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Published: 9 March 2023
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1

Democrazia o bonapartismo: Trionfo e decadenza del suffragio universale. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 1993.

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2

Towards universal suffrage: St. Kitts, 1916-1952. Basseterre, St. Kitts: V.B. O'Flaherty, 2004.

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3

1945-, Tusell Javier, ed. El Sufragio universal. Madrid: Marcial Pons, 1991.

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4

Soʻo, Asofou. Universal suffrage in Western Samoa: The 1991 general elections. Canberra, ACT, Australia: Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1993.

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5

Malcolmson, Patrick. The selection of party leaders: Convention versus universal suffrage models. [Toronto]: Ontario, Legislative Library, Legislative Research Service, 1986.

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6

Moya, Mónica Soria. Adolfo Posada y la Ley de Sufragio Universal de 1890: La práctica política de la Restauración. Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2021.

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7

Stanley, Harold W. Voter mobilization and the politics of race: The South and universal suffrage, 1952-1984. New York: Praeger, 1987.

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8

The British Conservative Party in the age of universal suffrage: Popular conservatism, 1918-1929. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1998.

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9

Mujeres bajo prueba: La participación electoral de las mujeres antes del voto universal, 1938-1949. [La Paz]: Eureka Ediciones, 2001.

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10

Quiroga, Marcela Revollo. Mujeres bajo prueba: La participación electoral de las mujeres antes del voto universal (1938-1949) / Marcela Revollo Quiroga. La Paz, Bolivia: Eureka Ediciones, 2001.

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11

Affairs, Great Britain Parliament House of Commons Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth. Council decision of 25 June and 23 September 2002 amending the Act concerning the election of the representatives of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, annexed to decision 76/787/ECSC, EEC, EURATOM. London: Stationery Office, 2003.

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12

Haugen, Peter. Historia del mundo. Bogotá: Norma, 2002.

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13

Haugen, Peter. World History for Dummies. New York, USA: Hungry Minds, 2001.

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14

World History For Dummies. New York, USA: Wiley Publishing, 2001.

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15

Messina, Giovanni. Abolire il Suffragio Universale. Independently Published, 2021.

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16

Giannotti, Giovanni. Leggi Elettorali Italiane: Dal Sistema Censitario Al Suffragio Universale. Independently Published, 2019.

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17

Bunch, Ralph. Universal Suffrage: A Gift from Oregon to America's Future. Independently Published, 2019.

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18

Lindsey, Treva B. Performing and Politicizing “Ladyhood”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252041020.003.0004.

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This chapter explores the suffrage activism of black women in Washington. As one of the most pressing political issues of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the fight for universal suffrage was an important part of black women’s political activism throughout the New Negro era. The road to suffrage ended in Washington and black women suffragists in the nation’s capital were keenly aware the unique role they could play in advocating for universal suffrage. To understand the political culture of black women’s suffrage activism in Washington, the chapter centers on the March 1913 suffrage march in the nation’s capital to uncover the various dynamics of the suffrage movement and to specifically engage how black women thought about and enacted distinct political identities. For black suffragists, performative and aesthetic politics were resistive strategies for contesting their subordinate status in the political arena.
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19

La France présidentielle: L'influence du suffrage universel sur la vie politique. Paris: Presses de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 1995.

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20

McCrillis, Neal R. The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918-1929. Ohio State University Press, 2016.

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21

Retallack, James. On the Threshold of a New Age. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668786.003.0002.

