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Journal articles on the topic 'Suffrage – European Union countries'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Marchuk, M., and L. Gudz. "Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine: comparative characteristics." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 70 (June 18, 2022): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union. The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests. The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion. Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men. In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.

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2

BLONDEL, J. "‘Presidentialism’ in the Ex-Soviet Union." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000223.

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AbstractWhen the Soviet Union fell in 1990, three of its 15 components, the Baltic States, joined the European Union, and a fourth, Moldova, may well join in the future. The other 11 quickly became presidential republics, following the lead given by Boris Yeltsin, the president of the largest among them, Russia. By 1994, all 11 were headed by a president elected by universal suffrage. These ex-Soviet countries contribute significantly to the number of presidential republics in the world. Presidential republics form a clear majority, being predominant in Latin America and Africa, alongside the ex-Soviet Union. They are rare in Europe, the main cases being France, Romania, and, though seemingly temporarily, some Balkan states; in Asia, outside the ex-Soviet Union, they are a small minority.Like many presidential republics elsewhere, those in the ex-Soviet Union are mostly authoritarian, but with variations: this is primarily so in Central Asia, as well as in Azerbaijan and Belarus. These presidencies have been very stable, with some of their leaders, especially in Central Asia, being repeatedly re-elected, often without opposition. There has been a regular turnover in Armenia (but less so in Georgia) and in Ukraine (but not in Belarus). The Russian case is peculiar, as is well known: Putin became prime minister because he could no longer be constitutionally re-elected as president, at least without a break. The power of these presidents has varied over time: outside Central Asia (except Kyrgyzstan) and Azerbaijan, where they have been uniformly strong, their strength has declined in Georgia, increased in Russia and Belarus, and had ups and downs in Armenia and Ukraine.

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3

Leesland, Aslak. "The Norwegian Workers’ Education Association: A Midwife of Labor's Breakthrough in Norway." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000181.

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Norway in the year 1900 would be more easily recognizable to a person from the global South than to a citizen of present-day Norway. One of Europe's smallest countries, with a population of 2.2 million, it was also one of the poorest. Still a predominantly agrarian country, it suffered from the side effects of early industrialization that other European countries had known for decades. Under pressure from a growing labor movement and an increasingly restive citizenry, the Liberal Party was spearheading reformist social policies and further democratization in Norway, whereas the Conservative Party resisted such reforms. A third party—the Norwegian Labour party—was founded by some local trade unions in 1887, but remained a marginal influence at the turn of the century even if the party won sixteen percent of the votes cast in the election of 1900. However, it was about to begin its meteoric rise from obscurity to political dominance. In 1899 a number of trade unions came together to found a national superstructure—the LO—with 1,500 registered members. This prompted employers to do the same. The Employers’ Association dates back to the year 1900. Next, the right to vote was extended to new groups of voters. Before 1898 only men with an income above a certain minimum could participate in elections, but universal suffrage for men was introduced in 1898. Women were then given the right to vote in local elections in 1910 and in parliamentary elections in 1913. These reforms were introduced by the Liberal Party.

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4

Whitehead, Kay. "Australian women educators’ internal exile and banishment in a centralised patriarchal state school system." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 17 (December 18, 2022): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.17.2023.33121.

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This article explores Australian women teachers’ struggles for equality with men from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. While Australia purported to be a progressive democratic nation, centralised patriarchal state school systems relied on women teachers to fulfil the requirements of free, compulsory and secular schooling. This study focuses on the state of South Australia where women were enfranchised in 1894, far ahead of European countries. However, women teachers were subjected to internal exile in the state school system, and banished by the marriage bar. The article begins with the construction of the South Australian state school system in the late nineteenth century. The enforcement of the marriage bar created a differentiated profession of many young single women who taught prior to marriage; a few married women who required an income; and a cohort of senior single women who made teaching a life-long career and contested other forms of subordination to which all women teachers were subject. Led by the latter group, South Australian women teachers pursued equality in early twentieth century mixed teachers unions and post-suffrage women’s organisations; and established the Women Teachers Guild in 1937 to secure more equal conditions of employment. The paper concludes with the situation after World War Two when married women were re admitted to the state school system to resolve teacher shortages; and campaigns for equal pay gathered momentum. In South Australia, the marriage bar was eventually removed in 1972.

