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Journal articles on the topic 'Suffrage populaire'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 2 November 2024

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1

Rabinovitch-Fox, Einav. "Clothing as a Site of Memory: The Uses and Legacy of Suffrage Fashion." Histoire sociale / Social History 56, no. 116 (November 2023): 391–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/his.2023.a914569.

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Abstract: Clothing and appearance were an instrumental part of the women’s suffrage campaign in the United States that led to the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. By using specific styles and colours and emphasizing feminine appearance, suffragists turned fashion into a political strategy to refute popular derogatory images of women activists, while also building their “brand” to gain public support for their cause. By the late twentieth century, women politicians who sought to break new ground in government reclaimed suffragists’ fashion and especially the suffrage colours, making it part of their political vocabulary and message. Examining the role suffrage fashions played in the past and their legacies in the present thus illuminates how fashion became a site of feminist memory to the movement and to the struggle. Through the material manifestations and legacies suffrage maintained in popular culture, fashion became a means of commemoration as well as resistance. Abstract: L’habillement et l’apparence ont joué un rôle déterminant dans la campagne pour le droit de vote des femmes aux États-Unis, laquelle a conduit à la ratification du dix-neuvième amendement. En utilisant des styles et des couleurs spécifiques et en accentuant l’apparence féminine, les suffragistes ont transformé la mode en une stratégie politique pour réfuter les images populaires désobligeantes qui leur étaient associées, tout en construisant leur « marque » pour gagner le soutien du public à leur cause. À la fin du XXe siècle, les politiciennes qui cherchaient à faire preuve d’innovation au sein du gouvernement se sont réapproprié la mode des suffragistes, et en particulier les couleurs associées au suffrage, en l’intégrant à leur vocabulaire et à leurs discours politiques. Ainsi, l’examen du rôle de la mode du suffrage dans le passé et de son héritage dans le présent met en lumière la façon dont la mode est devenue un lieu de mémoire féministe du mouvement et de la lutte. Par les manifestations matérielles et l’héritage que le suffrage a maintenu dans la culture populaire, la mode est devenue un moyen de commémoration et de résistance.

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2

Nosanenko, Galina Y., and Ruslan V. Gavrilyuk. "From monarchical absolutism to popular representation and universal suffrage in England." Current Issues of the State and Law, no. 3 (2022): 286–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2022-6-3-286-294.

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In the context of social problems of finding effective tools for representative institutions and organizing elections approved by the population, the formation of institution of popular representation and universal suffrage is considered. The purpose is to study the peculiar features of these processes characteristic of England, on the basis of which the formation of individual elements of the universal suffrage system in the state is illustrated. In connection with the stated guidelines, the objectives of the work determined the study of the problems and features of the formation of these institutions and the characteristics of doctrinal approaches to the issues under consideration by domestic philosophers, historians, jurists and political scientists; the formation of final conclusions of work, where we indicate the opinion that the system that developed by the end of the 19th century in England took another step towards universal suffrage, coming almost close to it. We substantiate the presence in the scientific doctrine of a high degree of problem development of the formation of the institution of popular representation and universal suffrage. On the basis of formal-logical and historical research methods, the opinion of pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern scientists, theorists and specialists of branch legal directions to the origin and development of the English popular representation and the institute of universal suffrage in the corresponding existence period of the state and law, as well as the scientific views expressed by them, is analyzed. The presence of a direct relationship between the establishment of the institution of popular representation and the institution of universal suffrage is revealed and proved. In summing up the results of the study, we point out the long path of English democratic institutions formation, the peculiarities of its formation due to the predominance of the strong state power of the crown throughout the historical development. We conclude that by the end of the 19th century in England there was a persistent public demand for the transition to universal and equal suffrage, where one legally specified voter had one vote in the elections, although the reactionary mass of patriarchal society was able to slow down its implementation.

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3

Keating, James. "“Trust the Women”: Dora Meeson Coates’s Suffrage Banner and the Popular Construction of Australia’s Feminist Past in the Late Twentieth Century." Histoire sociale / Social History 56, no. 116 (November 2023): 369–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/his.2023.a914568.