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Focusing on 1866 and the Austro-Prussian War fought that year, this chapter examines the political ramification of Saxony’s defeat at the hands of Prussia, which fundamentally changed its international standing and domestic politics. The chapter begins by outlining socio-economic change in the mid-nineteenth century and Saxony’s constitutional system. A second section examines the birth of Conservative, left-liberal, National Liberal, and Social Democratic parties in Saxony under an oppressive Prussian occupation. The chapter next examines Bismarck’s fateful decision to introduce universal manhood suffrage for Reichstag elections. Final remarks identify the suffrage as a key issue in Saxon political discourse—one that remained contentious from 1866 until 1918.
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22

Franzen, Trisha. Creating Her Vision. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038150.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the middle years of Anna Howard Shaw's presidency—from planning for the 1909 the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) Convention in Seattle through the 1912 convention in Philadelphia. While analyses critical of Shaw's presidency have most frequently used the upheavals of these years as the basis for judging Shaw as a failure as an administrator, the gains of these years as well as the full context and origins of these organizational conflicts have received scant in-depth attention. Class and race issues are especially significant for analyzing both Shaw's legacy as a leader and the positions of the suffrage movement as a whole. Money tensions had always haunted the NAWSA, but the fact that Shaw drew a salary for her presidency and had access to monies beyond the control of the NAWSA treasurer raised suspicions among the privileged leaders who linked financial need with corruption. That Shaw was also the strongest and most consistent supporter of universal suffrage brought additional resistance from those who were opposed to or willing to compromise on the extension of the franchise to African American and immigrant women.
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23

Shani, Ornit. How India Became Democratic: Citizenship and the Making of the Universal Franchise. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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24

How India became democratic: Citizenship and the making of the universal franchise. 2018.

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25

Right of the Ballot: A Reply to Francis Parkman and Others, Who Have Asserted the Failure of Universal Suffrage. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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26

Right of the Ballot: A Reply to Francis Parkman and Others, Who Have Asserted the Failure of Universal Suffrage. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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27

Hermansson, Jörgen. The Election System. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.6.

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The key word for understanding the essence of the election system in Sweden is proportionality. The proportional representation system was introduced in 1911 by a Conservative government before the introduction of universal and equal suffrage. The goal was to avoid a catastrophe for the political right as a consequence of a coming change to democracy. The party interests have continued to shape the politics in this area, and the principle of proportionality has increasingly become the norm for all political parties. They have been engaged in an ever-present and ongoing fine-tuning of the system with improved proportionality as the primary purpose.
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28

Möller, Tommy. The Parliamentary System. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.7.

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In Sweden, parliamentarianism developed in parallel with the process of democratization that started in the end of the nineteenth century and ended with the implementation of universal suffrage in 1921. The definitive parliamentary breakthrough came in 1917, after a drawn-out process. Not until the establishing of the Instrument of Government of 1974 was parliamentarianism formally expressed in the Constitution. Swedish parliamentarianism has been distinguished for its stability, although minority governments have dominated within the system. In recent decades, after the new constitution was adopted, the government’s position in relation to Parliament has been strengthened, mainly as a consequence of the EU membership.
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29

O'Doherty, Mark. Resignation of President Xi Jinping and the Implementation of Universal Suffrage in China - Interviews with Pyrite, Archangel Ariel and Harvey. Lulu Press, Inc., 2019.

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30

Babcock, John Martin Luther. The Right of the Ballot: A Reply to Francis Parkman and Others, Who Have Asserted "The Failure of Universal Suffrage". Franklin Classics, 2018.

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31

Clark, J. C. D. Discourses and their Exponents. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198816997.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 surveys a number of themes, issues, and campaigns to discern how far Paine fits within each: populist language, universal suffrage based on natural rights, the abolition of poverty, women’s emancipation, anti-slavery, cosmopolitanism, Irish emancipation, and the championing of ‘revolution’ as such. In case after case, it finds that Paine’s position has been exaggerated or misconceived. His language was carefully contrived, and his rhetoric echoed that of contemporary preaching rather than populist politics; his ideas on poverty stemmed from England’s ‘old poor law’, not from future class politics; he disapproved of slavery in private but largely ignored it in public, and was not part of the anti-slavery movement; he was a monoglot exile, not at home in other countries; he did not see the significance of Irish disaffection; and he did not theorize ‘revolution’ as such.
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32