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5

Shaw, Jo. "Alien Suffrage in the European Union." Good Society 12, no. 2 (2003): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2004.0012.

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6

Bilohur, Vlada, and Roman Oleksenko. "THE EUROPEAN SPORT MODELS MANAGEMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES EUROPEAN UNION." HUMANITIES STUDIES 90, no. 13 (2022): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/hst-2022-13-90-07.

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7

Gusakova, M. A. "The European Parliament: from the Direct Universal Suffrage to the Draft Treaty Establishing the European Union." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 3 (2012): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-3-59-63.

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The article discusses the process of the European Parliament’s empowerment and strengthening its role in the system of the European institutions. Introducing of direct universal suffrage to the European Parliament gave the strongest impetus to this process, guaranteeing its transformation into real democratic institution. The key role in the process of the Parliament’s strengthening played its member – Altiero Spinelli who drafted the Treaty establishing the European Union in 1984.

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8

Stec, Małgorzata. "Innovation in European Union Countries." Gospodarka Narodowa 236, no. 11-12 (December 31, 2009): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101233.

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9

Grochalski, Stefan Marek. "Obywatele Unii Europejskiej – wyborcy Parlamentu Europejskiego – parlamentu ponadnarodowego." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 3 (May 31, 2016): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1480.

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Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament’s powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union.

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10

Rodríguez-Gulías, María Jesús, Vítor Manuel de Sousa Gabriel, and David Rodeiro-Pazos. "Effects of governance on entrepreneurship: European Union vs non-European Union." Competitiveness Review: An International Business Journal 28, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-06-2016-0035.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies between countries that are members of the European Union (EU) and those that are not. H1 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the immediate creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. H2 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the deferred creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses two types of analyses: firstly, univariate analysis, which is a descriptive statistics of the dependent, independent and control variables, and the results of a t-test; and secondly, multivariate analysis, which estimates using the fixed-effects estimator under the specifications previously raised for the subsample of 28 EU countries and for the subsample of 103 non-EU countries during the period 2004-2014. Findings The results show that the variables of governance are not significantly higher in the EU, although the density of the enterprises is. Within the governance indicators, government effectiveness is significant in the EU. The results obtained for the EU confirmed H1and H2, with a significant positive effect of government effectiveness on entrepreneurship, while the other governance variables were not significant in the EU subsample. The results obtained for non-EU countries suggest no significant immediate effects (H1) and a slightly significant delayed effect of rule of law on the entrepreneurship (H2) concerned. Research limitations/implications Future research in this area could consider introducing another regional division or other types of methodology as variables affect models. Practical implications Governance can be defined as the ability of a government and its public institutions to provide services and design, and implement rules, which is a factor that affects the creation of new companies. However, the effect of governance could differ depending on the country and its economic environment. This paper analyses the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies considering two different geographic regions as countries are presumably heterogeneous. Therefore, these results indicate that the effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship differs according to the region. Social implications The effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship according to the region is also known. Originality/value This study applied panel data analysis to two samples of countries during the period 2004-2014, one formed by 28 countries of the EU and the other by 103 non-EU countries. No other paper considers this number of countries for this period. To assess the impact of governance on the creation of new companies, this paper considered the existence of immediate and deferred effects of governance on entrepreneurship.

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11

Finck, Michèle. "Towards an Ever Closer Union Between Residents and Citizens?" European Constitutional Law Review 11, no. 01 (May 2015): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019615000061.

