Journal articles on the topic 'Sudan Political Service'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Sudan Political Service.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Sudan Political Service.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Appe, Susan, and Ayelet Oreg. "Lost and Found in Upstate New York: Exploring the Motivations of “Lost Boys” Refugees as Founders of International Nonprofit Organizations." Administration & Society 52, no. 8 (November 26, 2019): 1209–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719890311.
Full textAbstract:
This research examines engagement in diaspora philanthropy through the lens of Lost Boys of Sudan and their founding of small international nonprofit service organizations based in the United States. We seek to understand refugees’ motivations to take upon themselves leadership roles in their local United States communities and in the provision of goods and services to their homeland, South Sudan. By becoming founders of international service nonprofits, Lost Boys make meaning of their experiences and are able to motivate local support in their United States communities to give to distant communities in South Sudan.
2
Mustafa, Al haj Salim. "Learning, Scholarship and Public Libraries in Pre and Colonial Sudan." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 17 (June 30, 2017): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n17p54.
Full textAbstract:
Although the idea of providing public library services to the general public is basically a westernized concept, nevertheless the Sudan has a long tradition of learning and scholarship in which one could argue that an embryonic and rudimentary public library service of some sort had been established. The purpose of this paper is to provide an historical overview of this learning and scholarship development and to explore the forces social, historical and political that led to the emergence of public libraries in pre and colonial Sudan. The historical research method was used to describe such forces employing mainly books, journal articles and to a lesser extent theses and dissertation. This will be followed by a discussion and conclusion.
3
Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. "Colonial Service biographical data: the published sources." African Research & Documentation 46 (1988): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012723.
Full textAbstract:
A consistent feature of contemporary research into the colonial period is the emphasis on personalities. The modern historian is increasingly aware of how cogently he may need to identify and interpret who was who before he can start to explain why was what. In support of this human approach, one may cite the view of the most recent historian of empire. “Personality not policy”, argues Martin Daly in the first volume of his history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Empire on the Nile (1986), “determined the course of the Condominium” (p.452). The same thesis underlay my own earlier profile of Africa's administrators: “Only when we are intimately acquainted with who the imperial administrators are can we proceed to a soundly-based study of imperialism” (The Sudan Political Service, 1982, 1). Robert Collins’ interpretation of the Sudan's administration was postulated on a similar hypothesis:Without some understanding of the imperialists themselves, it is impossible to examine imperialism, to assess its impact, or to comprehend the social and political relationships, attitudes, and states of mind it created (African Affairs, 1972, 71, 293).
4
Sconyers, David. "Servant or saboteur? The Sudan political service during the crucial decade: 1946–1956." British Society for Middle Eastern Studies. Bulletin 14, no. 1 (January 1988): 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530198808705452.
Full text
5
Ebrahim, Ebrahim Mohammed Abdullah, Luam Ghebrehiwot, Tasneem Abdalgfar, and Muhammad Hanafiah Juni. "Health Care System in Sudan: Review and Analysis of Strength, Weakness, Opportunity, and Threats (SWOT Analysis)." Sudan Journal of Medical Sciences 12, no. 3 (September 6, 2017): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/sjms.v12i3.924.
Full textAbstract:
Background: The Republic of the Sudan located in north-east of Africa and is considered to be a lower-middle income country. The country has well established healthcare system with many drawbacks mainly due to economic and managerial reasons followed by prolonged political instability and sanctions.Objective: The aim of this study is to give an insight over the health services system in Sudan and to analyze the strength, weakness, opportunities, and threats (SWOT).Materials and Methods: The search was done from two electronic databases: MEDLINE/Pubmed and from public search engines: Google Scholar and Google with key Search words used mainly as “Healthcare system in Sudan “. Additionally, SWOT analysis of healthcare system in Sudan was carried out based on the Roemer’s model of health service system. Results: The Sudanese healthcare system was analyzed for different components of the system: The system in Sudan has full package of strategic plans and policies be it in a long term or short. Despite this there is poor implementation and organization along with frail health information system. The main external factors that drawback the system is the overall economic instability which resulted in cutting of the health expenditure.Conclusion: The Sudan is a rich country in terms of natural resources and population. Its health service system has strengths and weaknesses. It needs to build on its qualified human work force, stress on its well-designed short and long-term strategies on health care system and the partnership with external funding institutions, while overcoming the challenges on creating the proper health information system, economic support system and centralization of health service and professionals. Keywords: Health Care System, Sudan, SWOT analysis
6
Warburg, Gabriel. "The Wingate Literature Revisited: The Sudan As Seen by Members of the Sudan Political Service during the Condominium: 1899–1956." Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 3 (May 2005): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200500106008.
Full text
7
De’Nyok, Miyar Ezekiel, and Maxwell Adea. "The Roles of Service Leadership in South Sudan transitional Governance and Institutional Performances." International Journal of Science and Business 33, no. 1 (2024): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.58970/ijsb.2320.
Full textAbstract:
This review paper presents a conceptual framework and analysis of strategy approaches to transitioning states, focusing on the case of South Sudan. The proposed framework encompasses service leadership, institutional performance, transitional governance, and transitional reforms, emphasizing their interrelationships and significance in facilitating effective transitions. Service leadership, characterized by principles such as trustworthiness and stewardship, plays a crucial role in creating awareness, persuasion, and conceptualization. Institutional performance, including factors like human capital and accountability, is essential for evaluating and improving the delivery of public services during transitions. Transitional governance involves processes and structures that enable the reconfiguration of governance roles and practices, guided by principles such as the rule of law and transparency. Transitional reforms, including peace agreements and governance enhancements, aim to reconstruct socio-economic development and enhance governance. Despite progress, challenges such as systemic vulnerabilities and political fragility persist, hindering the implementation of transitional government targets in South Sudan. The paper concludes by recommending consensus-building, prioritization of governance reforms, and finalization of a permanent constitution to address challenges and improve transitional governance.
8
Adeba, Brian. "Oversight mechanisms, regime security, and intelligence service autonomy in South Sudan." Intelligence and National Security 35, no. 6 (April 26, 2020): 808–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2020.1756624.
Full text
9
Hamad, Bushra. "Sudan Notes and Records and Sudanese Nationalism, 1918–1956." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 239–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171916.
