Relevant bibliographies by topics / Suffrage populaire

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Suffrage populaire'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 2 November 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Suffrage populaire"

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Rabinovitch-Fox, Einav. "Clothing as a Site of Memory: The Uses and Legacy of Suffrage Fashion." Histoire sociale / Social History 56, no. 116 (November 2023): 391–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/his.2023.a914569.

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Abstract: Clothing and appearance were an instrumental part of the women’s suffrage campaign in the United States that led to the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. By using specific styles and colours and emphasizing feminine appearance, suffragists turned fashion into a political strategy to refute popular derogatory images of women activists, while also building their “brand” to gain public support for their cause. By the late twentieth century, women politicians who sought to break new ground in government reclaimed suffragists’ fashion and especially the suffrage colours, making it part of their political vocabulary and message. Examining the role suffrage fashions played in the past and their legacies in the present thus illuminates how fashion became a site of feminist memory to the movement and to the struggle. Through the material manifestations and legacies suffrage maintained in popular culture, fashion became a means of commemoration as well as resistance. Abstract: L’habillement et l’apparence ont joué un rôle déterminant dans la campagne pour le droit de vote des femmes aux États-Unis, laquelle a conduit à la ratification du dix-neuvième amendement. En utilisant des styles et des couleurs spécifiques et en accentuant l’apparence féminine, les suffragistes ont transformé la mode en une stratégie politique pour réfuter les images populaires désobligeantes qui leur étaient associées, tout en construisant leur « marque » pour gagner le soutien du public à leur cause. À la fin du XXe siècle, les politiciennes qui cherchaient à faire preuve d’innovation au sein du gouvernement se sont réapproprié la mode des suffragistes, et en particulier les couleurs associées au suffrage, en l’intégrant à leur vocabulaire et à leurs discours politiques. Ainsi, l’examen du rôle de la mode du suffrage dans le passé et de son héritage dans le présent met en lumière la façon dont la mode est devenue un lieu de mémoire féministe du mouvement et de la lutte. Par les manifestations matérielles et l’héritage que le suffrage a maintenu dans la culture populaire, la mode est devenue un moyen de commémoration et de résistance.
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Nosanenko, Galina Y., and Ruslan V. Gavrilyuk. "From monarchical absolutism to popular representation and universal suffrage in England." Current Issues of the State and Law, no. 3 (2022): 286–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2022-6-3-286-294.

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In the context of social problems of finding effective tools for representative institutions and organizing elections approved by the population, the formation of institution of popular representation and universal suffrage is considered. The purpose is to study the peculiar features of these processes characteristic of England, on the basis of which the formation of individual elements of the universal suffrage system in the state is illustrated. In connection with the stated guidelines, the objectives of the work determined the study of the problems and features of the formation of these institutions and the characteristics of doctrinal approaches to the issues under consideration by domestic philosophers, historians, jurists and political scientists; the formation of final conclusions of work, where we indicate the opinion that the system that developed by the end of the 19th century in England took another step towards universal suffrage, coming almost close to it. We substantiate the presence in the scientific doctrine of a high degree of problem development of the formation of the institution of popular representation and universal suffrage. On the basis of formal-logical and historical research methods, the opinion of pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern scientists, theorists and specialists of branch legal directions to the origin and development of the English popular representation and the institute of universal suffrage in the corresponding existence period of the state and law, as well as the scientific views expressed by them, is analyzed. The presence of a direct relationship between the establishment of the institution of popular representation and the institution of universal suffrage is revealed and proved. In summing up the results of the study, we point out the long path of English democratic institutions formation, the peculiarities of its formation due to the predominance of the strong state power of the crown throughout the historical development. We conclude that by the end of the 19th century in England there was a persistent public demand for the transition to universal and equal suffrage, where one legally specified voter had one vote in the elections, although the reactionary mass of patriarchal society was able to slow down its implementation.
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Keating, James. "“Trust the Women”: Dora Meeson Coates’s Suffrage Banner and the Popular Construction of Australia’s Feminist Past in the Late Twentieth Century." Histoire sociale / Social History 56, no. 116 (November 2023): 369–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/his.2023.a914568.