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Alien suffrage in Luxembourg – The traditional concept of the electorate – Link between nationality and voting rights – From the national to the resident worker? – The decoupling of nationality and citizenship – The transformation of the state as a consequence of European integration – Comparison to other EU member states – Consequences for EU law of domestic reform – The intertwinement of constitutional spheres in the EU

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12

Joumard, Isabelle. "Tax systems in European Union countries." OECD Economic Studies 2002, no. 1 (May 7, 2003): 91–151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eco_studies-v2002-art4-en.

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13

Hsieh, Jin-chi, Ching-cheng Lu, Ying Li, Yung-ho Chiu, and Ya-sue Xu. "Environmental Assessment of European Union Countries." Energies 12, no. 2 (January 18, 2019): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12020295.

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This study utilizes the dynamic data envelopment analysis (DEA) model by considering time to measure the energy environmental efficiency of 28 countries in the European Union (EU) during the period 2006–2013. There are three kinds of variables: input, output, and carry-over. The inputs are labor, capital, and energy consumption (EC). The undesirable outputs are greenhouse gas emissions (GHE) and sulfur oxide (SOx) emissions, and the desirable output variable is gross domestic product (GDP). The carry-over variable is gross capital formation (GCF). The empirical results show that first the dynamic DEA model can measure environment efficiency and provide optimum improvement for inefficient countries, as more than half of the EU countries should improve their environmental efficiency. Second, the average overall scores of the EU countries point out that the better period of performance is from 2009 to 2012. Third, the output variables of GHE, SOx, and GDP exhibit a significant impact on environmental efficiency. Finally, the average value of others is significantly better than high renewable energy utilization (HRE) with the Wilcoxon test. Thus, the EU’s strategy for environmental energy improvement should be to pay attention to the benefits of renewable energy (RE) utilization, reducing greenhouse gas emissions (GHE), and enhancing the development of RE utilization to help achieve the goal of lower GHE.

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14

Gajos, Edyta, Sylwia Małażewska, and Konrad Prandecki. "EMISSION EFFICIENCY OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XX, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7732.

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The aim of the study was to compare the total greenhouse gas emissions in the European Union countries and their emission efficiency. Emission efficiency was calculated as the ratio of emission volume and value to gross value added generated by the economy of a given country (size of the economy). The necessary statistical data was obtained from Eurostat. It was found that in 2015 most of greenhouse gases were emitted by: Germany, United Kingdom, Poland, France and Italy. At the same time, France and the United Kingdom were characterized by one of the best emission efficiency in the European Union, Germany and Italy obtained average results, while Poland was in the group of countries with the lowest emission efficiency. Therefore, it can be concluded, that the volume of emissions is significantly affected by the size of the economy. Some large emitters have economies based on relatively “clean” technologies and thus their potential to further reduction is not very high. The reverse is true for some low-emission countries, such as Estonia and Bulgaria. This indicates the need for a more comprehensive look at the problem of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

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15

Abou-Chadi, Tarik, and Matthias Orlowski. "Political Institutions and the Distributional Consequences of Suffrage Extension." Political Studies 63, no. 1_suppl (February 13, 2015): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12193.

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In this article, it is demonstrated that suffrage extension positively affects public goods provision and redistribution. This effect, however, depends on the political-institutional context within countries – namely the electoral system and the existence of veto points. Since they incentivise more targeted spending, majoritarian systems decrease the positive effect that suffrage extension has on public goods provision. The relocation of the median voter through suffrage extension does not lead to more redistribution where second chambers with veto rights reduce the power of the working class to induce policy change. Empirical support is provided for this argument by analysing the conditional effects of suffrage extension through difference-in-difference estimation utilising data on government spending and inheritance taxation in eleven Western European countries between 1880 and 1938. These findings emphasise the importance of taking into account political institutions when assessing the determinants and consequences of democratisation.

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16

Johansson, Lennart. "The Swedes and the alcohol monopoly. A historical perspective." Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 14, no. 3 (June 1997): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/145507259701400311.

