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Academic literature on the topic 'Suffragio universale'

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Published: 9 March 2023
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Suffragio universale"

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Bardi, Luciano. "RAPPRESENTANZA E PARLAMENTO EUROPEO." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 19, no. 2 (August 1989): 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200012934.

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IntroduzioneUno degli interrogativi principali posti dalle elezioni a suffragio universale del Parlamento Europeo riguarda la loro capacità di fornire, se non immediatamente almeno nel medio periodo, una legittimità autonoma alla Comunità Europea. Sul piano analitico, questo significa che per uno studio sull'evoluzione della Comunità occorre stabilire se il Parlamento direttamente eletto riuscirà a sostituirsi alle fonti attuali (essenzialmente i governi nazionali) nel fornire legittimità alle azioni di governo europeo.
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Bettinelli, Ernesto. "La lunga marcia del voto elettronico in Italia." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 46, no. 1 (April 30, 2002): 5–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-12775.

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Voto elettronico ed effettività del suffragio universale. Condizioni per l'esercizio "genuino" del diritto di voto. Inderogabilità dei requisiti della "libertà" e "segretezza" del voto. La segretezza del voto come garanzia anche "esterna". Immaterialità dell'E-Poll e riduzione delle cause di invalidità del voto. Adeguamento e semplificazione della complessiva organizzazione elettorale e, in particolare, del procedimento preparatorio. Il recupero del "diritto alla mobilità" da parte degli elettori. Appendice - Esperienze della sperimentazione di Avellino.
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Cavalli, Luciano. "Domenico Losurdo, Democrazia e bonapartismo. Trionfo e decadenza del suffragio universale, Bollati Boringhieri, 1993, pp. 364." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 24, no. 1 (April 1994): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200022760.

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Uleri, PierVincenzo. "LE FORME DI CONSULTAZIONE POPOLARE NELLE DEMOCRAZIE: UNA TIPOLOGIA." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 15, no. 2 (August 1985): 205–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200003130.

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IntroduzioneAffrontando il tema delle consultazioni popolari dirette si pongono due problemi principali: perché tale tipo di processo elettorale è più usato in certi casi che non in altri e quali sono le conseguenze del ricorso ad esso sul sistema politico nel complesso. Rispetto al primo problema molti anni addietro, nel 1912, William E. Rappard sottolineava l'incoerenza degli avversari delle consultazioni popolari. Costoro, pur consentendo che le masse scelgano liberamente i loro rappresentanti, «fanno affidamento, per la loro sicurezza, sulle discrepanze che possono sorgere tra gli atti della maggioranza degli eletti e i desideri della maggioranza degli elettori». Rappard formulava, quindi, una previsione «In teoria … l'ulteriore estensione del controllo popolare mediante la legislazione diretta sembra inevitabile in tutti i paesi dove il suffragio universale prevale». È facile intuire che la previsione si basasse sulla conoscenza e l'analisi delle esperienze svizzera e statunitense. In altri Paesi, in quegli anni, si discuteva sulla opportunità di adottare forme di consultazione popolare come in effetti accadde con alcune costituzioni elaborate subito dopo la prima guerra mondiale, in primo luogo con la costituzione di Weimar.
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Fairbairn, Brett. "Authority vs. Democracy: Prussian Officials in the German Elections of 1898 and 1903." Historical Journal 33, no. 4 (December 1990): 811–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013777.

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The suffrage for the German Reichstag had by the 1890s become the most potent symbol of democratic ideas in imperial Germany. ‘Universal, equal, secret, and direct’, as contemporaries described it, the Reichstag suffrage stood in contrast to restrictive state suffrages as a model of liberty and fairness. By the turn of the century, 70–80 per cent of adult male German citizens took advantage of their right to participate in this, the freest of all German political arenas.
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Newman, Louise M. "REFLECTIONS ON AILEEN KRADITOR'S LEGACY: FIFTY YEARS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1965–2014." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, no. 3 (July 2015): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000055.