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Abstract: In 1988, the Australian federal government purchased Anglo-Australian artist Dora Meeson Coates’s “Trust the Women” banner as part of the country’s belated efforts to memorialize the suffrage victories that once made its White citizens the most enfranchised people on earth. However, between the fin de siècle and the 1970s, which witnessed the concurrent rise of women’s history and state feminism, feminists had been ambivalent about commemorating the suffrage campaigns, especially at the national level. Since the late 1980s, the banner has experienced a transformation from an artefact few Australians had known about, much less forgotten, into the most familiar symbol of the country’s suffrage movements. Brought about by memory agents—activists, bureaucrats, historians, and politicians—this shift reveals the public appeal of British suffrage iconography over the material record of Australian activists’ “quiet” toil, a sentiment which has increasingly shaped the memorialization of local suffrage stories. Abstract: En 1988, le gouvernement fédéral australien a acheté la bannière « Trust the Women » de l’artiste anglo-australienne Dora Meeson Coates dans le cadre des efforts tardifs du pays pour commémorer les victoires en matière de suffrage qui avaient jadis permis à ses citoyens Blancs d’être le peuple avec le droit de vote le plus étendu de la planète. Cependant, entre la fin du siècle et les années 1970, une période qui a vu la montée simultanée de l’histoire des femmes et du féminisme d’État, les féministes ont fait preuve d’ambivalence quant à la commémoration des campagnes de suffrage, plus particulièrement au niveau national. Depuis la fin des années 1980, la bannière a connu une transformation, passant d’un artefact dont peu d’Australiens connaissaient l’existence, et encore moins qu’ils avaient oublié, au symbole le plus familier des mouvements de suffrage du pays. Provoqué par les agents de la mémoire —activistes, bureaucrates, historiens et politiciens —ce changement révèle l’attrait public de l’iconographie du suffrage britannique au détriment de l’enregistrement matériel du labeur « tranquille » des activistes australiens, un sentiment qui a de plus en plus façonné la commémoration des histoires locales du suffrage.
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BUNKER, GARY L., and CAROL B. BUNKER. "Woman Suffrage, Popular Art, and Utah." Utah Historical Quarterly 59, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45063493.

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Meriggi, Marco. "Notables, Bourgeoisie, Popular Classes, and Politics." Social Science History 19, no. 2 (1995): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001734x.

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In recent years Italian social historians have devoted increasing attention to the nature and morphology of the nineteenth-century bourgeoisie. Traditional historiography viewed the bourgeoisie as key par excellence to the political change played out between 1859 and 1871. It was seen, on the one hand, as integral to the formation of a liberal political regime based on a limited suffrage, and, on the other, as critical to the outcome of the peninsula's national unification of a dozen small states, most of which were previously governed by absolutist regimes.
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Enstam, Elizabeth York. "The Dallas Equal Suffrage Association, Political Style, and Popular Culture: Grassroots Strategies of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1913-1919." Journal of Southern History 68, no. 4 (November 2002): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069775.

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Epp, Michael H. "TheTraffic in Affect: Marietta Holley, Suffrage, and Late­Nineteenth-Century Popular Humour." Canadian Review of American Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2006): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-s036-01-05.

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Epp, Michael H. "The Traffic in Affect: Marietta Holley, Suffrage, and Late-Nineteenth-Century Popular Humour." Canadian Review of American Studies 36, no. 1 (2006): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crv.2006.0023.

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HEYWOOD, COLIN. "LEARNING DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE: POPULAR POLITICS IN TROYES, c. 1830–1900." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 921–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004042.

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The French have had an ambiguous relationship with liberal democracy, doing much to pioneer it since 1789, but also harbouring substantial minorities hostile to it. This article seeks the historical roots for this relationship in a critical period for the democratization process in France between the 1830 Revolution and the consolidation of the Third Republic late in the nineteenth century. It takes the textile town of Troyes as a case study. In particular, it takes a ‘grass-roots’ approach to the problem, as opposed to the usual focus on ideologies and attitudes to democratization among the elites. The general contention is that the population of the town faced a number of obstacles as it attempted to develop a ‘democratic culture’. The analysis highlights the varying approaches to popular participation in politics taken by successive regimes between 1815 and the 1870s, the slow emergence of a civil society in the town, and the problems faced by militants as they operated under the constraints of universal manhood suffrage.
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deVries, Jacqueline R. "Popular and Smart: Why Scholarship on the Women’s Suffrage Movement in Britain Still Matters." History Compass 11, no. 3 (March 2013): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12034.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Suffrage populaire"

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Caleiras-Scuiller, Arnaud. "L'appel au Peuple ! : Fonder la légitimité politique et gouverner en France par l'onction populaire de 1789 à 1852." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Valenciennes, Université Polytechnique Hauts-de-France, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UPHF0014.