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Today the alcohol monopolies in the Nordic countries (Sweden, Finland, Norway) are under strong attack by the European Union. In order to analyze and understand this process of change it is important to look back on the origin of the alcohol restriction systems and monopolies from an historical perspective. This article deals with the making of the Swedish restriction and monopoly system in the early 20th century. The period from January 1914 to August 1920 was characterized by a bitter conflict in political interests over the prohibition issue. More and more organizations entered the struggle about alcohol, while simultaneously the question was increasingly interwoven with the more general change in society and the struggle for democracy and universal suffrage. The political discussion of the time about the question of a general prohibition on alcohol illustrates in a clear, concrete way how the historical development of the political culture influenced the conduct of the political actors. The struggle between the prohibition movement and in particular the interest organizations of the employers and employees in the alcohol industry was a struggle between powerful special interests. The question comes down to how intense conflicts between strong intersts can be resolved in the Swedish political system. We must ascribe decisive significance to the fact that the political actors were influenced by the political culture in which they operated. If we look at the prohibition issue in its societal context, then, the result, according to my overall view, is that the Swedish culture of political consensus - with an emphasis on the employment aspect - had no room for such a radical and controversial solution as prohibition. In a political culture characterized by compromises, political consensus, a holistic view of society, and with the influence of strong, well-organized special interests in the corporative administrative system, the complicated and politically unique Bratt restriction-system was the Swedish solution to the problem of prohibition. It was not politically possible to impose prohibition, which would lead in particular to large-scale unemployment, nor was it politically possible to pursue a liberal alcohol policy dominated by private profit motives. The compromise between the special interests left room for the restriction system, and the employment question must be seen as having been decisive for the attitude towards the prohibition issue and the holistic view of society. It is obvious that the temperance question, like many other social issues, was seen as a state interest in the years around the turn of the century. There has been general talk of the active state, which in the era of organized capitalism increasingly changed character by not being confined solely to the public sphere but also intervening in the private sphere. The temperance question is a distinct example of the increased ambitions of the government in the field of social policy. It is obvious that a restrictive and fiscal alcohol policy requires an intervening state with strong popular support. Therefore it is likely that there is no possibility of maintaining monopolies and restriction systems in the new political culture - with politically weaker nation-states - which is on the way to being created in an integrated Europe. This historical reflection indicates great changes in connection with diminishing influence of the nation-state over alcohol policy in the political arena.

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17

Kraciuk, Jakub. "FOOD SECURITY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XIX, no. 3 (August 22, 2017): 150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3238.

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The aim of the study was to show the state of food security in European Union countries and defines the basic factors determining the level of this security. There is a large disproportion in the state of food security between individual European Union countries, especially between old and new EU countries. It was determined that in the analyzed years average prices of products and their quality deteriorated in the countries of the European Union. The unfavorable changes that have taken place were not too great. On the other hand, the average indicator for the analyzed countries regarding access to food has clearly improved.

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18

Grabowska, Barbara. "Education of teachers in European Union countries." Osvitolohiya, no. 3 (2014): 40–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2226-3012.2014.3.4045.

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19

Gajewski, Paweł. "Public Finance Sustainability in European Union Countries." Gospodarka Narodowa 251, no. 10 (October 31, 2011): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101072.

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20

Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." MEST Journal 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.

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Kavelaars, Peter. "The foreign countries of the European Union." EC Tax Review 16, Issue 6 (December 1, 2007): 268–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2007044.

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Szymańska, Agata. "Tax revenues in the European Union countries." Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 62, no. 5 (May 26, 2017): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0921.