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AbstractThis article assesses the impact that Aileen Kraditor's classic monograph, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) has had on fifty years of suffrage historiography. Kraditor is best known among scholars for offering the terms “justice” and “expediency” to distinguish between two strains of suffragist argumentation, the former of which she associated with the nineteenth century and the latter with the Progressive Era. Although specialists no longer believe in a firm divide between the two periods, many continue to differentiate between principled (egalitarian) arguments that called for suffrage as a universal right of citizenship and instrumental (expedient) claims that often contained racist assumptions about white women's superiority. The majority of scholars now accept Kraditor's fundamental insight that a political movement devoted to the extension of democracy contained within it antidemocratic and racist elements, but they have challenged other key aspects of Kraditor's work, including her characterization of white southern women's advocacy of suffrage and her Turnerian assumptions about why statewide suffrage referenda succeeded first (and primarily) in the West. In addition, scholars have expanded the terrain of women's political activism to include analyses of black women's suffrage activities and understandings of citizenship; in so doing they have connected the regional histories of the South and the Midwest, displacing Kraditor's national narrative. Collectively the field has moved far beyond Kraditor's focus on the National American Woman Suffrage Association to emphasize the enormous range of suffrage activities that took place before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, demonstrating how woman suffrage encompassed new understandings of citizenship that were inseparable from the histories of Reconstruction, U.S. expansion, and western imperialism.
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Offen, Karen. "Women And The Question of ?Universal? Suffrage in 1848: A Transatlantic Comparison of Suffragist Rhetoric." NWSA Journal 11, no. 1 (April 1999): 150–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nws.1999.11.1.150.

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DUONG, KEVIN. "Universal Suffrage as Decolonization." American Political Science Review 115, no. 2 (January 8, 2021): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000994.

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This essay reconstructs an important but forgotten dream of twentieth-century political thought: universal suffrage as decolonization. The dream emerged from efforts by Black Atlantic radicals to conscript universal suffrage into wider movements for racial self-expression and cultural revolution. Its proponents believed a mass franchise could enunciate the voice of colonial peoples inside imperial institutions and transform the global order. Recuperating this insurrectionary conception of the ballot reveals how radicals plotted universal suffrage and decolonization as a single historical process. It also places decolonization’s fate in a surprising light: it may have been the century’s greatest act of disenfranchisement. As dependent territories became nation-states, they lost their voice in metropolitan assemblies whose affairs affected them long after independence.
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Magni-Berton, Raul. "Immigration, redistribution, and universal suffrage." Public Choice 160, no. 3-4 (July 17, 2013): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-013-0094-6.

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Lau, Raymond Kwun Sun. "The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 498–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2018-0129.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the slow and frustrating process of democratization in Hong Kong through understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage. It aims to offer possible explanations for the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. Design/methodology/approach This paper seeks to construct a triangular model of institutional constraint, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust for understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage in Hong Kong since the 1980s, the nature of current political predicament they found themselves in and the current political impasse between the pan-democrats and Beijing. Findings The dilemma facing Hong Kong’s pan-democrats and Beijing’s leadership is attributed to the institutional constraints of Basic Law on Hong Kong’s system of governance, the clashing visions of Beijing-led Chinese-style democracy and Western-style liberal democracy as advocated by the pan-democrats and the mutual political distrust between the two parties. The findings suggest that this triangular model will remain relevant in understanding the political predicament of the pan-democrats under Chinese rule and the political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over universal suffrage for the coming decades. Originality/value This paper provides a new interpretation of the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. It offers new insights into the nature of current political predicament the pan-democrats found themselves in amidst their fight for realizing universal suffrage since the 1980s by constructing a triangular model of institutional constraints, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Suffragio universale"

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CAVALETTO, TOMMASO. "Democrazie in crisi epistemica: il suffragio universale alla prova." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/277367.