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La question de l’Appel au Peuple constitue un enjeu majeur dans le débat politique français à partir de la Révolution française. Cette idée d’un recours au suffrage populaire, dans des circonstances exceptionnelles pour résoudre un problème d’ordre politique, entend conférer une onction de légitimité afin d’assurer la stabilité des institutions. Tirant ses origines de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine, l’Appel au Peuple fait irruption dans le débat public lors de la Révolution française, puis se trouve appliqué comme méthode de gouvernement par Napoléon Bonaparte, à travers les plébiscites du Consulat et du Premier Empire, lui permettant de tirer sa légitimité du soutien populaire. Bien que les Ultras défendent, au cours de la Restauration, un élargissement du suffrage pour faire reposer la monarchie sur une base populaire, l’idée d’Appel au Peuple réapparaît surtout à partir de 1830, à la suite de l’avènement de Louis-Philippe comme roi des Français, dont le règne est vu comme une usurpation aux yeux de l’opposition légitimiste, notamment par le courant royaliste national, puisqu’aucun recours populaire n’est venu ratifier le nouveau régime. La révolution de Février 1848, en instaurant le suffrage universel masculin, remet en avant l’idée d’Appel au Peuple dans le courant royaliste national, mais la division des légitimistes, sur cette question, favorise le président de la République Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte qui parvient à restaurer la dignité impériale en s’appuyant sur le recours au Peuple, à travers les plébiscites de 1851-1852, lui permettant de concilier hérédité monarchique et souveraineté populaire, dans la tradition bonapartiste. À travers cette histoire de l’Appel au Peuple, de la Révolution française à l’établissement du Second Empire, l’objet de cette thèse est d’étudier une idée majeure de la vie politique française en remontant à ses origines, afin d’obtenir une vue d’ensemble de ce principe et comprendre quelle a pu être son influence dans l’opinion publique du temps, depuis le déclenchement de la Révolution française en 1789 jusqu’à la restauration impériale de 1852, puis, sa postérité après le règne de Napoléon III
The question of the Appeal to the People was a major issue since the French revolution. This idea of recourse to popular suffrage in exceptional circumstances to resolve a political problem was intended to confer an anointing of legitimacy in order to ensure the stability of institutions. With its origins in Greco-Roman Antiquity, the Appeal to the People burst into public debate during the French Revolution, and was then applied as a method of government by Napoleon Bonaparte, through the plebiscites of the Consulate and the First Empire, enabling him to derive his legitimacy from popular support. Although the Ultras advocated to broaden suffrage, during the Restoration period, in order to put the monarchy on a popular basis, the idea of an Appeal to the People reappeared above all from 1830, following the accession of Louis-Philippe as King of the French, whose reign was seen as a usurpation in the eyes of the legitimist opposition, particularly by the national royalist current, since no popular recourse had come to ratify the new regime. The revolution of February 1848, by establishing universal male suffrage, revived the idea of Appeal to the People in the national royalist current, but the division of the legitimists on this question favoured the President of the Republic Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, who succeeded in restoring imperial dignity by relying on recourse to the People, through the plebiscites of 1851-1852, enabling him to reconcile monarchical heredity and popular sovereignty, in the bonapartist tradition. Through this history of the Appeal to the People, the aim of this thesis is to study a major idea in French political life by going back to its origins, in order to obtain an overview of this principle and to understand what influence it may have had on public opinion at the time, since the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789 until the Imperial restoration in 1852 and, then, its posterity after Napoleon III’s reign
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Aberdam, Serge. "L'élargissement du droit de vote entre 1792 et 1795 au travers du dénombrement du comité de division et des votes populaires sur les constitutions de 1793 et 1795." Villeneuve-d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du septentrion, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51744860.html.

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Irurozqui, Marta. "La alquimia democrática. Ciudadanos y procedimientos representativos en Bolivia (1825-1879)." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/121844.