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Abstract: In 1988, the Australian federal government purchased Anglo-Australian artist Dora Meeson Coates’s “Trust the Women” banner as part of the country’s belated efforts to memorialize the suffrage victories that once made its White citizens the most enfranchised people on earth. However, between the fin de siècle and the 1970s, which witnessed the concurrent rise of women’s history and state feminism, feminists had been ambivalent about commemorating the suffrage campaigns, especially at the national level. Since the late 1980s, the banner has experienced a transformation from an artefact few Australians had known about, much less forgotten, into the most familiar symbol of the country’s suffrage movements. Brought about by memory agents—activists, bureaucrats, historians, and politicians—this shift reveals the public appeal of British suffrage iconography over the material record of Australian activists’ “quiet” toil, a sentiment which has increasingly shaped the memorialization of local suffrage stories. Abstract: En 1988, le gouvernement fédéral australien a acheté la bannière « Trust the Women » de l’artiste anglo-australienne Dora Meeson Coates dans le cadre des efforts tardifs du pays pour commémorer les victoires en matière de suffrage qui avaient jadis permis à ses citoyens Blancs d’être le peuple avec le droit de vote le plus étendu de la planète. Cependant, entre la fin du siècle et les années 1970, une période qui a vu la montée simultanée de l’histoire des femmes et du féminisme d’État, les féministes ont fait preuve d’ambivalence quant à la commémoration des campagnes de suffrage, plus particulièrement au niveau national. Depuis la fin des années 1980, la bannière a connu une transformation, passant d’un artefact dont peu d’Australiens connaissaient l’existence, et encore moins qu’ils avaient oublié, au symbole le plus familier des mouvements de suffrage du pays. Provoqué par les agents de la mémoire —activistes, bureaucrates, historiens et politiciens —ce changement révèle l’attrait public de l’iconographie du suffrage britannique au détriment de l’enregistrement matériel du labeur « tranquille » des activistes australiens, un sentiment qui a de plus en plus façonné la commémoration des histoires locales du suffrage.

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4

BUNKER, GARY L., and CAROL B. BUNKER. "Woman Suffrage, Popular Art, and Utah." Utah Historical Quarterly 59, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45063493.

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5

Meriggi, Marco. "Notables, Bourgeoisie, Popular Classes, and Politics." Social Science History 19, no. 2 (1995): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001734x.

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In recent years Italian social historians have devoted increasing attention to the nature and morphology of the nineteenth-century bourgeoisie. Traditional historiography viewed the bourgeoisie as key par excellence to the political change played out between 1859 and 1871. It was seen, on the one hand, as integral to the formation of a liberal political regime based on a limited suffrage, and, on the other, as critical to the outcome of the peninsula's national unification of a dozen small states, most of which were previously governed by absolutist regimes.

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6

Enstam, Elizabeth York. "The Dallas Equal Suffrage Association, Political Style, and Popular Culture: Grassroots Strategies of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1913-1919." Journal of Southern History 68, no. 4 (November 2002): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069775.

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7

Epp, Michael H. "TheTraffic in Affect: Marietta Holley, Suffrage, and LateNineteenth-Century Popular Humour." Canadian Review of American Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2006): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-s036-01-05.

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8

Epp, Michael H. "The Traffic in Affect: Marietta Holley, Suffrage, and Late-Nineteenth-Century Popular Humour." Canadian Review of American Studies 36, no. 1 (2006): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crv.2006.0023.

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9

HEYWOOD, COLIN. "LEARNING DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE: POPULAR POLITICS IN TROYES, c. 1830–1900." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 921–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004042.

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The French have had an ambiguous relationship with liberal democracy, doing much to pioneer it since 1789, but also harbouring substantial minorities hostile to it. This article seeks the historical roots for this relationship in a critical period for the democratization process in France between the 1830 Revolution and the consolidation of the Third Republic late in the nineteenth century. It takes the textile town of Troyes as a case study. In particular, it takes a ‘grass-roots’ approach to the problem, as opposed to the usual focus on ideologies and attitudes to democratization among the elites. The general contention is that the population of the town faced a number of obstacles as it attempted to develop a ‘democratic culture’. The analysis highlights the varying approaches to popular participation in politics taken by successive regimes between 1815 and the 1870s, the slow emergence of a civil society in the town, and the problems faced by militants as they operated under the constraints of universal manhood suffrage.

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10

deVries, Jacqueline R. "Popular and Smart: Why Scholarship on the Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain Still Matters." History Compass 11, no. 3 (March 2013): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12034.

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11

Coetzee, Frans. "The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918–1929." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 2 (January 1999): 65–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528297.

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12

Witherell, Larry L., and Neal R. McCrillis. "The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918-1929." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052793.

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13

Stapleton, Julia, and Neal R. McCrillis. "The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918-1929." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649710.

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14

Kean, Hilda. "Public history and popular memory: issues in the commemoration of the British militant suffrage campaign." Women's History Review 14, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2005): 581–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020500200440.