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The aim of this paper is to analyse tax revenues and examine similarities of selected tax revenues (mainly VAT, CIT, PIT and excise duty) in the European Union countries. The analysis of the EU members concerns the period between 2003 (i.e. the year preceding the biggest enlargement of the EU) and 2012 (due to data completeness). Tax rates and the structure of tax revenues in the EU countries were compared and then the cluster analysis was applied to assess the similarity of tax revenues. The analysis suggests that the process of tax harmonization, which took place in the period considered, did not exert a significant impact on the similarity of the structure of tax revenues in the EU countries. The structure seems to be still determined by e.g. social, economic or historical factors, which influenced the tax systems creation in particular EU countries.

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23

Brozo, William G., E. Sutton Flynt, Gerry Shiel, Ulla-Britt Persson, Christine Garbe, and Lydia Dachkova. "Content Reading in Four European Union Countries." Reading Teacher 63, no. 2 (October 2009): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1598/rt.63.2.10.

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24

MUFTAKHOVA, A. N. "TERRITORIAL MOBILITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 14, no. 1 (2019): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2019-14-1-145-160.

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25

Saman Shojae Chaeikar, Mazdak Zamani, Christian Sunday Chukwuekezie, and Mojtaba Alizadeh. "Electronic Voting Systems for European Union Countries." Journal of Next Generation Information Technology 4, no. 5 (July 31, 2013): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4156/jnit.vol4.issue5.3.

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26

Legros, F., and M. Danis. "Surveillance of malaria in European Union countries." Eurosurveillance 3, no. 5 (May 1, 1998): 45–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2807/esm.03.05.00103-en.

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The European Union countries are outside the endemic area for malaria, but many cases of malaria contracted elsewhere are imported into Europe each year. Several countries have reported high and increasing numbers of imported cases in recent years (France

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27

Afonso, Oscar, Ana Lurdes Albuquerque, and Alexandre Almeida. "Wage inequality determinants in European Union countries." Applied Economics Letters 20, no. 12 (August 2013): 1170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2013.797551.

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Lewis, Alfred, and Owusu Kwarteng. "The European Union: implications for developing countries." European Business Review 95, no. 5 (October 1995): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09555349510096090.

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29

Branco Pedro, João, Frits Meijer, and Henk Visscher. "Building control systems of European Union countries." International Journal of Law in the Built Environment 2, no. 1 (April 20, 2010): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17561451011036513.

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30

Economou, Athina, and Iacovos N. Psarianos. "Revisiting Okun’s Law in European Union countries." Journal of Economic Studies 43, no. 2 (May 9, 2016): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-05-2013-0063.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine Okun’s Law in European countries by distinguishing between the transitory and the permanent effects of output changes upon unemployment and by examining the effect of labor market protection policies upon Okun’s coefficients. Design/methodology/approach – Quarterly data for 13 European Union countries, from the second quarter of 1993 until the first quarter of 2014, are used. Panel data techniques and Mundlak decomposition models are estimated. Findings – Okun’s Law is robust to alternative specifications. The effect of output changes to unemployment rates is weaker for countries with increased labor market protection expenditures and it is more persistent for countries with low labor market protection. Originality/value – The paper provides evidence that the permanent effect of output changes upon unemployment rates is quantitatively larger than the transitory impact. In addition, it provides evidence that increased labor market protection mitigates the adverse effects of a decrease in output growth rate upon unemployment.

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Agiakloglou, Christos, and Emmanouil Deligiannakis. "Sovereign risk evaluation for European Union countries." Journal of International Money and Finance 103 (May 2020): 102117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jimonfin.2019.102117.

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32

Giambona, Francesca, Erasmo Vassallo, and Elli Vassiliadis. "Educational systems efficiency in European Union countries." Studies in Educational Evaluation 37, no. 2-3 (June 2011): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.stueduc.2011.05.001.

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33

Cahlík, Tomáš. "Central and east european countries after entering the european union." Prague Economic Papers 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.pep.185.

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34

Samardžija, Višnja. "European union and central european countries reducing barriers or not?" International Advances in Economic Research 1, no. 1 (February 1995): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02295861.