Sajó, András, and Renáta Uitz. Democracy, or Taming an Unruly Friend. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198732174.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy, with particular emphasis on the creative, disruptive, and destructive force behind constitutions and government: the people. Democracy is inherent in modern constitutionalism. The authority of the constitution derives from people’s sovereignty. If constitutionalism was designed to contain the abuse resulting from absolute sovereign power by setting up arrangements inside government, the democratic exercise of sovereignty emerged as an external constraint on government. This chapter traces the evolution of universal suffrage and considers its consequences, including the perils (and tyranny) of majority rule for a diverse society. It discusses the idea that a sovereign people has a single general will and looks at representative government as a means of balancing popular sovereignty with constitutionalism. It analyses the binding mandate and how it was replaced by the free mandate, along with the referendum as a genuine expression of the will of the people.
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33

Hanson, Paul. From Faction to Revolt. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.025.

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In August 1792 Louis XVI abdicated, leading to the election of the National Convention and the declaration of the first French Republic. Divisions quickly emerged, however, caused in part by the prison massacres in Paris in September 1792 and by disagreement regarding the fate of the king. Factions developed in the National Convention and eight months of acrimony ended with the 2 June 1793 proscription of the leading Girondin deputies, which in turn ignited revolt in the provinces, very nearly plunging France into civil war. To understand these events one must consider national politics alongside local politics, placing both in the context of an increasingly complicated and precarious international situation. The fall of the monarchy brought the adoption of universal manhood suffrage, and the debate over sovereignty in the ensuing months, at both the national and local levels, played a central role in leading the country from faction to revolt.
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34

Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin. Introduction. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.42.

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The contributions in this section reveal the constitutional design of Sweden. Considering the number of fundamental laws and the length of the Instrument of Government (IG), the impression might be that constitutional principles are of great importance in Swedish political life. However, Swedish political culture is best described as pragmatic and consensual, where the government’s ability to take action has been given deliberate precedence over constitutional ideas that focus on limiting government under higher law. Furthermore, from a constitutional design perspective, Sweden is an interesting case. During the previous IG of 1809, which was based on the principle of separation of powers, comprehensive changes in the practice of government were made without any corresponding amendments of the IG itself. The most noteworthy of these changes were the introduction of universal suffrage, parliamentarism, and the abolition of the Parliament of the Four Estates, which was replaced by a bicameral system.
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35

Tsutsui, Kiyoteru. Zainichi (Korean Residents in Japan). Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190853105.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the complicated history of Zainichi, Korean residents in Japan, who came to Japan during the colonial era. After 1945, Zainichi lost all citizenship rights and had to fight for many rights, but the division in the Korean peninsula cast a shadow over Zainichi communities, hampering effective activism for more rights in Japan. Focusing on the issue of fingerprinting—the most salient example of rights violations against Zainichi—the chapter demonstrates how, since the late 1970s, global human rights principles have enabled Zainichi to recast their movement as claims for universal rights regardless of citizenship and to use international forums to pressure the Japanese government, leading to the abolition of the fingerprinting practice. Zainichi achieved similar successes in other areas of rights except for political rights, where international norms do not clearly support suffrage for noncitizens. Zainichi also contributed to global human rights by advancing rights for noncitizen minorities.
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36

Birnbaum, Simon. Basic Income. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.116.

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The idea that states should provide a means-tested guaranteed minimum income for citizens who are unable to meet their basic needs is widely shared and has been a central component in the evolution of social citizenship rights in existing welfare states. However, an increasing number of activists and scholars defend the more radical option of establishing a universal basic income, that is, an unconditional income paid to all members of society on an individual basis without any means test or work requirement. Indeed, some political philosophers have argued that basic income is one of the most important reforms in the development of a just and democratic society, comparable to other milestones in the history of citizenship rights, such as universal suffrage or even the abolishment of slavery. Basic income or similar ideas, such as a basic capital or a negative income tax, have been advanced in many versions since the 18th century in different parts of the world and under a great variety of names. However, while these were previously often isolated and disconnected initiatives, basic income has more recently become the object of an increasingly cumulative research effort to shed light on the many aspects of this idea. It has also inspired policy developments and given rise to experiments and pilot projects in several countries.
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37

Amenta, Edwin, and Amber Celina Tierney. Political Institutions and U.S. Social Policy. Edited by Daniel Béland, Kimberly J. Morgan, and Christopher Howard. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199838509.013.004.