Full textAbstract:
Sudan Notes and Records (hereafter SNR or simply “the journal”) was a leading African scholarly journal on Sudanese studies established by the British administration of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in 1918. Perhaps because of the high scientific standards it upheld throughout its life span, the political underpinnings that accompanied its foundation might not be so apparent. This study argues that, from its founding until the late 1940s, when the British administration was paving the way for a transfer of power to the Sudanese, SNR had ostensibly political orientations as reflected, among other things, in the editorial policy of the journal. The political leanings of SNR had two dimensions: internal and external.On the internal level, editorial policy in the 1920s favored notables and tribal chiefs, rather than the intelligentsia, by allotting space in this periodical to articles “written” by Sudanese sheikhs, a phenomenon occurring at a time when the policy of Indirect Rule figured most prominently in the calculation of the administration. In the late 1930s the administration courted the intelligentsia, offering them greater opportunities in the civil service and higher education abroad. The editorial policy of SNR favored these educated elements by publishing articles and correspondences written by the intelligentsia, including Sayyed Abd el-Rahman el-Mahdi, the patron of a prominent Sudanese political party—the Umma. Until independence in 1956, the Sudanization of contribution to the journal became one of the focal points of editorial notes.On the external level, the political bias of SNR was directly linked to the British policy vis-à-vis Egyptian claims of sovereignty over the Sudan. The study contends that one of the tactics the British used to separate the Sudan from Egypt was to foster the concept of nationalism among the Sudanese through archeological research. One of the prime vehicles for the spread of this concept was in fact SNR, whose very nature was questioned in the late 1940s by its own subscribers.
10
Vella Gregory, Isabelle. "Ordering the land beyond the Sixth Cataract: Imperial policy, archaeology and the role of Henry Wellcome." Libyan Studies 51 (April 16, 2020): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2020.3.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Sudan occupies a fairly complex place in archaeological enquiry. This is not a result of the archaeological record, rather it is due to a particular perception of the Sudan, its archaeology and history. The first excavators were archaeologists and anatomists who either worked in Egypt or in the Mediterranean, while the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium encouraged white-only scholars to both conduct research and to be active members of the newly formed political service in order to ‘know the natives’. In other words, archaeology from the outset was intimately connected to a particular political narrative and aim. This paper traces the historical context from the early 20th century to the development of archaeology south of beyond the Sixth Cataract south of the present-day capital of Khartoum, showing how it was created by Henry Wellcome. In particular, it focuses on the vast mortuary and habitation site of Jebel Moya, south-central Sudan, where new fieldwork is yielding fruitful results. Henry Wellcome's contribution to archaeology remains under-acknowledged. This long-overdue critical assessment traces and contextualizes the historical trajectories at play and situates them within the broader historical archaeology context.
11
Duop, Majak Akec Malok. "The Impact of the National Police Service (NPS) on Security Sector Reforms in South Sudan: A Case Study on the Ministry of Interior in South Sudan." International Journal of Science and Business 29, no. 1 (2023): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.58970/ijsb.2235.
Full textAbstract:
The study's objective is to "examine the impact of South Sudan's National Police Service (SSNPS) on security sector reforms a case study of the Ministry of Interior." An empirical inquiry was looked at, and the study was developed as a case study. The researcher used questionnaires, interviews, and observation as the main data-gathering methods. There were 80 people there in total during the research, and 60 were randomly selected as the sample size. For the purpose of this study, descriptive statistics were generated by data analysis using SPSS version 20.0 (Statistical Package for Social Sciences). The data collection process employed both secondary and primary sources. The secondary responsibility was to evaluate already published works, such as books, essays, periodicals, journals, newspapers, and websites. The main methods for gathering data were questionnaires, observations, and interviews, and secondary data was also employed. The national police force of South Sudan has reportedly been able to successfully carry out the duties outlined in the SSNP Act 2011.The National Police Service must overcome a number of significant challenges before it can implement security sector reforms at the Ministry of Interior in South Sudan, according to the report, including the lack of excitement among police officers. The study analyzed published works and data collected through questionnaires, revealing that South Sudan's national police force successfully fulfils duties under the SSNP Act 2011 due to the Ministry of Interior's security sector reforms. However, challenges like lack of officer enthusiasm remain. Since 2005, South Sudan's security sector has faced challenges due to inadequate police training programs and low professionalization. Since independence in 2011, the sector has been characterized by brutality and political instability, impacting the nation's development.
12
Liebling, Helen Jane, Hazel Rose Barrett, and Lillian Artz. "Sexual and gender-based violence and torture experiences of Sudanese refugees in Northern Uganda: health and justice responses." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 16, no. 4 (October 12, 2020): 389–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-10-2019-0081.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose This British Academy/Leverhulme-funded research (Grant number: SG170394) investigated the experiences and impact of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and torture on South Sudanese refugees’ health and rights and the responses of health and justice services in Northern Uganda. Design/methodology/approach It involved thematic analysis of the narratives of 20 men and 41 women refugees’ survivors of SGBV and torture; this included their experiences in South Sudan, their journeys to Uganda and experiences in refugee settlements. In total, 37 key stakeholders including health and justice providers, police, non-government and government organisations were also interviewed regarding their experiences of providing services to refugees. Findings All refugees had survived human rights abuses carried out in South Sudan, on route to Uganda and within Uganda. Incidents of violence, SGBV, torture and other human rights abuses declined significantly for men in Uganda, but women reported SGBV incidents. The research demonstrates linkages between the physical, psychological, social/cultural and justice/human rights impact on women and men refugees, which amplified the impact of their experiences. There was limited screening, physical and psychological health and support services; including livelihoods and education. Refugees remained concerned about violence and SGBV in the refugee settlements. While they all knew of the reporting system for such incidents, they questioned the effectiveness of the process. For this reason, women opted for family reconciliation rather than reporting domestic violence or SGBV to the authorities. Men found it hard to report incidences due to high levels of stigma and shame. Research limitations/implications Refugees largely fled South Sudan to escape human rights abuses including, persecution, SGBV and torture. Their experiences resulted in physical, psychological, social-cultural and justice effects that received limited responses by health and justice services. An integrated approach to meeting refugees’ needs is required. Practical implications The authors make recommendations for integrated gender sensitive service provision for refugees including more systematic screening, assessment and treatment of SGBV and torture physical and emotional injuries combined with implementation of livelihoods and social enterprises. Social implications The research demonstrates that stigma and shame, particularly for male refugee survivors of SGBV and torture, impacts on ability to report these incidents and seek treatment. Increasing gender sensitivity of services to these issues, alongside provision of medical treatment for injuries, alongside improved informal justice processes, may assist to counteract shame and increase disclosure. Originality/value There is currently a lack of empirical investigation of this subject area, therefore this research makes a contribution to the subject of understanding refugees’ experiences of SGBV and torture, as well as their perceptions of service provision and response. This subject is strategically important due to the pressing need to develop integrated, gendered and culturally sensitive services that listen to the voices and draw on the expertise of refugees themselves while using their skills to inform improvements in service responses and policy.