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La ricerca analizza la crisi sistemica attraversata dalle democrazie contemporanee leggendone i sintomi alla luce di un profilo specifico, ossia quello del declino epistemico che colpisce l’utenza di tali sistemi normativi. Si è in particolare focalizzata l’attenzione sul divario sempre più marcato tra, da una parte, lo scarso livello di (in)formazione e capacità di ragionamento dei cittadini e, dall’altra, la crescente quantità di competenze necessarie per orientarsi correttamente all’interno della società. Si è quindi cercato di dimostrare come l’esacerbazione di tutti i principali sintomi dell’attuale crisi democratica sia fortemente correlata alle preoccupanti dimensioni ormai raggiunte da questo “differenziale epistemico”, il quale, pur rappresentando una fonte di criticità sempre latente all’interno di società organizzate democraticamente, incontra oggi condizioni di contesto che favoriscono il pieno dispiegamento dei suoi effetti anche sul piano fenomenico. La sintomatologia della crisi democratica viene esaminata ricorrendo all’ausilio di elaborazioni socio-demoscopiche sul rapporto tra cittadini e politica, di dati statistici relativi alle abilità cognitive e al livello delle competenze possedute dagli elettori, e di ricerche sul decision making applicato al contesto elettorale, prestando un’attenzione particolare al panorama italiano. Questo complesso di studi ha consentito di approcciare criticamente quelle teorie che, pur con molteplici sfaccettature, fondano la legittimazione assiologica della democrazia su una presunta capacità dei cittadini di autogovernarsi. L’analisi è stata quindi orientata verso la ricerca di soluzioni istituzionali volte a superare la crisi in modo strutturale. In primo luogo si è esplorata la possibilità di intervenire sul sistema formativo e sulla regolamentazione di quello mediatico, con l’obiettivo di innalzare il livello delle competenze, di incrementare le abilità analitiche, e di migliorare lo stato informativo dei cittadini. Realisticamente, simili interventi si prospettano tuttavia soltanto parzialmente risolutivi rispetto a un fenomeno diffuso, consolidato e persistente come il deficit epistemico che colpisce l’elettorato democratico. Nella seconda parte del lavoro si è quindi rivolto lo sguardo alle teorie elaborate nell’ambito della filosofia politica di orientamento epistocratico, la quale, pur con molte sfumature e diverse declinazioni, propone di ridiscutere la pressoché incondizionata universalità del suffragio caratterizzante le democrazie contemporanee, per sostituirla con forme di selezione dell’elettorato fondate sulla valorizzazione della conoscenza. La scelta di concentrare l’attenzione sulle dottrine epistocratiche discende dal fatto che esse stanno acquistando un ruolo sempre più rilevante nel dibattito scientifico, e configurano uno dei filoni di ricerca attualmente più innovativi (e al contempo più controversi) per l’analisi critica del modello democratico. Si sono quindi esaminate le condizioni giuridiche che un’eventale restrizione del suffragio dovrebbe rispettare per non violare i principî supremi degli ordinamenti democratici, per poi trattare il problema della realizzabilità di queste proposte anche dal punto di vista assiologico. Da ultimo ci si è interrogati se, al di là della legittimità giuridica e della condivisibilità teorica, simili interventi risulterebbero altresì realisticamente concretizzabili nell’attuale contesto socio-politico, ovvero se quest’ultimo imponga di orientare il processo di epistocratizzazione verso soluzioni politicamente meno dirompenti. In particolare, si sono prese in considerazione alcune proposte che, pur mantenendo formalmente inalterato il suffragio universale, potrebbero comunque ridurre per via indiretta l’incidenza dell’ignoranza politica sul processo elettorale.
This work analyzes the crisis faced by contemporary democracies moving from a specific point of view, i.e. the epistemic decline of democratic electorates. In particular, I focused on the gap between low level of information/reasoning ability of the average citizen, and the growing amount of skills he needs to get properly oriented in contemporary society. Therefore, I show that all the main symptoms of the current democratic crisis are strongly correlated with this “epistemic gap”, which has always been a potential problem for democracy, but its effects are nowadays amplified by the social, political and technological context we live in. In order to analyze the features of this epistemic crisis, I used surveys on the relationship between citizens and politics, statistical data on voters’ cognitive skills and studies on voters’ decision-making, focusing in particular on the Italian context. As a result, these studies cast a shadow over many democratic theories that base the axiological legitimacy of democracy on a citizens’ supposed ability to govern themselves. Therefore, I tried to find institutional solutions to overcome the crisis. First of all, I proposed some interventions for improving education and media systems, aimed at increasing competences, analytical skills, and information of citizens. However, a phenomenon as pervasive and entrenched as epistemic deficit cannot be fully solved only by this kind of interventions. Therefore, in the second part of the thesis I considered the theories developed by epistocratic political philosophy, which proposes to rethink universal suffrage and replace it with some kind of knowledge-based electorate selection. I chose to focus on epistocratic doctrines because of the increasingly key role they are acquiring in the contemporary scientific debate: nowadays, they are one of the most innovative (and controversial) line of research in the field of critical analysis of the democratic model. I studied the legal conditions that a suffrage restriction should respect in order not to violate the supreme principles of democratic systems. I then studied the same issue also from an axiological point of view. Lastly, I wondered about the feasibility of these kind of interventions in the current socio-political context. From this point of view, it has emerged it was appropriated to think also of less disruptive solutions in the short-medium term. In particular, I analyzed some reform proposals that could reduce indirectly the incidence of political ignorance on the electoral process, while keeping universal suffrage formally unchanged.
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Bressan, Alice <1996&gt. "Verso la parità di genere: dal suffragio universale al riconoscimento internazionale." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19249.