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This article studies the expressions and the institutionalization of popular sovereignty in post-independent Bolivia (1825-1879) by analyzing two components of the democratic system: the subjects involved and the procedures for representation. As far as the former, the article underlines the fact that being a citizen was not limited to voting, but was also exercised by other activities connnected with work, taxation, public petitions and the use of arms. On the other hand, the study of the procedures for organizing and the carrying out of elections highlights two additional realities: first, voting had a regulatory function intended to level off competition and avoid conflicts, and secondly, the reduced number of the electoral body did not inhibit the development of political competition because political participation went beyond elections to include the use of violence and other illegal activities
Los procesos de expresión y de institucionalización de la soberanía popular en la Bolivia postindependiente (1825-1879) son estudiados en este artículo a partir del análisis de dos de los componentes del sistema democrático: los sujetos y los procedimientos representativos. Con respecto al primer punto, se subraya que ser ciudadano no se reducía a votar y que podía ejercerse tal estatus mediante otro tipo de acciones, vinculadas al trabajo, la contribución, las peticiones pú-blicas o las actividades armadas. De otro lado, el estudio de los procedimientos relativos a la implantación y el desarrollo de las elecciones remarca dos valores de los mismos: primero, el voto tuvo una función reguladora encaminada a dirimir competencias y evitar conflictos, y segundo, el tamaño reducido del cuerpo electoral no impidió el desarrollo de la competencia partidaria, ya que la participación política ligada a las elecciones tuvo otras posibilidades de acción relacionadas con la violencia y la ilegalidad
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Chediak, Lynsey. "Holes in the Historical Record: The Politics of Torture in Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, 1869-1977." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/875.

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While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories. Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos. Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights. Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.
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Smith, Tamara Leanne. "Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-921.

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In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War. Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined.
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Books on the topic "Suffrage populaire"

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Blagojević, Marko. Moj vodič kroz izborni postupak. Beograd: Centar za slobodne izbore i demokratiju, 2000.

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M, Caldwell Harry, ed. And the walls came tumbling down: Closing arguments that changed the way we live, from protecting free speech to winning women's suffrage to defending the right to die. New York: Scribner, 2004.

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Lief, Michael S. And the walls came tumbling down: Closing arguments that changed the way we live, from protecting free speech to winning women's suffrage to defending the right to die. New York: Scribner, 2004.

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Caust-Ellenbogen, Celia. A Movement of Doers: A Zine About 19th and 20th Century Women's Activism. Swarthmore, PA: Swarthmore College Libraries, 2020.

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Selling suffrage: Consumer culture & votes for women. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.

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Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.001.0001.

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This book celebrates the 2017 centenary of women's right to full suffrage in New York State. The book highlights the activism of rural, urban, African American, Jewish, immigrant, and European American women, as well as male suffragists, both upstate and downstate, that led to the positive outcome of the 1917 referendum. The book argues that the popular nature of the women's suffrage movement in New York State and the resounding success of the referendum at the polls relaunched suffrage as a national issue. If women had failed to gain the vote in New York, the book claims, there is good reason to believe that the passage and ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment would have been delayed. This book makes clear how actions of New York's patchwork of suffrage advocates heralded a gigantic political, social, and legal shift in the United States. Readers will discover that although these groups did not always collaborate, by working in their own ways toward the goal of enfranchising women they essentially formed a coalition. Together, they created a diverse social and political movement that did not rely solely on the motivating force of white elites and a leadership based in New York City. The book convincingly argues that the agitation and organization that led to New York women's victory in 1917 changed the course of American history.
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Rauterkus, Cathleen Nista. Go Get Mother's Picket Sign: Crossing Spheres with the Material Culture of Suffrage. University Press of America, Incorporated, 2014.

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Sajó, András, and Renáta Uitz. Democracy, or Taming an Unruly Friend. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198732174.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy, with particular emphasis on the creative, disruptive, and destructive force behind constitutions and government: the people. Democracy is inherent in modern constitutionalism. The authority of the constitution derives from people’s sovereignty. If constitutionalism was designed to contain the abuse resulting from absolute sovereign power by setting up arrangements inside government, the democratic exercise of sovereignty emerged as an external constraint on government. This chapter traces the evolution of universal suffrage and considers its consequences, including the perils (and tyranny) of majority rule for a diverse society. It discusses the idea that a sovereign people has a single general will and looks at representative government as a means of balancing popular sovereignty with constitutionalism. It analyses the binding mandate and how it was replaced by the free mandate, along with the referendum as a genuine expression of the will of the people.
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Gallo-Cruz, Selina. American Mothers of Nonviolence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0012.

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This chapter explores the historical relationship between and dynamics among feminists and nonviolent activists in the United States, surveying three waves of feminist nonviolent mobilization and interrogating the contributions to and erasure of feminist thinking from popular nonviolence histories. The US feminist and nonviolence movements were born of the same social heart among early, nonviolent abolitionists. It was from the experience of marginalization among nonviolent women abolitionists that the US suffrage movement was born, and again, following women’s activism in the civil rights and antiwar movements, second-wave feminism. The chapter examines and discusses (1) a double-standard of gendered effectiveness and invisibility among nonviolent movements, (2) a radical-feminist challenge to patriarchal tendencies in nonviolent organizing, and (3) the feminist-led transformation from a nonviolence that glorifies “self-sacrifice” to a nonviolence that values self-protection, preservation, and health in the realization of collective social justice.
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Patterson, Annabel. Afterword. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198806899.003.0012.