13
Abusharaf, Rogaia Mustafa. "The Words of Ina Beasley: Glimpses from a Life in British Sudan." Hawwa 8, no. 3 (2010): 317–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920810x549758.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis essay presents a woman whose ideas not only signifies a challenge to conventional approaches to the relationship between colonialism and feminism, but also enables us to appreciate the intricacies and diversities of colonial experiences and the multiple roles played by individuals who wielded some level of authority in a colonised society. Since this essay is a tribute to Ina Beasley, it reproduces substantial excerpts from her papers on the subjects that engaged her most deeply during her Sudan service. Her writings shed new light on the social history of human rights during the Condominium, which matters both to scholars and to concerned citizens. In recognition of Ina Beasley, who devoted her life to improving the lives of women and children in a society rife with hardship and discriminatory practices, the essay addresses her work on education and its relevance to eradicating female circumcision that was universally practiced at the time. The essay begins with a brief discussion of Sudanese politics at the time of her arrival and then examines her work as educator who managed to craft several influential programs to empower women and girls. The rest of the paper focuses on her reproductive health advocacy as exemplified in a formidable body of work that articulated her activities and approaches to social rights.
14
Janowski, Roselinde K., Inge Wessels, Samuel Bojo, Felix Monday, Kaitlyn Maloney, Victoria Achut, Daniel Oliver, Jamie M. Lachman, Lucie Cluver, and Catherine L. Ward. "Transferability of Evidence-Based Parenting Programs to Routine Implementation in Postconflict South Sudan." Research on Social Work Practice 30, no. 8 (June 17, 2020): 858–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049731520932986.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose: This study investigated process and outcomes of the Parenting for Lifelong Health (PLH) for Young Children and for Adolescents programs implemented as part of routine service delivery in postconflict settings. Methods: These group-based programs were delivered by trained facilitators to 97 caregivers (PLH for Young Children) and 108 caregiver–adolescent dyads (PLH for Adolescents) over 12 or 14 (respectively) weekly sessions. Routine monitoring data were collected by the implementing partners using standardized self-report measures. Reducing harsh discipline was specified as the primary outcome, with secondary outcomes including improvements in positive parenting and reductions in poor parental supervision and parental inefficacy. Results: Analyses were intention to treat. Both PLH programs retained effectiveness in routine conditions in a postwar setting, with moderate to large effect sizes. The programs also had high enrollment and attendance rates, indicating high acceptability. Conclusions: Findings suggest promising viability for the implementation of evidence-based parenting programs in challenging postconflict contexts.
15
Wilson, R. Trevor. "The biological exploration of Darfur, 1799–1998." Archives of Natural History 39, no. 1 (April 2012): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2012.0061.
Full textAbstract:
Darfur covers an area in excess of 400,000 square kilometres in the west of the Republic of Sudan. The Sultanate of Darfur was an independent entity for eight centuries. Three “outsiders” in the sultanate commented on its biology before its annexation by Egypt in the 1870s. A naturalist accompanied the Egyptian invasion but the area was overrun by Mahdist forces in 1883, then reverted to independence in 1898 before incorporation into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan 1916. No outsiders entered Darfur in the period 1883–1916 but information from spies and informers on wildlife and trade in products appeared in Sudan government reports. The period 1916–1955 produced considerable information from officers in the Sudan Political Service (SPS) and from travellers as a by-product of voyages of geographical discovery. After independence in 1956 biological discovery continued with data gathered, especially on the vegetation and its ecology, through rural development projects by their staff as part of their duties and for animal life through the personal interests of some staff: there were also field trips by Sudanese and foreign universities. There has been little new information since the 1980s and it seems there will be restricted future new knowledge. Darfur's biological importance derives from its range of ecosystems, from northern deserts to southern deciduous woodland, because it forms a bridge between west and east and because of the isolated massif of Jebel Marra. Biologically it has been, and is being, affected by human population expansion, spread of cultivation, civil strife and climatic vagary. The combined effects of these factors have had a mainly negative effect on larger mammals, birds and the composition and productivity of the vegetation.
16
Sholeye, Yusuf, and Amal Madibbo. "Religious Humanitarianism and the Evolution of Sudan People’s Liberation Army (1990-2005)." Political Crossroads 24, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.03.
Full textAbstract:
During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all sought to serve their own interests, which jeopardized the possibility of a lasting peace. Thus, the interpretation of that history provides ways to help solve the current armed conflict in South Sudan.
17
Sullivan, Anthony T. "The End of Empire in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (July 1, 1996): 265–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2320.
Full textAbstract:
Living memory has now faded concerning the scattered pieces ofempire that Britain ruled in East Africa and South and East Arabia for upto a quarter of a century after the end of the Second World War. In the nottoo-distant future, what Elizabeth Monroe once described felicitously asBritain's "moment" in the Middle East will have passed from personal recollectioninto history. Mindful of that inevitability, British diplomat andquondam scholar Glen Balfour-Paul has undertaken to chronicle the postwarencounter between Britishers and Arabs in Sudan, Aden, and the Gulfstates from which Britain withdrew in 1956, 1967, and 1971, respectively.The results of his study should be of particular interest to government officialsrequiring perspective for the formulation of policy and to neophyteforeign service officers about to depart for the regions discussed, as well asto scholars and advanced students of the contemporary Middle East.To his subject, Balfour-Paul brings almost unique credentials. Afterexperience in the Middle East during the Second World War, he became amember of the Sudan Political Service for nine years and, thereafter, servedas a diplomat until 1977 in various Arab countries, in three of them asambassador. The book under review was written largely in the late 1980swhile the author was an honorary research fellow at the Centre for ArabGulf Studies at Exeter University. In the meticulousness of its research, theobjectivity demonstrated on contested issues, and above all in the eleganceof its prose, the volume at hand is a model of what diplomatic history (acraft now rarely practiced by professional historians) should be. Those onboth sides of the British-Arab divide have reason to be grateful that there is ...
18
Stewart, Miriam, Kaysi Eastlick Kushner, CindyLee Dennis, Michael Kariwo, Nicole Letourneau, Knox Makumbe, Edward Makwarimba, and Edward Shizha. "Social support needs of Sudanese and Zimbabwean refugee new parents in Canada." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 13, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 234–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-07-2014-0028.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine support needs of African refugee new parents in Canada, and identifies support preferences that may enhance the mental health of refugee parents and children. Design/methodology/approach In all, 72 refugee new parents from Zimbabwe (n=36) and Sudan (n=36) participated in individual interviews. All had a child aged four months to five years born in Canada. Refugee new parents completed standardized measures on social support resources and support seeking as a coping strategy. Four group interviews (n=30) with refugee new parents were subsequently conducted. In addition, two group interviews (n=30) were held with service providers and policy influencers. Findings Separated from their traditional family and cultural supports, refugee new parents reported isolation and loneliness. They lacked support during pregnancy, birth, and postpartum and had limited interactions with people from similar cultural backgrounds. Refugees required support to access services and overcome barriers such as language, complex systems, and limited financial resources. Support preferences included emotional and information support from peers from their cultural community and culturally sensitive service providers. Research limitations/implications Psychometric evaluation of the quantitative measures with the two specific populations included in this study had not been conducted, although these measures have been used with ethnically diverse populations by other researchers. Practical implications The study findings can inform culturally appropriate health professional practice, program and policy development. Originality/value The study bridges gaps in research examining support needs and support intervention preferences of African refugee new parents.