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Il tema che si affronta in questa tesi di laurea specialistica riguarda le modalità attraverso le quali si è giunti al riconoscimento internazionale della parità di genere. Per attuare questa analisi, nel capitolo primo verrà data una definizione di genere basandosi sul lavoro della storica statunitense Joan Wallach Scott. Attraverso la prospettiva sociologica, si delineeranno le tappe fondamentali della formulazione del concetto di genere nella società. A conclusione del capitolo si evidenzierà il concetto di parità di genere. Successivamente nel secondo capitolo si analizzerà la prima ondata del movimento femminista per la conquista del suffragio universale. In questo capitolo, si esamineranno le opere della suffragista inglese Millicent Garrett Fawcett per ricostruire il suo operato per la conquista del diritto di voto in Gran Bretagna. Si analizzerà, in seguito, la collaborazione delle suffragiste inglesi e americane per il suffragio femminile negli Stati Uniti d’America. Nel terzo capitolo verrà approfondita la seconda ondata del movimento femminista, principalmente negli Stati Uniti d’America. Per ricostruire il movimento femminista americano degli anni Sessanta, verrà analizzata una raccolta di giornali composta da tre numeri pubblicati dall’organizzazione Women’s Liberation Movement. Infine, nel quarto ed ultimo capitolo, si prenderanno in considerazione gli organismi e le normative internazionali create dall’Organizzazione delle Nazioni Unite al fine di riconoscere e promuovere la parità di genere.
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Fruci, Gian Luca. "Il popolo elettore : discorso, norma e pratiche del primo voto a suffragio universale in Francia e in Italia (1848-1849)." Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0135.

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La thèse étudie de façon comparative la première mise en œuvre européenne du suffrage universel (direct masculin) qui se déroule aussi bien sous la Seconde République que pendant les expériences démocratiques italiennes (Venise, États Romains, Toscane). Au niveau du discours et de la loi, la thèse analyse les débats à partir des années Trente et les codifications des années 1848-49, alors que, en ce qui concerne les pratiques, elle se focalise sur la convocation des assemblées constituantes française et romaine. Cette approche pluridimensionnelle permet de vérifier que le caractère collectif du vote de 1848-49 n'est pas le résultat de l'interaction d'une société et d'une vision du politique archaïques avec des institutions supposées modernes, mais la conséquence des conceptions du suffrage et de leur traduction dans la législation électorale. Bref, le protagoniste n'est pas l'individu électeur, mais le «peuple électeur», célébré pour sa sagesse et son penchant naturel au bon choix
The thesis examines - through a comparative approach - the first European realization of the maie direct universal suffrage, which takes place both under the Second French Republic and the Italian démocratie expériences (Venice, Rome, Tuscany). As far as public discourse and law are concemed, the thesis focuses onto the debates starting from the Thirties and the 1848-49's codifications. On the contrary, as far as the political expériences are concerned, it analyses the convocation of the French and the Roman Constituent Assemblies. Thus, this spécifie multidimensional approach allows an actual vérification of the collective aspect of the 1848-49's v te. Besides, it shows itself not as the resuit of the interaction between an arcaic society and political vision and some assumed modem institutions, but as the conséquence of a spécifie concept of the suffrage and as its tranformation into électoral rules. Yet, the protagonist of the whole process is not the individual elector, but a sort of "elector people", who is celebrated precisely because of both his wiseness and his natural inclination towards the best possible choice
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Brody, Michelle. "Voting Rights and Wrongs: Philosophical Justification for Universal Suffrage." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/418.