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United States political institutions provide a compelling account of American exceptionalism in social policy: why the United States has a social insurance system that was late to develop and remains incomplete; spends relatively little on direct social policy; and relies on indirect and private social policy that is relatively ineffective in addressing poverty, insecurity, and inequality. Formal political institutions—including the tardiness of universal suffrage, many institutional veto points, federalism, the underdevelopment of domestic administrative authority, and a political party system founded on patronage and skewed to the right—go far to explain the formation of this unusual welfare state. Feedbacks from policies, political institutions themselves, help to explain why a few U.S. social programs, notably Social Security, remain strong, and why the U.S welfare state generally remains mired in the residual liberal model and is subject to drift. Feedbacks related to the world’s most extensive military and imprisonment policies also harm social policy.
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38

Principes du gouvernement representatif. Flammarion, 1998.

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39

Epstein, William. The Masses are the Ruling Classes. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190467067.001.0001.

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The Masses Are the Ruling Classes handles a neglected theme: social policy in the United States is determined by mass consent. Contemporary explanations of decision making in the United States typically attribute power over policy making to a variety of hidden forces and illegitimate elites, holding the masses innocent of their own problems. Yet the enormous openness of the society and nearly universal suffrage sustain democratic consent as more plausible than the alternatives (conspiracy, propaganda, usurpation, autonomous government, and imperfect pluralism). Despite the multitude of problems that the nation faces, its citizens are not oppressed. The core problem that blocks the maturation of American society is not democratic participation, but its content; popular preferences are romantic rather than pragmatic. None of these programs achieve their ends of poverty reduction or behavioral change. Rather, they persist as testimonials to America’s romantic preferences. Thus, if the American people are largely responsible for social policy, then they are also responsible for the problems that beset the nation, notably enormous economic and social inequality. If the masses rule policy choice, then the persistence of material and social deprivation that lies easily within the economic capacities of the nation to address suggests that the nation abides its inequalities and suffering. The commitment of American society to policy romanticism and its rejection of pragmatism blocks its social development.
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40

Conway, Martin. Western Europe's Democratic Age. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203485.001.0001.

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What happened in the years following World War II to create a democratic revolution in the western half of Europe? This book provides an innovative new account of how a stable, durable, and remarkably uniform model of parliamentary democracy emerged in Western Europe—and how this democratic ascendancy held fast until the latter decades of the twentieth century. The book describes how Western Europe's post-war democratic order was built by elite, intellectual, and popular forces. Much more than the consequence of the defeat of fascism and the rejection of Communism, this democratic order rested on universal male and female suffrage, but also on new forms of state authority and new political forces—primarily Christian and social democratic—that espoused democratic values. Above all, it gained the support of the people, for whom democracy provided a new model of citizenship that reflected the aspirations of a more prosperous society. This democratic order did not, however, endure. Its hierarchies of class, gender, and race, which initially gave it its strength, as well as the strains of decolonization and social change, led to an explosion of demands for greater democratic freedoms in the 1960s, and to the much more contested democratic politics of Europe in the late twentieth century. The book is a compelling history that sheds new light not only on the past of European democracy but also on the unresolved question of its future.
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41

Silva, Denise dos Santos Vasconcelos. Direito à educação: efetividade, justiciabilidade e protagonismo cidadão. Brazil Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31012/978-65-87836-88-1.