19
Jyalita, Vincentia Vahistha Hirrya. "The Relevance of Human Security Approach in Assessing The Causes and Solutions to Food Insecurity in South Sudan (Case Study: South Sudan 2017 Famine)." Jurnal Sentris 4, no. 1 (June 16, 2023): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v4i1.5116.73-85.
Full textAbstract:
Despite South Sudan’s high potential in agriculture and cultivation, food insecurity brought dire consequences to the people’s well-being throughout 2017. The previous research mostly points to the South Sudan ongoing civil war as the main cause of food insecurity but has yet to sufficiently explore the case study using a human security approach. This paper will attempt to analyze the relevance of the human security approach in explaining the primary factor of food insecurity for the South Sudan people during 2017 and how the approach can be used to mitigate the issue. The author argues that the human security approach can reveal the South Sudan government’s lack of prioritization for their people’s well-being in decision-making as the primary factor of food insecurity, which can be mitigated by a people-centered approach in the future decisions of all the relevant actors. The author utilized Ken Booth’s security as emancipation theory as the main perspective in the study alongside Sabine Alkire’s human security concept and Food and Agriculture Organization’s (FAO) food security indicators. The main findings confirm the importance of the human security approach in the decision-making of governments and other relevant actors, especially in the context of ensuring food security. Keywords: South Sudan; food Security; human Security; emancipation REFERENCES African Development Bank (AfDB) Group. “Development of Agriculture.” In South Sudan in Infrastructure Action Plan in South Sudan: A Program for Sustained Strong Economic Growth (Tunisia: AfDB Group, 2013), 133. Alkire, Sabina. “A Conceptual Framework for Human Security.” Working paper, Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity (CRISE), 2003, https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.580.2805&rep=rep1&type=pdf. Avis, William. Coping mechanisms in South Sudan in relation to different types of shock. United Kingdom: K4D helpdesk service, 2020. https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/20.500.12413/15301/801_Coping_Mechani sm_in_South_Sudan_in_relation_to_Different_Types_of_Shock.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y. Barry, Hannah. “Starving Out the Enemy: Withholding Food Aid as a Tactic of War in South Sudan.” Mapping Politics 8, no. 2 (2017): 59. https://journals.library.mun.ca/ojs/index.php/MP/article/view/1778. Booth, Ken. “Security and Emancipation,” Review of International Studies 17, no. 4 (October 1991): 313-326. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20097269. Booth, Ken. Theory of World Security, edited by Steve Smith. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. de Vries, Lotje and Mareike Schomerus. “South Sudan’s Civil War Will Not End with a Peace Deal.” Peace Review 29, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 333–40. https://doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2017.1344533. Diao, Xinshen, Liangzhi You, Vida Alpuerto, and Renato Folledo. “Assessing Agricultural Potential in South Sudan – A Spatial Analysis Method.” In Application of Geographic Information Systems, edited by Bhuiyan Monwar Alam, 139. London: IntechOpen, 2012. FAO, IFAD and WFP. The State of Food Security in the World: The multiple dimensions of food security. Rome: FAO, IFAD and WFP, 2013. http://www.fao.org/3/a-i3434e.pdf. FAO, World Bank. “Transforming Agriculture in South Sudan from Humanitarian Aid to a Development Oriented Growth Path.” Country Investment Highlights. Rome: FAO, World Bank, 2022. https://reliefweb.int/report/south-sudan/transforming-agriculture-south-sudan humanitarian-aid-development-oriented-growth-path. FAO. Food Security. Rome: FAO’s Agriculture and Development Economics Division (ESA), 2006, http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/faoitaly/documents/pdf/pdf_Food_Security_Cocept_Note .pdf. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and World Food Programme. Special Report: FAO/WFP Crop And Food Security Assessment Mission To South Sudan. Rome: FAO and WFP, 2018. http://www.fao.org/3/i8702EN/i8702en.pdf. Integrated Food security Phase Classification (IPC). “The IPC Famine: Fact Sheet.” 2020. https://www.fsinplatform.org/sites/default/files/resources/files/IPC_Famine_Factsheet_2020Nov. pdf. Integrated Food security Phase Classification (IPC). “What is Famine.” Accessed February 1, 2021. http://www.ipcinfo.org/famine-facts/. Integrated Food Security Phase Classification. South Sudan Key IPC Findings: January - July 2017. South Sudan: IPC, 2017. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/IPC_South_Sudan_Key%20Messages_Feb 2017.pdf. Joint Policy Advisory Team (JPAT). Food Security and Initiatives for Resilience In South Sudan. Juba: South Sudan United Nations Country Team Joint Policy Advisory Team, 2017. https://info.undp.org/docs/pdc/Documents/SSD/DLD396%20JPAT%20Food%20Security_3.pdf. King, Gary, and Christopher J.L Murray. “Rethinking Human Security.” Political Science Quarterly (2002): 587. https://gking.harvard.edu/files/abs/hs-abs.shtml. Land Governance for Equitable and Sustainable Development. “Food Security and Land Governance Factsheet: South Sudan.” 2016. https://www.landgovernance.org/wp content/uploads/2019/09/20160627-Factsheet-SouthSudan.pdf. Mayai, Augustino Ting. “Security Sector Spending and Public Safety in South Sudan, 2006– 2018.” African Security Review 29, no.3 (2020): 10. https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2020.1813784. Ministry of Agriculture. “AGRICULTURE SECTOR POLICY FRAMEWORK (ASPF): 2012- 2017.” Republic of South Sudan, 2012. https://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/ssd149325.pdf. Murphy, Ray. “The United Nations Mission in South Sudan and the Protection of Civilians.” Journal of Conflict and Security Law 22, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 367–94, https://doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krx016. O’Driscoll, Dylan. Drivers of Malnutrition in South Sudan. Brighton: K4D Research Helpdesk, Institute of Development Studies, 2018. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/5c6ec76ded915d4a3d3b23eb/466_Drivers_of_Mal nutrition_in_South_Sudan.pdf. Plan International. “South Sudan Crisis Forces Girls Out of School.” Accessed February 1, 2021. https://plan-international.org/news/2017-04-25-south-sudan-crisis-forces-girls-out-school. The World Bank. South Sudan Economic Update. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 2018. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/30294/129303-WP-PUBLIC SouthSudanEconomicUpdateJuly.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y. Thiong, Daniel Akech. “How the Politics of Fear Generated Chaos in South Sudan.” African Affairs 117, no. 469 (July 20, 2018): 613-635. https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady031. United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund. National Budget Brief Fiscal Year 2017/18: Republic of South Sudan. South Sudan: UNICEF South Sudan, 2017. https://www.unicef.org/esaro/UNICEF_South_Sudan_--_2017_--_National_Budget_Brief.pdf. United Nations Security Council. Final report of the South Sudan Sanctions Committee's Panel of Experts S/2017/326. New York: United Nations Security Council, 2017, 30. https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3- CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_2017_326.pdf. United Nations. “The 17 Goals.” Accessed August 6, 2021. https://sdgs.un.org/goals. Wethes, Sascha and David Bosold. “Human Security in Practice: Canadian and Japanese Experiences.” In Human Security, edited by Taylor Owens, 87-96. California: Sage Publishing, 2013. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237671115_Human_Security_in_Practice_Canadian_an d_Japanese_Experiences. WFP and African Union. The Cost of Hunger in Africa: Ethiopia 2013. Rome: WFP and African Union, 2013. https://documents.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/newsroom/wfp263405.pdf?_ga=2.22 4381916.696497991.1628524817-587994483.1628403586.