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This thesis analyzes Jason Brennan's paper "The Right to a Competent Electorate," then critiques his argument in favor of restricting voting rights to those deemed competent. I consider the practical and ethical implications of testing for competence, then conclude, contrary to Brennan, that granting all citizens voting rights is more just than restricting the voting population.
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Martin-Gay, Bruno. "L' agent public confronté à l'enjeu de la candidature officielle (1852-1870) : contribution à une réévaluation du césarisme démocratique et libéral." Thesis, Paris 11, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA111008.

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Dans l’inconscient collectif et la culture nationale, l’image du Second Empire fut longtemps couverte par un voile d’opprobre. La défaite de Sedan, les diatribes de Victor Hugo et le coup d’État se conjuguèrent pour fixer durablement une légende noire. Des travaux historiographiques ont en partie réparé cette image, en montrant la réalité de la mutation libérale durant la décennie 1860 et la particularité de la conception du suffrage universel. Il restait à envisager les conséquences sur l’agent de l’État, en particulier dans son rapport avec l’une des spécificités de l’Empire : la candidature officielle. L’idéologie césarienne consiste à subordonner l’existence de l’Empire à la victoire du candidat recommandé par le Gouvernement lors de chaque élection, locale ou nationale. Le salut impérial requiert donc de placer tous les « fonctionnaires » sous la dépendance de ce candidat. L’opération est facilitée par deux points : d’une part, il n’existe pas de statut protégeant les fonctionnaires ; d’autre part, les libertés publiques sont sévèrement contrôlées. Mais la dépendance ne saurait être absolue. Le rôle de l’État évolue et les agents compétents qui parviennent à se rendre indispensables s’ouvrent un espace d’autonomie. Surtout, la législation électorale promouvant les grands principes modernes relatifs à la liberté des scrutins commence à être appliquée par la jurisprudence du Conseil d’État. L’agent devient donc partagé entre les nécessités inhérentes au soutien du candidat patronné et les obligations légales contrôlées par le Conseil d’État
The image of the Second Empire was disgraced for a long time in our national culture. Indeed the French defeat at Sedan, Victor Hugo’s diatribes and the Coup combined to firmly corroborate the dark vision of the period. Yet some historical studies have partly restored it by showing the reality of the liberal mutation in the 1860’s and its particular conception of the universal suffrage. Thus it was also important to focus on the consequences on the Civil Servant and more particularly on his link with the official candidacy, which was one of the characteristics of the Empire. The ideology of Napoleon III consisted in subordinating the existence of the Empire to the victory of the candidate recommended by the Government for each local or national election. Therefore all the “civil servants” had to be subservient to the official candidacy. The manoeuvre was facilitated by two things. Indeed there was no status to protect the civil servants and the public liberties were strictly controlled by the Imperial rule. Yet it was not a complete dependence. The role of the State evolved and the competent civil servants who managed to be vital elements progressively became autonomous people. What is more, the electoral legislation, which conveyed great modern principles connected to voting freedom, began to be applied by the case law of the Legislative Body. Hence the civil servant became torn between the innate necessities to endorse the legitimate candidate and the legal obligations controlled by the Legislative Body
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Ponceau, Robert. "La Loi et le suffrage universel essai critique et constructif /." Lyon : Université Lyon3, 2006. http://thesesbrain.univ-lyon3.fr/sdx/theses/lyon3/1990/ponceau_r.