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35

Fidrmuc, Jarko. "Restructuring European union trade with central and eastern European countries." Atlantic Economic Journal 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02300533.

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36

Bowie, Katherine. "Women's Suffrage in Thailand: A Southeast Asian Historiographical Challenge." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 4 (October 2010): 708–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000435.

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Although much of the history of women's suffrage has focused on the American and British struggles of the early twentieth century, a newer generation of interdisciplinary scholars is exploring its global trajectory. Fundamental to these cross-cultural comparisons is the establishment of an international timeline of women's suffrage; its order at once shapes and is shaped by its historiography. According to the currently dominant chronology, “Female suffrage began with the 1893 legislation in New Zealand” (Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan 1997: 738; see also Grimshaw 1987 [1972]: xiv). In this timeline, “Australia was next to act, in 1902” (ibid.). Despite the geographical location of New Zealand and Australia in greater Southeast Asia, the narrative that accompanies this timeline portrays “first world” women as leading the struggle for suffrage and “third world” women as following their example.1As Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan write, “A smaller early wave of suffrage extensions between 1900 and 1930 occurred mostly in European states. A second, more dramatic wave occurred after 1930” (ibid.). Similarly, Patricia Grimshaw writes, “It was principally in the English-speaking world, in the United States, in Britain and its colonial dependencies, and in the Scandinavian countries that sustained activity for women's political enfranchisement occurred. Other countries eventually followed suit” (1987: xiv).

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Sulaiman, Saqer. "Arab Youth Migration to the European Union." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 8, no. 4 (2020): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2020.4.8.

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Migration from Arab countries to European countries started many decades ago. It has been driven by a variety of push–pull factors. The two main factors are economic deterioration and political instability. Many young people migrated to escape unemployment, poverty and poorworking conditions. Others fled the effects of war and conflicts. This paper reviews Arab youth migration to European countries, its drivers, and the way it impacts the origin countries, host countries and the immigrants. Despite some negative implications of migration on the origin countries such as education cost and deprivation of the country from the potential capacity of skilled people, the benefits of these countries are rather clear and include remittances, knowledge and experience transfer. However, mitigation of Arab youth migration challenges is not an easy task; it needs new governmental approaches to reduce unemployment rates, as well as the active involvement of youth in economic and political life.

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Balyuk, I. A., and M. A. Balyuk. "External Debt Problem in the European Union." World of new economy 15, no. 2 (June 26, 2021): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2021-15-2-47-61.

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The paper's relevance is substantiated by the fact that today a rapid growth of external debt of the most developed countries of the world (including European Union (EU) countries) is one of the most acute problems of the modern world economy and global finance. The paper aims to assess the degree of the external debt burden of various EU countries and evaluate the prospects of solving external debt problems in the EU. The article focuses on dynamics, composition, and specifics shaping the EU countries' external debt based on comparative, economic, statistical, and graphical analysis. Special attention we paid to the analysis of specifics of the EU countries' sovereign external debt composition connected with the acute problem of the rapid growth of public debt in general. The paper examines the ratio of public external and internal debt in various EU countries. It determines the EU particular countries where public external debt is shaping based on either cross-border or domestic model. The research results reveal a high degree of dependence of the EU economy on international debt finance. Gross external debt and sovereign external debt of the EU countries are still growing, and its distribution among various member states is very uneven. The structural imbalance of the EU countries' net external debt has also been revealed: the number of net borrowers is double that of net lenders. According to the basic external debt sustainability indicators, some EU countries are in a pretty tricky situation and entirely depend on the possibility of external debt refinancing.

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Kornezov, Alexander. "THE RIGHT TO VOTE AS AN EU FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT AND THE EXPANDING SCOPE OF APPLICATION OF THE EU CHARTER OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS." Cambridge Law Journal 75, no. 1 (March 2016): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197316000167.