20
Spaulding, Jay. "The Old Shaiqi Language in Historical Perspective." History in Africa 17 (January 1990): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171817.
Full textAbstract:
The Shaiqiya are the northernmost Arabic-speaking community of the modern riverain Sudan, residing in the Nile bend below the Fourth Cataract as far as the borders of Nubian-speaking Dongola. Independent confirmation of the existence of the Shaiqiya under that name can be found in European sources of the sixteenth century, while charters, chronicles, saints' lives, and orally-preserved traditions allude to their participation in the political and cultural life of the wider kingdom of Sinnar, of which they formed a part. In November 1820 the Shaiqiya made one of their most dramatic contributions to the historical record by offering determined resistance to the invading Turkish armies of Muhammad Ali, Viceroy of Egypt. When they were defeated twice in quick succession, their homeland was subjected to six weeks of concentrated vengeance before the invaders marched on south. The erstwhile Shaiqi elite took service with the Turks as mercenary colonial troops and departed forever, slave revolts flared on the princely demesnes adjoining their vacant castles, and the servile entourages of the old lords disbanded and decamped. The survivors who remained, largely non-slave peasant cultivators, set out to build a new society under the tutelage of Turkish colonial officials. It is this nineteenth and early twentieth-century colonial society, as popularized internationally by the Shaiqi novelist al-Tayyib Salih and the Shaiqi ethnographer Haydar Ibrahim, that is usually understood today to constitute the traditional, historically authentic, pre-modern reality of the Shaiqiya experience.
21
Ayoker (PhD), Lam Bukeje. "Research Title: Impact of Inflation on South Sudan Economy Case study: Juba Main Market - South Sudan." IJRDO - Journal of Business Management 7, no. 10 (November 6, 2021): 94–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/bm.v7i10.4681.
Full textAbstract:
This study is carried out to investigate about the impact of inflation on South Sudan economy .The aims of this study to know the impact of inflation on south Sudan economy and money supply. The researcher used qualitative and quantitative methods for collected data and the data was analyzed by (SPSS) statistical package for social science. The researcher has reached to a numbers of findings: the study revealed mismanagement economics resources, high taxes rates, the study revealed that the inflation increases cost of living because of price increase, political instability in the country and devaluation of country currency, lack of feeding roads. The research suggested a number of important recommendations which are the following: the government should change the policy of depending on imported goods and services and encourage export of local products, bank of South Sudan should adopt strong monetary policy, government should combat corruption and implement transparency and accountability, government should encourage domestic production and small industries by giving loans and grants.
22
Evaristus, Agberndifor. "Investigating the Outcomes of the Military Wing of The Civil Society in Enforcing Democracy or Cessation." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 6 (June 22, 2020): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.76.8412.
Full textAbstract:
In Hobbes’ Leviathan, he portrays man as a rationally angry and dangerous creature capable of hurting another in order to remain alive. He says human interpersonal relations are mostly characterized by brutality in what he called “Man against man” in order words man is another man’s wolf. According to him human interpersonal relations are substantiated by the fear of bad or sudden death and so, every human seeks for ways to either remain alive or to maintain his status quo. Anger, resentments, protests and violence are clearly part of the human life and one of the reasons every human must be careful to gather his human arsenal in order to deter another from killing him. Man cannot in any way deal with the other without these ingredients ever present in interpersonal human relations. Though pejorative with many negative defects as Hobbes sees it, they have also brought some common good to societies and countries whose governments are experts in crisis management. However, the same is not the case for countries with haughty governments ruled by mostly dictatorships, which underrate their citizens and use the military to deter them from fighting for their rights. This article shall seek to firstly understand the conceptual background of civil society by examining different definitions of what it means. Secondly, it shall look at two fundamental factors that make civil societies very important and powerful for state development as well as destruction, however, will discuss them separately as one will be deeply discussed in the later parts of the study. Thirdly, it shall shallowly review the relationship between the civil society and democracy in Nigeria which will serve as a preview to understand the foreseen projection that the civil society and democracy in tandem engenders development. Secondly, at the core lies the tireless and selfless service of a powerful civil society vis-à-vis to maintain social order, unity, and social cohesion as well as keep the spirit of nationalism aflame. Lastly, this article shall concentrate on the most vital part of the study which is the military wing of civil societies. This study will show that when the civil society organization is pushed to its limits, it has the power to bring no small trouble to their host governments and domestic affairs sometimes crossing international boundaries and leading to serious international security issues and humanitarian crises. To fully understand this part, the study shall stroll through political exclusion, isolation, opportunity, greed and violence as possible incentives to arouse the devastating military wing of the civil society. Furthermore, the most comprehensive and elaborate study to use to explain this will be the analysis of Collier and Hoeffler’s account of civil war studies but this will be mentioned in passing. To avoid auto repetition, an article earlier published by me titled “Investigating the causes of civil wars in Sub-Saharan Africa, Case study: South Sudan and the Central African Republic” shall be cited. More so, this study shall look at carefully localized independent and dependent variables which shall be used in the comparative method to review the verifiable effects of the military wing of the civil society in Cameroon and Burkina Faso.
“When the enabling factor fails to a haughty government, then civilian enacted military action is the only solution. However, the effects of this civilian enacted military action differs from place to place and there is no assurance of how positively democratic or devastating they could be”
The independent variables shall be political isolation, political exclusion and polarization. And the dependent variable shall be the democracy and secession.