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Galloway, Stuart John. "The American Equal Rights Association, 1866-1870 : gender, race, and universal suffrage." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/29034.

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This thesis studies the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), 1866 to 1870, and argues for its historical distinctiveness and significance. The AERA was the only organisation in nineteenth-century America that explicitly campaigned for the rights of men and women on the same platform. Formed in the immediate aftermath of the American Civil War, the AERA joined the discussion of how to reconstruct the war-torn nation, demanding political rights to be extended to all American citizens based on their common humanity. As the first academic study to focus purely on the AERA, this thesis presents a series of new findings and interpretations about the association. It studies the creation, exploits, and demise of the AERA, highlighting and analysing key aspects of the association’s character, from its membership and ideas, to its campaigning and organisational dynamics. It also broadens the source base beyond the two figures of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, who have long dominated writings on the woman suffrage movement. Instead, the thesis examines the AERA membership as a whole. In so doing, it argues three main points: first, the association was more than just the vehicle for the woman suffrage movement at this time; second, the association worked well and was not constantly beset by divisions and disputes, and third, the final collapse of the association was due more to the actions of individuals than to wider historical or contextual forces. Besides arguing for the historical distinctiveness and significance of the AERA, this focus on the association itself provides a new angle on wide-ranging questions, concerning Reconstruction history, political relations between men and women and the role of men in movements for gender equality.
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Ngango, Bernard. "Le droit des élections politiques au Cameroun : suffrage universel et démocratie." Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010328.

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En mettant en place de nouvelles institutions, le législateur camerounais a souhaité se doter d'instruments juridiques susceptibles d'entraîner la participation du plus grand nombre de citoyens. Mais si le vote est l'acte par excellence à travers lequel le citoyen s'implique dans la vie politique la question peut se poser de savoir si sa réalisation est effective. En effet, une législation qui proclame le principe du suffrage universel mais qui ne l'accepte qu'à regret, peut, dans une mesure appréciable, en corriger les effets par une réglementation appropriée de la procédure électorale. Dès lors, l'interrogation majeure autour de laquelle s'articule notre propos est de voir si l'objectif proclamé par le législateur camerounais, à savoir l'instauration d'une société démocratique a été atteint.
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Aliot, Louis. "L'élection du président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct /." Paris : F.-X. de Guibert, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390671495.

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Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Droit public--Toulouse 1, 2002. Titre de soutenance : Les effets de l'élection du président de la Cinquième République au suffrage universel direct.
En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 303-321. Index.
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O'Sullivan, Maureen. "Morality patently matters : the case for a universal suffrage for morally controversial biotechnological patents." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31227.

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This thesis is a critique and proposed reform of the decision-making process under the European Patent Convention 1973, Article 53(a) as it relates to morality. It postulates that the manner in which the morality bar is currently managed is inappropriate as it relies on patent officials to make the initial decision as to whether the patent application is morally permissible or not. In a pluralistic world, morality is understood differently by a wide variety of people but this is not currently being acknowledged within the patent system. Whilst there is an option to bring opposition proceedings to challenge patent grants, this onus is considerable on the challenger and any debate is then played out by a very small sector of highly specialised experts, often with very differing views on morality. This thesis seeks to broaden the decision-making process to reflect society's pluralism. Officials, it will be argued, should instead of trying to decide what constitutes morality in a realm of such importance for humanity as a whole, administer a system which facilitates public participation and a vote. This will be based on existing models of widespread public deliberation and participation, albeit not ones that currently operate in (or near) the patent world. At present, criticisms in the legal literature tend to suggest more deliberation in the patent field and more participation is recommended in science literature but the logistics are unexplored and will be brought together in this work, making an original contribution to knowledge. In order to achieve its aim, the thesis employs a pluralistic methodology which includes doctrinal, socio-legal and interdisciplinary facets which will enable the construction of a model for reform of the patent system in the domain of morality. This will come from outside of traditional legal mechanisms such as legislative, judicial or patent office reform solutions, as a far-reaching paradigm is envisaged. The claim to originality lies in the extraction of principles from deliberative and participatory models of democracy and their application to the decision-making process in morally controversial biotechnological patents.
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Books on the topic "Suffragio universale"

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Democrazia o bonapartismo: Trionfo e decadenza del suffragio universale. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 1993.