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15

Neves, Rafael Augusto Sasaki, Roberto Eduardo Lamari, Edson Aparecida de Araujo Querido Oliveira, Quesia Postigo Kamimura, and Cristiano Capellani Quaresma. "Importance of popular participation in the legislative process according to constitutional principles." CONTRIBUCIONES A LAS CIENCIAS SOCIALES 17, no. 2 (February 9, 2024): e4300. http://dx.doi.org/10.55905/revconv.17n.2-044.

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Social participation plays a fundamental role in consolidating democratic principles and guaranteeing citizens' rights in the Brazilian context. In addition to periodic suffrage, the Federal Constitution recognizes the relevance of the contribution of individuals in the process of formulating and implementing public policies. Sectoral councils, for example, are established as mechanisms for dialogue and cooperation between the government and civil society. Social participation has a positive impact by expanding representativeness, strengthening transparency and fostering social control over government actions. In this sense, it is imperative to create appropriate spaces and promote strategies that value and strengthen social participation, with the aim of building a more just and democratic society. Within the scope of the legislative process, mechanisms such as public hearings and popular initiative bills play an important role in providing citizens with the opportunity to express their opinions and influence decisions. Furthermore, social participation is not restricted to the stage of drafting laws, but also encompasses their implementation and monitoring. The active engagement of citizens, through monitoring the activities of parliamentarians, contributes to the promotion of transparency and accountability and strengthens democratic principles. Active participation in the legislative process is a determining factor for more inclusive and responsive governance, thus seeking to build a just and egalitarian society.

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16

Ball, S. "Shorter notice. The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage. Popular Conservatism, 1918-1929. Neal McCrillis." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 2000): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.460.247.

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17

Ball, S. "Shorter notice. The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage. Popular Conservatism, 1918-1929. Neal McCrillis." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 1, 2000): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.460.247.

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18

Wallis, E. V. "Votes for Women: Selections from the National American Woman SuffrageAssociation Collection, 1848-1921 * By Popular Demand: "Votes for Women" Suffrage Pictures, 1850-1920." Journal of American History 98, no. 4 (February 19, 2012): 1227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar567.

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19

Omerdić, Dženeta. "The Principle of Constituency of Peoples: An Obstacle to the Achievement of Popular Sovereignty in Bosnia and Herzegovina?" Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 6, no. 3(16) (July 27, 2021): 323–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2021.6.3.323.

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Before the socio-political communities are posted, a very demanding task of defining the subject on whose name will behalf political power is implemented over a given state territory. However, the question about the subject of sovereignty should in no case be misunderstood as an issue of simply theoretical approach. The level of a state’s democracy, as well as its ability to realize internal and external sovereignty, depends entirely on fact: does the power belong to the People and whether it derives from the People. In other words, the issue of popular sovereignty is a substantial, constitutive element of modern democratic states. When we speak about contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina, the functionality of the entire state government is often hindered by the complex decision-making processes at all state levels which lead to obstruction of the entire decision-making process. Such a dysfunctional decision-making process on the state level poses a threat and disables the Bosnian plural society to respond to the modern challenges of a democratic functioning state. The legal nature of Bosnian society is determined by the existence of constituent people who have “usurped” the entire decision-making process. There is still no end in sight to the struggle that leads to an oligarchy of the ruling elites; furthermore, there is still no appropriate socio-political mechanism that will enhance the accountability of the representatives to their voters; it is still inconceivable that decisions of state authorities are effectively and consistently implemented throughout the national territory. In other words, there is still no appropriate mechanism that will enhance the principle of popular sovereignty. It is necessary to “offer” Bosnia and Herzegovina’s pluralism and its political tradition a form of democratic authority which in no way should be a cliché. Furthermore, it may not be one of the “copy-paste” models of democratic authority. Currently, citizens of B&H are completely suspended (de facto, there are only citizens of entities). In the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs are suspended, while in the Republika Srpska, Bosniacs and Croats cannot equally participate in the decision-making process. An unfinished process of implementation of the Dayton Agreement and, in particular, Annex 4 (the Constitution of B&H), whose provisions permit discrimination against the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina (the impossibility of the realization of the principle of equality in the exercise of universal suffrage), as well as the non-application of the Decision of the European Court of Human Rights contributes and is conducive to further segmentation of Bosnian society.

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20

Ramsden, J. A. "The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918–1929. By Neal R. McCrillis. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1998. Pp. x+314. $41.95." Journal of Modern History 72, no. 3 (September 2000): 794–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/316061.

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21

Witherell, Larry L. "Neal R. McCrillis. The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918-1929. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1998. Pp. x, 314. $41.95. ISBN 0-814-2077-15." Albion 31, no. 2 (1999): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000063213.