23
James Dominic Shalom Sithole. "Impeding factors hindering juvenile offenders’ access to pretrial diversion services in Zimbabwe: study of St Marys, Chitungwiza Urban Centre Zimbabwe." People Centred – The Journal of Development Administration 8, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jda.v8i2.5.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims at exploring the antecedent factors affecting access to Pre-Trial Diversion (PTD) services by juvenile offenders from high density suburbs in Zimbabwe with particular focus on St Marys high density suburb. Having been tailor made to suit these offenders’ core rights and needs, this program seeks to promote preventive, protective, rehabilitative, reformatory and restorative justice among young offenders. This is achieved through diverting them from the formal criminal justice system that is firmly hinged on punishment, incarceration and prosecution. To this effect, out of 156 administrative districts, Chitungwiza District was selected for this study because of proliferating cases of juveniles’ incarcerations and prosecutions besides it being the oldest and first district to host this program. This paper’s key objectives thus, are to profile the PTD program as a tool to access restorative justice, assess the factors or barriers behind juvenile offenders’ failure to access diversion services and finally, to suggest possible intervention measures to improve access to the aforementioned services. Thus, the restorative justice theory informed this study as it advocates and sets parameters for the establishment of a child-friendly justice system. Again, this study adopted the qualitative research approach and more so, case study design informed this study. To this end, data were collected from participants using a combined set of data collection methods. These methods include documentary review of three reports from Justice for Children Trust (JCT), the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs and UNICEF accordingly. Seven (7) in-depth and five (5) key informant interviews of young offenders and key professionals (within the diversion committee) respectively were also conducted. The study also conducted two (2) focus group discussions with firstly, key stakeholders with a bearing in juvenile justice promotion and secondly, with young offenders for rich and comparative insight. Submissions from participants revealed that there are seven (7) diversion options provided for juvenile offenders including counselling, victim-offender mediation, group conferencing, reparation, community service among others. Regardless of the existence of these options, the findings established that, most of these juveniles lacked the impetus to access diversion services due to a myriad of socio-economic, politico-legal, physical and religio-cultural barriers. These factors generally include limited diversion options, resource constraints, shortage of skilled labour, knowledge, poor involvement of significant others, poor infrastructure, beliefs and perceptions about the causes of juvenile offending, lack of political will and the absence of the Child Justice Act. Cognisant of these barriers to this end, it was recommended that there is need to expedite the enactment of the Child Justice Bill in particular, increase awareness raising on children’s rights, build capacity building among key stakeholders coupled with decentralizing the program while increasing participation of parents or guardians in diversion processes. How to cite this article using ASWNet style Sithole, J. D. S. (2023). Impeding factors hindering juvenile offenders’ access to pretrial diversion services in Zimbabwe: study of St Marys, Chitungwiza Urban Centre Zimbabwe. People centred – The Journal of Development Administration (JDA), 8(2), 47. Social Work and Development Student Conference (SWDSC), 16 June 2023. https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jda.v8i2.5 Conference Abstract Social Work and Development Student Conference (SWDSC), Held on 16 June 2023, Day of the African Child (DAC), Organised by Africa Social Work and Development Network (ASWDN). Conference Organising Committee: Danzel Rademan, University of the Free State, South Africa (Chairperson); Atuhairwe Collins, Student, Master of Social Work, Makerere University, Uganda (Vice-Chairperson); Never Winnie James Sebit, South Sudan; Bachelor in Social Work, RCSS, India (Secretary); Tatenda Sukulao, Bachelor of Social Work, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe (Vice-Secretary); Norman T. Manyika, Student, Bachelor of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe (Committee member) & Takudzwa Banda, Bachelor of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe (Committee member). Visit journal website: https://jda.africasocialwork.net
24
Jędrej, M. C. "Ingessana and the Legacy of the Funj Sultanate: The Consequences of Turkish Conquest on the Blue Nile." Africa 70, no. 2 (May 2000): 278–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.2.278.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractFrom a perspective based in ethnographic research this article reviews the historical evidence relating to the social organisation of the southern Funj in the Sudan during the nineteenth century. It goes beyond a characterisation of the region as one of pagan ‘tribes’ more or less successful in resisting subordination by a sophisticated Islamic state to discern a complexity of varied political relations radiating from an elite in a few regional centres and traversing all the communities of the region. The appearance of distinct ethnic groups under the colonial regime of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan was preceded by a transitional geo-political division of the population into defiant highlanders and variously servile lowlanders under the Turco-Egyptian government which succeeded the Funj sultanate in the region.
25
English, Cara, Jennie Bever, and Elizabeth Wood. "Policies, Leadership, and Funding - Oh, My! How we are working together to improve perinatal care access & integration in Arizona, U.S." International Journal of Integrated Care 23, S1 (December 28, 2023): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ijic.icic23192.
Full textAbstract:
The United States has the highest maternal mortality rate of any high resource country, and it is the only country outside of Afghanistan and Sudan where the rate is rising. The rate of pregnancy-related mortality in the US increased from 7.2 pregnancy-related deaths per 100,000 live births per year in 1987 to 17.2 in 2017. In Arizona, almost half of all pregnancy-associated deaths in 2016-2018 or three out of five deaths were related to mental health conditions or substance use disorder, and 98% of those deaths were deemed preventable with 48.5% of deaths having a good chance to prevent the death. Over 40% of these deaths were accidents or unintentional overdoses. Social determinants of health, system, and community factors have increasingly been acknowledged as contributing factors to the increasing rate of poor maternal health outcomes nationally, yet few states have been able to comprehensively address these issues due to fragmented health and public health systems of care, as well as severe workforce shortages.
The State of Arizona launched a series of initiatives beginning or enhanced in 2019 to improve maternal health outcomes for persons of reproductive age in the State, including a grant-funded initiative to strengthen Arizona’s Maternal Mortality Review Committee and to fund prevention efforts. In 2020, maternal mental health was spotlighted by stakeholders as a crisis related to the COVID-19 pandemic. A maternal mental health task force was appointed by the state legislature and funded through a federal grant to bring statewide stakeholders together to identify gaps in care for the perinatal population, improve statewide data on maternal mortality, and to form a statewide action plan to promote and execute innovation in maternal health service delivery including recommendations to the state government for providers and facilities, regulatory and state policy, payers, law enforcement, other systems, public health, and communities.
While the effort to improve perinatal care statewide has legislative and grant-funded support, the input from individuals with lived experience, healthcare professionals specializing in serving this population, and our community health workers such as peer support professionals, patient advocates, and BIPOC advocacy organizations have been the key to our momentum and successes. Ultimately, a legion of volunteers (primarily mothers) across the state have co-designed improvements that truly meet the needs in close partnership with the state department of health and state medicaid agency.
