet : Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete och liberal politisk rationalitet 1901–1921." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of History of Science and Ideas, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6845.
Full textAbstract:
<p>This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society.</p><p>One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. </p><p>I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.</p>
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N`duk, Quintino Na. "A defesa do governo de quem mais sabe. Uma alternativa para melhorar a democracia." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/50259.
Full textAbstract:
Com esta tese, pretende-se analisar a democracia representativa com sufrágio universal, desde o seu aparecimento no século XIX. O objetivo principal do trabalho consiste em analisar o princípio do sufrágio universal de uma forma realista à luz dos «três modelos sucessivos de democracia liberal, dos quais se pode dizer tenham prevalecido alternamente desde inícios do século XIX até o presente»1. Consequentemente, pretende-se explorar a função que estes modelos atribuem à participação política dos cidadãos na democracia liberal, bem como algumas das críticas ao princípio do sufrágio universal que foram apresentadas por vários teóricos liberais. Face às razões contraditórias que foram apresentadas por eles para justificar a limitação do sufrágio universal, tornou-se imperioso dizer que, no contexto atual da democracia representativa é possível defender sufrágio limitado recorrendo aos estudos empíricos sobre o comportamento dos votantes. Neste sentido, esta tese tem como fim a defesa do sistema epistocrático no qual o governo é eleito pelos eleitores mais informados sobre os fatos políticos à luz do princípio da competência política individual.<br>This thesis aims to analyze representative democracy with universal suffrage, since it’s emergence in the 19th Century. The prime objective of the work is to realistically analyze the principal of universal suffrage in light of the “three successive models of liberal democracy, which have prevailed alternately since the beginning of the 19th century until present day” 1. Consequently, the thesis seeks to explore the functionalities that these models attribute to political participation by citizens in liberal democracy, as well as some critiques on the principals of universal suffrage that have been presented by various liberal academics. Due to the contradictions they present to justify the limitation of universal suffrage, it becomes imperative to defend in the context of representative democracy resorting to the empirical studies on voter behavior. With that in mind, the ultimate end of this thesis is the defense of the epistocratical system in which the government is elected by the most informed voters regarding political affairs, considering individual political competence.
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Umbers, Lachlan. "The Institutions of Democracy." Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/140533.
Full textAbstract:
My dissertation is devoted to the question of which political
decision-making institutions real-world democratic societies
ought to adopt. Following a brief introduction in chapter one, it
is structured around three sub-issues.
Part one considers how citizens’ conduct in elections ought to
be regulated. Chapter two offers a defence of compulsory voting,
by appeal to the wrongness of free-riding, and responds to many
of the objections raised by compulsory voting’s critics.
Chapter three offers a defence of bans on vote buying. I show
that recent arguments in favour of permitting vote buying are
implausible. I then go on to criticise existing accounts of the
wrongness of vote buying, and offer a novel, respect-based
account of the wrongness of the practice.
Part two considers whether, and how, persons conventionally
excluded from the franchise ought to be included in the
democratic process. Chapter four argues that the
disenfranchisement of children is unjust. I argue that all major,
plausible approaches to the justification of voting rights
converge upon a requirement that children from around the age of
twelve be enfranchised, and that none of the principal objections
raised to child enfranchisement are persuasive.
Chapter five considers the position of the cognitively disabled.
I argue that, contrary to hopes expressed in the literature,
enfranchising the cognitively disabled is unlikely to make any
difference to the democratic processes’ under-responsiveness to
such persons. Ensuring adequate consideration for the cognitively
disabled will require deeper institutional reform. I consider a
range of possibilities, ultimately arguing for the creation of a
deliberative citizens’ assembly to address the issue.
Part three, finally, considers whether the institutions
presupposed in parts one and two – universal suffrage, and
decision-making via the aggregation of citizens’ expressed
preferences – can be justified in light of two significant
challenges. Chapter six considers the competence objection,
advanced by Jason Brennan. I show that Brennan’s objection is
reliant upon a naïve account of citizens’ rights against
risk-impositions, and cannot be sustained on any more plausible
view. I also criticise Brennan’s preferred ‘epistocratic’
alternative to democracy.
Finally, chapter seven considers the ‘lottocratic’ challenge.
Several authors have recently argued that substituting universal
suffrage and/or aggregative decision-making with some
chance-based device would either preserve, or improve upon, the
egalitarian appeal of democracy, while realising higher-quality
results. I argue that the positive egalitarian case for
lottocracy is implausible, and that the comparative egalitarian
and instrumental merits of appropriately structured democratic
arrangements will generally be superior.