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This chapter reviews the volume, noting that literary critics elsewhere who have conceived the protesting commoners of Shakespeare’s drama as a ‘rabble’ have selectively reproduced the negative perspective of the plays’ patricians, whose hostility chimes with their own. It notes that early modern plebeian protest could actually prove both organized and successful, as recounted in Thomas Deloney’s Jack of Newberry, but suggests the need to investigate the possibility that a certain prudential anti-populism may have informed Folio revisions of some Quartos. Underlining Coriolanus’ introduction of the ideal of widespread manhood suffrage into early Jacobean culture, the chapter reaffirms, over a quarter of a century later, the assessment reached in Shakespeare and the Popular Voice of a dramatist substantially sympathetic to plebeian views and needs; yet it adds that final developments in his personal life may require us to recognize a somewhat hypocritical nouveau riche.
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Book chapters on the topic "Suffrage populaire"

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Bingham, Adrian. "Enfranchisement, Feminism and the Modern Woman: Debates in the British Popular Press, 1918–1939." In The Aftermath of Suffrage, 87–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137333001_6.

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Sánchez León, Pablo. "Recognition: Vulgar as a Political Concept—Discourse and Subjects of Corruption in the Public Sphere of Limited Suffrage." In Popular Political Participation and the Democratic Imagination in Spain, 253–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52596-5_7.

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Eltis, Sos. "Women’s suffrage and theatricality." In "Politics, performance and popular culture", 111–28. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719091698.003.0007.

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Eltis, Sos. "Women’s suffrage and theatricality." In Politics, performance and popular culture. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781784997151.00014.

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Chapman, Mary, and Victoria Lamont. "American Woman’s Suffrage Print Culture." In The Oxford History of Popular Print Culture, 253–76. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199234066.003.0013.

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Lumsden, Linda J. "Historiography." In Front Pages, Front Lines, 15–41. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043109.003.0002.

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This essay traces the evolution of scholarship on the role of a broad range of media in the American suffrage movement, including the suffrage press, plays, films, and consumer goods as well as mainstream news representations of the movement. The essay retrieves individual suffrage editors and publications to historical memory and considers the social construction of gender in mainstream media and suffragists’ “self-mediation”; the intersection of race, class, and gender in media accounts of woman suffrage; the marketing of woman suffrage; and insights into related fields, including political science, social movements, journalism history, popular culture, literary studies, and communications studies. The essay traces how scholarship has evolved from casting woman suffrage as a white, middle-class, Northeastern movement dominated by a few leaders to a diverse mix of activists across the United States.
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7

Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. "Radicalism and Spectacle." In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0007.

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This chapter recounts how, following a period of deliberate self-assessment and revision between 1908 and 1910, a new generation of woman suffrage activists revitalized their cause, demonstrating the fluidity and responsiveness of the movement to modernity. As they challenged traditional notions of womanhood, “new woman” suffragists appropriated modern technology, harnessing the power of beauty and imagery to elevate the notion of woman suffrage. They redirected public opinion by making suffrage modern, fashionable, and commonplace. In effect, when radical women enhanced and transformed the popular perception of woman suffrage in the early twentieth century, they coalesced some of the distinctly different suffrage groups as they made the cause both exciting and impossible to ignore.
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8

Richardson, Sarah. "Extracts from Popular Opinions on Parliamentary Reform." In History of Suffrage 1760–1867 Volume 3, 1–64. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003192558-1.

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9

"6. The Popular Verdict on Equal Suffrage, 1869." In The Politics of Race in New York, 187–219. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501721533-008.

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10

Evans, Christopher H. "“Dawn of Woman’s Day”." In Do Everything, 206—C16.P24. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914073.003.0017.

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Abstract This chapter examines the continuing evolution of Frances Willard’s views on woman suffrage by the end of the 1880s. Along with Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, Willard played key roles in establishing the International Council of Women and the National Council of Women in 1888. Serving as inaugural president of the National Council of Women, Willard helped forge a broader movement of women’s clubs that emerged by the end of the decade. The chapter also explores tensions between Willard and leaders of the woman suffrage movement who objected to Willard’s insistence in tying together suffrage and temperance with support of the Prohibition Party. It also explores Willard’s deepening progressivism through the influence of Edward Bellamy and his popular 1888 novel, Looking Backward.
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