Through community and provider participation, workforce development initiatives, compassionate and informed leadership, change management, and policy making, we have developed a comprehensive strategy to expand access to better care across the continuum of providers and facilities involved in perinatal care outcomes in our state.
What we’ve learned and achieved through our evolving statewide efforts will contribute to the efforts of others in communities globally who are working to reduce adverse maternal health outcomes. Lessons learned and best practices in capacity building and sustainability will be shared.
26
Mohamed, Alanood Elnaeem, Yasir Ahmed Mohammed Elhadi, Nora Alnaeem Mohammed, Aniekan Ekpenyong, and Don Eliseo Lucero-Prisno. "Exploring Challenges to COVID-19 Vaccination in the Darfur Region of Sudan." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 106, no. 1 (January 5, 2022): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.21-0782.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT. The current COVID-19 pandemic has affected the ability of health systems to provide essential services globally. The Darfur region, located in the western part of Sudan, has been largely devastated by the war that began in 2003 and has been drawing considerable attention from the international community. The war, which erupted as a result of environmental, political, and economic factors, has led to tragic outcomes. Collapsing health-care infrastructures, health workforce shortages, lack of storage facilities for medicines and medical products, and inadequate access to health services are some of the effects of the war. After Sudan received the AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine through the COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access facility, significant challenges have been implicated in the delivery, storage, and use of the vaccine in the Darfur region. Lack of vaccine storage and transportation facilities, vaccination hesitancy, inequity in the distribution to health facilities, and shortage of health-care professionals resulting from insecurity and instability have added an extra layer of burden on local authorities and their ability to manage COVID-19 vaccinations in the region adequately. Addressing the impact of COVID-19 requires an effectively managed vaccination program. In the face of current challenges in Darfur, ensuring a fully vaccinated population might remain far-fetched and improbable if meaningful efforts are not put in place by all stakeholders and actors to address some of the challenges identified.
27
Obwoya, Justin Geno, Joseph K. Wulifan, and Albino Kalolo. "Factors Influencing Contraceptives Use among Women in the Juba City of South Sudan." International Journal of Population Research 2018 (January 31, 2018): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/6381842.
Full textAbstract:
Understanding birth control and child spacing methods used by inhabitants of conflict afflicted settings is important in designing interventions to improve uptake of family planning services. In addressing the dearth of knowledge on family planning use in these settings, this study aimed at identifying the influencing factors of contraceptives use among women in the Juba city of South Sudan. Using a population based cross-sectional study, 380 women aged 15–49 years filled a guided questionnaire between April and May in 2015. We collected contraceptive use data and factors influencing family planning uptake. Data analysis was performed using descriptive statistics and binary logistic regression. Lifetime reported contraceptive use stood at 42% whereas contraceptive use in the last three months was 36%. Logistic regression revealed attitudes (AOR = 1.375, 95 CI 1.246–1.518) and parity (AOR = 1.242, 95% CI 1.000–1.544) as significant determinants of lifetime contraceptive use whereas only attitude (AOR = 1.348, p<0.001) determined contraceptive use in last three months. The findings indicate optimal uptake of family planning and point to the influence of attitudes and parity on contraceptive use. Changing attitudes and embedded sociocultural and political structures influencing attitudes is important to promote contraceptive uptake in these settings.
28
Abdelmoneium, Azza. "Internally displaced families in Khartoum-Sudan: challenges and policy implications." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2016): 252–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-05-2015-0017.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how internally displaced families in Khartoum-Sudan face difficulties and challenges in meeting their basic needs of shelter and health when they are displaced from their homes. By using empirical data, the factors that hinder families in getting access to shelter and health provision and how they survive with few facilities provided to them will be discussed. The paper will also highlight the role of the state in the situation of the displaced families and the services provided to them. Design/methodology/approach Various methods were used in the research, among them were interviews and focus-group discussions. Interviews were conducted with children aged 10-18 years. A sample of 129 children from four camps was selected, and parents or guardians of the children were interviewed. The theoretical section on what is displacement and how displaced people meet their basic needs and rights gives a background on how displaced families in Sudan survive and struggle to meet their health and shelter rights. Findings The basic needs for the displaced families were not met, and if they were met, it would have led to better living conditions, stability and security for these people. The paper concludes with some recommendations. Originality/value The state should meet the basic needs and rights of the internally displaced people. It is the responsibility of the state to ensure that health and shelter are provided to displaced people.
29
Pattanshetty, Sanjay, Kiran Bhatt, Aniruddha Inamdar, Viola Dsouza, Vijay Kumar Chattu, and Helmut Brand. "Health Diplomacy as a Tool to Build Resilient Health Systems in Conflict Settings—A Case of Sudan." Sustainability 15, no. 18 (September 12, 2023): 13625. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su151813625.
Full textAbstract:
Attacks on health have become a significant concern for non-belligerents of war, including healthcare personnel and facilities, as witnessed in the ongoing Sudan conflict. About 1.5 billion people in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS) have a heightened need for essential health services. Conflicts often lead to the disruption of the building blocks of health systems, a lack of access to health facilities, the failure of essential medical supply chains, the collapse of political, social and economic systems, the migration of health care workers, and upsurges in illness. While health indicators often decline in conflict, health can also bring peace and harmony among communities. An investment in building resilient health systems and health diplomacy is a neutral starting point for mitigating the repercussions of conflicts. The international commitment towards Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) provides the impetus to emphasise the relationship between health and peace with the amalgamation of SDG 3, SDG 16, and SDG 17. The inspection of how health diplomacy should be used as a ‘tool for peace’ and not as leverage in conflict settings must be reiterated by the international community.