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IS the right to vote in European Parliament elections a matter for EU law? Until recently, the answer to this query seemed to be a clear “no”. Indeed, while Article 223(1) of the TFEU does confer on the European Union the competence to lay down a uniform procedure for the election of Members of the European Parliament (“MEPs”), this competence has not been exercised so far. Consequently, Article 8 of the Act concerning the election of the MEPs by direct universal suffrage, annexed to Council Decision 76/787/ECSC, EEC, Euratom (OJ 1976 L 278 p. 1, henceforth “the 1976 Act”), provides that the “electoral procedure shall be governed in each Member State by its national provisions”. Apart from the general principles of “direct universal suffrage in a free and secret ballot” and of non-discrimination on the ground of nationality, enshrined respectively in Article 14(3) of the TEU, Article 1(3) of the 1976 Act, and Article 20(2)(b) of the TFEU, there is nothing in EU law that governs specifically the eligibility to vote in EP elections.

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Solaz, Anne, Marika Jalovaara, Michaela Kreyenfeld, Silvia Meggiolaro, Dimitri Mortelmans, and Inge Pasteels. "Unemployment and separation: Evidence from five European countries." Journal of Family Research 32, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20377/jfr-368.

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Since the 1970s, several European countries have experienced high union dissolution risk as well as high unemployment rates. The extent to which adverse economic conditions are associated with union instability is still unknown. This study explores the relationship between both individual and aggregate unemployment and union dissolution risk in five European countries before the recent economic crisis. Using rich longitudinal data from Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, and Italy, the empirical analysis, based on discrete-time event history models, shows that male unemployment consistently increases the risk of union dissolution. While a strong association is observed between male unemployment and separation at the micro level, no association is found between male unemployment and union dissolution at the macro level. The results for female unemployment are mixed, and the size of the impact of female unemployment is smaller in magnitude than that of male unemployment. In Germany and Italy, where until very recently work is less compatible with family life than in other countries, female unemployment is not significantly associated with union dissolution.

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Park, Soo-Young. "European Union and Hungarian Language Policy." International Area Review 8, no. 2 (June 2005): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590500800208.

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Eastern European countries has been historically multiracial European countries, therefore, the language policy of EU becomes a test case for the practical lives of peoples on the question of the preservation of national identities without national boundaries. This thesis shows what kind of language policy that EU practices to integrate its member states' peoples which practically transcend the borders and how each state deals with these necessities with European Integration and the Globalization. In my paper, Hungary was analyzed as an example.

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Matis, Jozef, and Lenka Nagyová. "Possible Integration of the Security System of the Member Countries of the European Union." Politické vedy 25, no. 3 (November 22, 2022): 110–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.3.110-126.

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The processes of globalization and postmodernism are important determinants of the integration of the European Union countries in the field of ensuring security. Ensuring security of the European Union countries requires the creation of an integrated security system of these countries. This study is concerned with the theoretical analysis of an important factor - disponible (available) groups - in ensuring security of the European Union. These groups were defined as professional or volunteer response forces of a military, paramilitary and non-military nature.Two possible ways of integrating national disponible groups into the developing security system of the European Union ensuring its military as well as non-military security were analyzed. The success of integration of the national security systems of the European Union countries into the security system of the European Union depends not only on the elites - national (local) and transnational, but also on the transformation of citizens of national (member) states into citizens of the European Union - European citizens.

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Wawrzyniak, Dorota. "Standard Of Living In The European Union." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 19, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2016-0008.

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The European Union countries are diversified in terms of the standard of living of the population. The reduction of disparities in the standard of living, along with the elimination of the negative phenomena related to social exclusion form an EU policy priority. In this context, the aim of this article is to compare the standard of living in the various European Union countries and to determine Poland’s position in the ranking. In the study, countries with a similar standard of living of their populations were grouped as well. The analysis was based on 10 variables describing the standard of living in the EU-28 countries and was conducted with the use of the development pattern method proposed by Z. Hellwig. According to the results of the research, the standard of living is the highest in Austria, Finland, Germany and Sweden, whereas it is the lowest in Spain, Malta, Croatia and Romania. Poland ranks relatively low among the European Union countries (20th place).

