Academic literature on the topic 'Suffrage populaire'

Abstract: Clothing and appearance were an instrumental part of the women’s suffrage campaign in the United States that led to the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. By using specific styles and colours and emphasizing feminine appearance, suffragists turned fashion into a political strategy to refute popular derogatory images of women activists, while also building their “brand” to gain public support for their cause. By the late twentieth century, women politicians who sought to break new ground in government reclaimed suffragists’ fashion and especially the suffrage colours, making it part of their political vocabulary and message. Examining the role suffrage fashions played in the past and their legacies in the present thus illuminates how fashion became a site of feminist memory to the movement and to the struggle. Through the material manifestations and legacies suffrage maintained in popular culture, fashion became a means of commemoration as well as resistance. Abstract: L’habillement et l’apparence ont joué un rôle déterminant dans la campagne pour le droit de vote des femmes aux États-Unis, laquelle a conduit à la ratification du dix-neuvième amendement. En utilisant des styles et des couleurs spécifiques et en accentuant l’apparence féminine, les suffragistes ont transformé la mode en une stratégie politique pour réfuter les images populaires désobligeantes qui leur étaient associées, tout en construisant leur « marque » pour gagner le soutien du public à leur cause. À la fin du XXe siècle, les politiciennes qui cherchaient à faire preuve d’innovation au sein du gouvernement se sont réapproprié la mode des suffragistes, et en particulier les couleurs associées au suffrage, en l’intégrant à leur vocabulaire et à leurs discours politiques. Ainsi, l’examen du rôle de la mode du suffrage dans le passé et de son héritage dans le présent met en lumière la façon dont la mode est devenue un lieu de mémoire féministe du mouvement et de la lutte. Par les manifestations matérielles et l’héritage que le suffrage a maintenu dans la culture populaire, la mode est devenue un moyen de commémoration et de résistance.

In the context of social problems of finding effective tools for representative institutions and organizing elections approved by the population, the formation of institution of popular representation and universal suffrage is considered. The purpose is to study the peculiar features of these processes characteristic of England, on the basis of which the formation of individual elements of the universal suffrage system in the state is illustrated. In connection with the stated guidelines, the objectives of the work determined the study of the problems and features of the formation of these institutions and the characteristics of doctrinal approaches to the issues under consideration by domestic philosophers, historians, jurists and political scientists; the formation of final conclusions of work, where we indicate the opinion that the system that developed by the end of the 19th century in England took another step towards universal suffrage, coming almost close to it. We substantiate the presence in the scientific doctrine of a high degree of problem development of the formation of the institution of popular representation and universal suffrage. On the basis of formal-logical and historical research methods, the opinion of pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern scientists, theorists and specialists of branch legal directions to the origin and development of the English popular representation and the institute of universal suffrage in the corresponding existence period of the state and law, as well as the scientific views expressed by them, is analyzed. The presence of a direct relationship between the establishment of the institution of popular representation and the institution of universal suffrage is revealed and proved. In summing up the results of the study, we point out the long path of English democratic institutions formation, the peculiarities of its formation due to the predominance of the strong state power of the crown throughout the historical development. We conclude that by the end of the 19th century in England there was a persistent public demand for the transition to universal and equal suffrage, where one legally specified voter had one vote in the elections, although the reactionary mass of patriarchal society was able to slow down its implementation.

Abstract: In 1988, the Australian federal government purchased Anglo-Australian artist Dora Meeson Coates’s “Trust the Women” banner as part of the country’s belated efforts to memorialize the suffrage victories that once made its White citizens the most enfranchised people on earth. However, between the fin de siècle and the 1970s, which witnessed the concurrent rise of women’s history and state feminism, feminists had been ambivalent about commemorating the suffrage campaigns, especially at the national level. Since the late 1980s, the banner has experienced a transformation from an artefact few Australians had known about, much less forgotten, into the most familiar symbol of the country’s suffrage movements. Brought about by memory agents—activists, bureaucrats, historians, and politicians—this shift reveals the public appeal of British suffrage iconography over the material record of Australian activists’ “quiet” toil, a sentiment which has increasingly shaped the memorialization of local suffrage stories. Abstract: En 1988, le gouvernement fédéral australien a acheté la bannière « Trust the Women » de l’artiste anglo-australienne Dora Meeson Coates dans le cadre des efforts tardifs du pays pour commémorer les victoires en matière de suffrage qui avaient jadis permis à ses citoyens Blancs d’être le peuple avec le droit de vote le plus étendu de la planète. Cependant, entre la fin du siècle et les années 1970, une période qui a vu la montée simultanée de l’histoire des femmes et du féminisme d’État, les féministes ont fait preuve d’ambivalence quant à la commémoration des campagnes de suffrage, plus particulièrement au niveau national. Depuis la fin des années 1980, la bannière a connu une transformation, passant d’un artefact dont peu d’Australiens connaissaient l’existence, et encore moins qu’ils avaient oublié, au symbole le plus familier des mouvements de suffrage du pays. Provoqué par les agents de la mémoire —activistes, bureaucrates, historiens et politiciens —ce changement révèle l’attrait public de l’iconographie du suffrage britannique au détriment de l’enregistrement matériel du labeur « tranquille » des activistes australiens, un sentiment qui a de plus en plus façonné la commémoration des histoires locales du suffrage.

In recent years Italian social historians have devoted increasing attention to the nature and morphology of the nineteenth-century bourgeoisie. Traditional historiography viewed the bourgeoisie as key par excellence to the political change played out between 1859 and 1871. It was seen, on the one hand, as integral to the formation of a liberal political regime based on a limited suffrage, and, on the other, as critical to the outcome of the peninsula's national unification of a dozen small states, most of which were previously governed by absolutist regimes.

The French have had an ambiguous relationship with liberal democracy, doing much to pioneer it since 1789, but also harbouring substantial minorities hostile to it. This article seeks the historical roots for this relationship in a critical period for the democratization process in France between the 1830 Revolution and the consolidation of the Third Republic late in the nineteenth century. It takes the textile town of Troyes as a case study. In particular, it takes a ‘grass-roots’ approach to the problem, as opposed to the usual focus on ideologies and attitudes to democratization among the elites. The general contention is that the population of the town faced a number of obstacles as it attempted to develop a ‘democratic culture’. The analysis highlights the varying approaches to popular participation in politics taken by successive regimes between 1815 and the 1870s, the slow emergence of a civil society in the town, and the problems faced by militants as they operated under the constraints of universal manhood suffrage.