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22

Hendley, Matthew. "Tradition and Innovation in the Historiography of British ConservatismBonar Law, by R.J.Q. Adams. London, John Murray, 1999. 485 pp. $61.00 US (cloth).Facing Fascism: The Conservative Party and the European Dictators, 1935-1940, by N.J. Crowson. London and New York, Routledge, 1997. 270 pp. $80.00 US (cloth).The Conservatives and British Society, 1880-1990, edited by Martin Francis and Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska. Cardiff, University of Wales Press, 1996. 342 pp. $65.00 US (cloth).Conservative Women: A History of Women and the Conservative Party, 1874-1997, by G.E. Maguire. Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1998. 242 pp. $92.50 US (cloth).The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism 1918-1929, by Neal McCrillis. Columbus, Ohio State University Press, 1998. 314 pp. $41.95 US (cloth).An Appetite for Power: A History of the Conservative Party since 1830, by John Ramsden. London, Harper Collins, 1998. 562 pp. $15.95 US (paperback).Conservatism and Foreign Policy during the Lloyd George Coalition, 1918-1922, by Inbal Rose. London, Frank Cass, 1999. 289 pp. $59.50 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 37, no. 1 (April 2002): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.37.1.83.

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23

MULOPO GIHANI, GHICHARD. "Illégitimité des acteurs locaux, cause du sous-développement des entités territoriales décentralisées (ETD) Cas de la province du Kwilu." Revue Congo Research Papers 2, no. 1 (December 5, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.59937/ewii2885.

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La République Démocratique du Congo est l’un des pays du continent qui a connu une instabilité politique et institutionnelle à cause notamment du problème de la crise de légitimité. Pour aboutir à des résultats de nos recherches, quelques textes des lois relatifs à la décentralisation nous ont servi de canevas pour atteindre des résultats escomptés. La légitimité politique repose évidement sur l’action populaire mesurée par les suffrages. Dans un Etat de démocratie représentative comme la République Démocratique du Congo, les élections sont un fondement de tout pouvoir. Car, elles donnent un sens de respect des valeurs démocratiques telles que : la liberté d’expression dans le choix des dirigeants, la liberté de sanction en cas d’inaction et de médiocrité dans l’action du dirigeant. Les suffrages populaires octroient à l’acteur politique une efficacité sans concurrent, et permet d’établir un lien direct entre d’une part, l’acteur politique (élu), et d’autre part la population (électeur). Le vrai problème auquel se heurte cette décentralisation, est cet aspect de la double légitimité. Laquelle met en mal la fonctionnalité des entités décentralisées. Le parrainage politique, le clientélisme ainsi que des récompenses politiques sont des causes d’inefficacité des acteurs en fonction depuis l’installation du processus de décentralisation. Il s’avère très important d’arriver à un déclic de légitimité pour le développement de la République Démocratique du Congo en général. Mots clés : Décentralisation, légitimité, Démocratie

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24

Keating, James. "“Trust the Women”: Dora Meeson Coates’s Suffrage Banner and the Popular Construction of Australia’s Feminist Past in the Late Twentieth Century." Histoire sociale / Social History, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/his.2019.a910550.

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En 1988, le gouvernement fédéral australien a acheté la bannière « Trust the Women » de l’artiste anglo-australienne Dora Meeson Coates dans le cadre des efforts tardifs du pays pour commémorer les victoires en matière de suffrage qui avaient jadis permis à ses citoyens Blancs d’être le peuple avec le droit de vote le plus étendu de la planète. Cependant, entre la fin du siècle et les années 1970, une période qui a vu la montée simultanée de l’histoire des femmes et du féminisme d’État, les féministes ont fait preuve d’ambivalence quant à la commémoration des campagnes de suffrage, plus particulièrement au niveau national. Depuis la fin des années 1980, la bannière a connu une transformation, passant d’un artefact dont peu d’Australiens connaissaient l’existence, et encore moins qu’ils avaient oublié, au symbole le plus familier des mouvements de suffrage du pays. Provoqué par les agents de la mémoire — activistes, bureaucrates, historiens et politiciens—ce changement révèle l’attrait public de l’iconographie du suffrage britannique au détriment de l’enregistrement matériel du labeur « tranquille » des activistes australiens, un sentiment qui a de plus en plus façonné la commémoration des histoires locales du suffrage.

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25

Bengtsson, Erik. "Erik Bengtsson: The Evolution of Popular Politics in 19th-Century Sweden and the Road From Oligarchy to Democracy." Journal of Modern European History, December 25, 2022, 161189442211468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944221146897.