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Hall, Joshua C., Robert A. Lawson, and Rachael Wogsland. "The European Union and Economic Freedom." Global Economy Journal 11, no. 3 (September 2011): 1850232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1731.

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This paper integrates two growing strains of literature. The first strain looks at the effect of economic and political unions on outcomes such as bond ratings and economic convergence. The second strain looks at the determinants of economic freedom across countries. Building from these two literatures, we investigate the impact of joining the European Union on a country’s economic freedom. Using a panel of countries from 1970 to 2007, we find evidence that joining the European Union increases a country’s economic freedom. Empirically, however, the impact of joining the union on economic freedom is small.

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Lampreia dos Santos, M. J. P. L. "Segmenting farms in European Union." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 59, No. 2 (March 12, 2013): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/28/2012-agricecon.

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The main objective of this work is to characterize and segment the farms of the twenty-seven Member States of the European Union (EU). For this purpose, the techniques of cluster analysis and cluster of cases segment the farms, based on a sample of farms of the Farm Accountancy and Information Network. The results show the existence of four types of farms in the EU that are distinguishable by their (i) structural characteristics, in particular, for their Utilized Agricultural Area, the total output, by the percentage of contract work and the total work, (ii) by their financial characteristics, i.e., by their total assets and the cash flow of the EU farms, and (iii) by their guidance and the importance of subsidies on these farms. These results thus suggest the definition of the Common Agricultural Policy differentiated and adapted to the existing four clusters of countries. We suggest the development of typologies of farms in the EU, with a more robust database involving different EU regions that constitute the different countries in order to obtain the robust types of farms from different European regions.  

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Gräbner-Radkowitsch, Claudius, Dennis Tamesberger, Philipp Heimberger, Timo Kapelari, and Jakob Kapeller. "Trade models in the European Union." Ekonomski anali 67, no. 235 (2022): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka2235007g.

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By studying the factors underlying differences in trade performance across European economies, this paper derives six different ?trade models? for 22 EU countries and explores their developmental and distributional dynamics. We first introduce a typology of trade models by clustering countries on the basis of four key dimensions of trade performance: endowments, technological specialisation, labour market characteristics and regulatory requirements. The resulting clusters comprise countries that base their export success on similar trade models. Our results indicate the existence of six different trade models: the ?primary goods model? (Latvia, Estonia), the ?finance model? (Luxembourg), the ?flexible labour market model? (UK), the ?periphery model? (Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, France), the ?industrial workbench model? (Slovenia, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic), and the ?hightech model? (Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands, Belgium, Ireland, Finland, Germany and Austria). Subsequently, we provide a comparative analysis of the economic development and trends in inequality across these trade models. Inter alia, we observe a shrinking wage share and increasing personal income inequality in most of them, yet find that the ?high-tech model? is an exceptional case, being characterised by relatively stable economic development and an institutional setting that managed to counteract rising inequality.

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Marčeta, Milja, and Štefan Bojnec. "Innovation and competitiveness in the European Union countries." International Journal of Sustainable Economy 13, no. 1 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijse.2021.113316.

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Fanelli, Rosa Maria. "Have beer markets in European Union countries converged?" ECONOMIA AGRO-ALIMENTARE, no. 3 (February 2019): 445–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ecag2018-003010.

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Pawlak, Marcin, and Dariusz Zarzecki. "Investment Appraisal Practice in the European Union Countries." EUROPEAN RESEARCH STUDIES JOURNAL XXIII, Special Issue 2 (November 1, 2020): 687–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35808/ersj/1892.

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Marceta, Milja, and Stefan Bojnec. "Innovation and Competitiveness in the European Union Countries." International Journal of Sustainable Economy 13, no. 1 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijse.2021.10034983.

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