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Towards universal suffrage: St. Kitts, 1916-1952. Basseterre, St. Kitts: V.B. O'Flaherty, 2004.

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1945-, Tusell Javier, ed. El Sufragio universal. Madrid: Marcial Pons, 1991.

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Soʻo, Asofou. Universal suffrage in Western Samoa: The 1991 general elections. Canberra, ACT, Australia: Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1993.

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Malcolmson, Patrick. The selection of party leaders: Convention versus universal suffrage models. [Toronto]: Ontario, Legislative Library, Legislative Research Service, 1986.

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Moya, Mónica Soria. Adolfo Posada y la Ley de Sufragio Universal de 1890: La práctica política de la Restauración. Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2021.

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Stanley, Harold W. Voter mobilization and the politics of race: The South and universal suffrage, 1952-1984. New York: Praeger, 1987.

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The British Conservative Party in the age of universal suffrage: Popular conservatism, 1918-1929. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1998.

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Mujeres bajo prueba: La participación electoral de las mujeres antes del voto universal, 1938-1949. [La Paz]: Eureka Ediciones, 2001.

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Quiroga, Marcela Revollo. Mujeres bajo prueba: La participación electoral de las mujeres antes del voto universal (1938-1949) / Marcela Revollo Quiroga. La Paz, Bolivia: Eureka Ediciones, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Suffragio universale"

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Beckman, Ludvig. "Introduction: Universal Suffrage on Trial." In The Frontiers of Democracy, 1–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244962_1.

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Chartist, A. Tyne. "The Way to Universal Suffrage. 1." In The Chartist Movement in Britain 1838–1850, 145–68. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003113218-10.

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Divina, Federico, Maarten Keijzer, and Elena Marchiori. "Non-universal Suffrage Selection Operators Favor Population Diversity in Genetic Algorithms." In Genetic and Evolutionary Computation — GECCO 2003, 1574–75. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/3-540-45110-2_31.

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Pilbeam, Pamela M. "Universal Suffrage and the ‘Right to Work’: The Second Republic, February–April 1848." In Republicanism in Nineteenth-Century France, 1814–1871, 185–209. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23860-6_8.

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Larsson, Tomas. "Buddha or the Ballot: The Buddhist Exception to Universal Suffrage in Contemporary Asia." In Buddhism and the Political Process, 78–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-57400-8_5.

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Brosio, Giorgio, and Carla Marchese. "Voting Rights and the Demand for Public Expenditure. An Analysis of the redistributive impact of universal suffrage." In International Studies in Economics and Econometrics, 329–49. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-2188-0_13.

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Vivier, Nadine. "7. Electoral practices in French villages at the time of male universal suffrage: from rural collective action to individualism." In Making Politics in the European Countryside, 171–93. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.corn-eb.5.128249.

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Bosch, Mineke. "Gender and the Politics of History and Memory – an Inside Reflection on the Dutch Centenary of Universal (Women’s) Suffrage." In Frauenwahlrecht – umstrittenes Erinnern, 55–72. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737012492.55.

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"‘Universal Suffrage’ *." In The Life and Literary Pursuits of Allen Davenport, edited by Malcolm Chase, 100–101. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429442384-17.

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Clark, Anna. "Universal Suffrage in Australia." In History of Suffrage 1760-1867, 203–25. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003192572-9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Suffragio universale"

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Drozdova, Viktoriya. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." In Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02058-6/100-107.

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The article presents a comparative analysis of the electoral system of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation. The separation of powers is indicated. The procedure for setting the date of elections, which are held on the basis of universal, free and equal suffrage, is described. It shows how the registration and elections of the president, deputies and other persons elected to public positions take place.
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Guettaoui, Amel, and Ouafi Hadja. "Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.

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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights. There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
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