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In the 20th century, Sweden distinguished itself as one of the most organized and participatory democracies in the world. But in the late 19th century the situation was much the opposite – Sweden had for Western Europe a low degree of suffrage, and low political participation. To explain the turnaround, this paper explores the evolution of a democratic political culture in the final third of the 19th century, in opposition to the oligarchic system. The empirical material consists of digitalized newspapers from the south of Sweden in the period 1866 to 1900, studying about 2700 articles that mention ‘popular meetings’, folkmöten, which was the contemporary description of political meetings. In the 1860s and 1870s a farmer-centred democratic critique dominated, combining proposals for widened suffrage with criticisms of banks and the bureaucracy. In the 1880s and 1890s, the social base was widened as urban workers – socialist and antisocialist – took a greater part and the ideological composition became more heterogeneous. The paper suggests that the folkmöten constituted an important arena for democratic socialization in a country with an oligarchical political system, creating a road forward for democratic reforms and a democratic society.

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26

"The British Conservative Party in the age of universal suffrage: popular conservatism, 1918-1929." Choice Reviews Online 36, no. 08 (April 1, 1999): 36–4722. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.36-4722.

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27

Vessey, David. "Words as well as Deeds: The Popular Press and Suffragette Hunger Strikes in Edwardian Britain." Twentieth Century British History, August 7, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwaa031.

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Abstract This article considers how national newspapers reported, portrayed, and narrated the militant suffragism of the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU). Using three popular newspapers, the Daily Mail, the Daily Express, and the Daily Mirror and the specific case study of hunger strikes and the government’s response of forcible feeding, it evaluates the various tropes that characterized press coverage of the suffragettes. It investigates how militancy, an approach that prioritized spectacle, was covered in an emerging medium that sought to recast politics in a new and spectacular fashion, thereby extending understanding of how the style and content of popular newspapers evolved in the first decade of the twentieth century. In doing so, it expands existing research into the dynamics of the nascent popular press and its function as an ‘arena’ for fostering extra-parliamentary political debate. The WSPU attempted to take advantage of this opportunity to promote its own arguments on forcible feeding and female suffrage, using correspondence columns and prisoner testimony to elicit empathy, albeit with only sporadic success in receiving a sympathetic hearing from a hostile press, with enmity a consistent feature of editorial argument. Nevertheless, the article concludes that responses to hunger strikes and forcible feeding in the popular press were multifaceted, and whilst the WSPU was unable to reframe patriarchal narratives of political activism, it persisted with words as well as deeds in seeking to co-opt newspapers into its campaign and garner publicity for its cause.

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28

du Plooy, Belinda. "The return of Rosie the Riveter: Contemporary popular reappropriations of the iconic World War II image." Image & Text, no. 35 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2617-3255/2021/n35a7.

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ABSTRACT The iconic image of Rosie the Riveter played an important role in American patriotic ideological processes during World War II. Aimed at the recruitment of women for wartime work, particularly in factories and traditionally masculine occupations, this representation of a woman in overalls and head scarf, with sleeves rolled up, showing her bicep and balled fist, declaring 'We can do it', has been a contentious point of discussion for its significance in feminist agendas since its first appearance. While building on, and playing to, the suffrage agendas of first wave feminism, the popular image of Rosie was transcended by second wave concerns about depictions of women in the workplace, such as those in films like Norma Rae (Ritt 1979), Silkwood (Nichols 1983), North Country (Caro 2005) and Made in Dagenheim (Cole 2010). But Rosie is making a comeback. The image has recently been appropriated in various ways and for various purposes - naively, ironically, satirically, as bricolage, pastiche and in sexualised portrayals - to represent contemporary women's issues and concerns, as well as arguably forming part of a backlash culture against feminism. Contemporary depictions have, for example, ranged from Hilary Clinton, Sarah Palin, Michelle Obama, Malala Yousafzai and Beyoncé. This paper considers the development and transformation of the image of Rosie the Riveter and its contradictory (re)-appropriations in various contemporary popular cultural discourses. Keywords: feminist expression, Michel Foucault, gender roles, popular culture, Rosie the Riveter.

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29

"Neal R. McCrillis. The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism, 1918–1929. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. 1998. Pp. x, 314. $41.95." American Historical Review, October 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/104.4.1377.

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30

"Margaret Finnegan. Selling Suffrage: Consumer Culture and Votes for Women. (Popular Cultures, Everyday Lives.) New York: Columbia University Press. 1999. Pp. xii, 222. Cloth $49.50, paper $17.50." American Historical Review, June 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/105.3.944-a.

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