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The present study discusses the role of the judiciary concerning the interpretation of the right to education, with emphasis on the educational constitutional principles, on the basic content of the right to education and on the problems faced by this right. Furthermore, the present study pursuits to bring the risks that the excessive judicialization of the education brings to the balance between powers and the natural order of administration itself and public policies management in which the executive and legislative as powers elected by the people, develop, approve and initiate such programmatic actions; the lack of technical capacity of the judiciary to manage such complex matters; and the absence of infinite public resources to look after all the rights and benefits contained in the constitutions of the democratic states. As the education is a right related to the human dignity, development and citizenship, this way it should be carried out with diligence: 1. by the public authorities, specially the judiciary that even though it has not been elected by the universal suffrage, will not be able to remain inert in cases of inefficiency of the executive and legislative, for this purpose, it will be necessary mechanisms that provide more legitimacy in the acting of the judge, avoiding an inappropriate misuse of powers; and 2. by all members of society, as doers of their citizen position in search of a more decent life, once that through education (for) democracy, rights connected to freedom and to personal development are also accomplished.
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42

Convention, Republican Party. Proceedings of the Convention of the Republican Party of Louisiana: Held at Economy Hall, New Orleans, September 25, 1865, and of the Central Executive Committee of the Friends of Universal Suffrage of Louisiana, Now, the Central Executive Committee of the Republican Party of Louisiana. FB &c Ltd, 2021.

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43

Cross, Máire Fedelma. In the Footsteps of Flora Tristan. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789622454.001.0001.

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Through the use of the tropes of intersectionality and transnationalism, this first-ever study of Jules Puech (1879–1957), is a double biography as it makes an intergenerational journey through his life’s work on Flora Tristan (1803–1844), feminist and socialist. Materials from the mid-nineteenth century press found from digitised searches extends knowledge of the advance of Flora Tristan’s political reputation. Its transmission beyond her notoriety as a radical during her lifetime was conveyed by both political activists and scholars. A key feature of the success of Puech is that he considered knowledge of her legacy as a significant ingredient of the nascent labour history of France of which he was part. My work claims that his biography was a major contribution to scholarship. It began when, as a postgraduate student in Paris in the 1900s, he completed his first doctoral thesis on Proudhonian influence on the first internationalist labour movements in France. My book explains the circumstances of how he embarked on the first in-depth biography of Flora Tristan and published it sixteen years later in 1925. By then Puech was unmatched in his knowledge of networks of activists who sustained the memory of early socialists, among them Flora Tristan. An independent scholar with a full-time job he was equally committed elsewhere. He and his suffragist feminist wife Marie-Louise, née Milhau, (1876–1966), also from a Protestant family of the Tarn, worked tirelessly for the pacifist movement, La Paix par le Droit. How his Flora Tristan study was thwarted by the wars of 1914–1918 and 1939–1945 is equally significant. In 1939, he handed both the original Flora Tristan journal and the typed manuscript of his edited Flora Tristan journal Tour de France to the newly established International Institute of Social History in Paris on the understanding that it would publish his work but was powerless to prevent their war-time disappearance. Their eventual recovery in Amsterdam came after his death, too late for him to see the fruition of his cherished project but available for trade-unionist Michel Collinet to publish his annotated edition in 1973, 130 years after Flora Tristan had begun to record her political campaign for a workers’ universal union. The double biography reveals both the multifaceted nature of feminism, socialism and pacifism in activism and the shaping of labour history as an academic subject in France of the first half of the twentieth century.
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44

Haugen, Peter. Historia Del Mundo Para Dummies. Grupo Editorial Norma, 2005.

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45

World History For Dummies. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2009.

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46

Haugen, Peter. World History for Dummies. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2022.

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47

Haugen, Peter. World History for Dummies. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2022.

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World History for Dummies. 2nd ed. Hoboken, N.J., USA: Wiley Publishing, 2009.

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World History for Dummies. Wiley & Sons, Limited, John, 2022.

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