30
Permadi, Ricky Noor, Wildan Lutfie Arieyasmieta, and Rustan Amarullah. "Pemenuhan Sarana dan Prasarana bagi Masyarakat Berkebutuhan Khusus untuk Meningkatkan Kualitas Pelayanan Publik di Daerah." JPSI (Journal of Public Sector Innovations) 6, no. 1 (November 30, 2021): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jpsi.v6n1.p28-38.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to analyze to what extent the provision of the rights of special needs groups has been implemented and provide recommendations related to the additional infrastructure outside the regulation of the Ministry of State Apparatus Utilization and Bureaucratic Reform (PANRB) Number 17 of 2017. This study is vital since the government institutions still lack attention to fulfilling the rights of persons with disabilities. In accordance with the mandate of Law Number. 25 of 2009 concerning Public Services, public service providers are obliged to provide special facilities and infrastructure for special needs groups without any additional charge. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative by analyzing the existing literature (library research). Then data collection through field observations (observations), interviews, and other library sources. This study tries to look at the completeness of special facilities and infrastructure for people with special needs that are provided by recommending twenty-two standards for infrastructure intended for “people with special needs”. Some public service providers relatively have almost met the standards. However, there are also public service providers which still need to be encouraged to meet these standards. It is necessary to have the political will of regional leaders to prioritize the provision of facilities and infrastructure to support public services for people with special needs. Amid limited regional resources, prioritizing the stages of fulfilment (road map) of these special facilities needs to be prepared, and partnerships also collaborations with other strategic partners can be developed to help meet these special service standards. There are limitations in this research: only three public service providers are the locus of the study, including hospitals, the Department of Population and Civil Registration, and the Department of Investment and the One-Stop Service, so that it does not represent the condition of public services in a city. Abstrak Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis sejauh mana pemenuhan hak-hak kelompok berkebutuhan khusus telah diimplementasikan dan memberikan rekomendasi terkait dengan sarana-prasarana tambahan di luar peraturan Kementerian PANRB Nomor 17 Tahun 2017. Penelitian ini penting untuk dilakukan karena masih kurangnya perhatian lembaga pemerintah dalam hal pemenuhan hak-hak penyandang disabilitas. Sesuai pasal 29 UU No. 25 Tahun 2009 bahwa penyelenggara pelayanan publik berkewajiban menyediakan sarana dan prasarana khusus bagi masyarakat berkebutuhan khusus tanpa pembebanan biaya tambahan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui pengamatan lapangan, wawancara, dan sumber pustaka. Hasil penelitian menggambarkan kondisi sarana dan prasarana khusus bagi masyarakat berkebutuhan khusus yang disediakan dengan merekomendasikan dua puluh dua standar sarana prasarana bagi masyarakat berkebutuhan khusus. Beberapa penyedia pelayanan publik relatif sudah memenuhi sarana prasarana tersebut. Namun, juga terdapat penyedia layanan publik yang perlu didorong untuk memenuhi standar pelayanan khusus tersebut. Untuk memenuhi standar pelayanan bagi kelompok rentan, diperlukan political will pemimpin daerah untuk turut memprioritaskan penyediaan sarana dan prasarana penunjang pelayanan publik bagi masyarakat berkebutuhan khusus. Di tengah keterbatasan sumberdaya daerah, maka pengutamaan tahapan pemenuhan (road map) fasilitas khusus tersebut perlu disiapkan, serta pola-pola kemitraan dan kolaborasi dengan mitra strategis lainnya dapat dikembangkan untuk membantu memenuhi standar pelayanan khusus tersebut. Keterbatasan penelitian ini yaitu hanya mencakup tiga penyelenggara pelayanan publik, yang meliputi RSUD, Dinas Kependudukan dan Pencatatan Sipil dan Dinas Penanaman Modal dan Pelayanan Terpadu Satu Pintu sehingga tidak menggambarkan kondisi pelayanan publik suatu daerah. Kata Kunci: pelayanan publik, aksesibilitas, berkebutuhan khusus, fasilitas, infrastruktur
31
Ramdani, Rijal, and Hefi Al-Hifdhi. "PERUBAHAN ORGANISASI KECAMATAN PASKA REFORMASI: DISCOURSE ANALYSIS BERDASARKAN PARADIGMA NEW PUBLIC SERVICES." JURNAL TRIAS POLITIKA 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33373/jtp.v8i1.6192.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The sub-district organization (Kecamatan) in Indonesia plays an essential role as the forefront of local governments in providing service delivery for the citizens. Following the New Public Service’s (NPS) theory, this study aims to examine how have the sub-district roles changed after the political and bureaucratic reform in Indonesia. The study employed discourse analysis method that was used to observe how texts regarding the role and position of sub-district organizations had changed in the regulations. The data for this study was based on some regulations, namely 1) Law No. 32/2004, 2) Law No. 23/2014, 3) Government Regulation No. 19/2008, and 4) Government Regulation No. 17/2018. In this study, the NPS paradigm is understood as a new paradigm in public services where citizens are positioned as citizens who are actively involved and responsible in the policy formulation and public services. The study has found that both 1) Law No. 32/2004, 2) Law No. 23/2014, 3) Government Regulation No. 19/2008, and 4) Government Regulation No. 17/2018 have content that is close to the criteria of the New Public Service (NPS) paradigm. The results of cloud analysis also show that sub-district regulations after the Indonesian reformism have a commitment in positioning the sub-district organization as a public service delivery institution for the community. However, the regulations still are not sufficiently covered the essential role of individuals as citizens who can actively participate in the policy formulation and public service processes. Abstrak: Organisasi kecamatan memiliki peran penting sebagai ujung tombak bagi pemerintah daerah dalam memberikan pelayanan publik kepada masyarakat. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana perubahan peran penting organisasi Kecataman setelah reformasi dengan menggunakan pendekatan paradigma New Public Services (NPS). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode discourse analysis yaitu suatu metode untuk melihat bagaimana teks mengenai peran dan kedudukan organisasi Kecamatan mengalami perubahan di dalam peraturan perundangan. Data pada penelitian ini didasarkan pada peraturan perundangan yaitu 1) Undang – Undang (UU) No. 32/ 2004, 2) UU No. 23/ 2014, 3) Peraturan Pemerintah (PP) No. 19/ 2008, dan 4) PP No. 17/ 2018. Di dalam penelitian ini, paradigma NPS dipahami sebagai paradigma baru di dalam pelayanan publik di mana warga Negara didudukan posisinya sebagai citizen, yang berperan aktif ikut terlibat dan bertanggung jawab di dalam proses perumusan kebijakan dan pelayanan publik. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa baik UU. No. 32/ 2004, 2) UU No. 23/ 2014, 3) PP No. 19/ 2008, dan 4) PP No. 17/ 2018 muatannya sudah mendekati kriteria dari paradigma NPS. Hasil cloud analisis juga menujukan bahwa peraturan perundangan Kecamatan paska reformasi memiliki semangat kuat di dalam menempatkan organisasi Kecamatan sebagai institusi pelayanan bagi masyarakat. Akan tetapi peraturan perundangan tentang Kecamatan tersebut masih belum bisa meletakkan peran penting individu sebagai citizen yang bisa berperan aktif di dalam proses perumusan kebijakan dan pelayanan publik.
32
Abderraouf, Abada, Bentadjine Mohammed Abderrahmane, Hamidat Amar, and Grounga Oualid. "USING CLUSTER ANALYSIS TO CLASSIFY SOME ARAB COUNTRIES INTO HOMOGENEOUS GROUPS ACCORDING TO INSTITUTIONAL QUALITY CRITERIA." International Journal of Professional Business Review 9, no. 5 (June 4, 2024): e04754. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/businessreview/2024.v9i5.4754.
Full textAbstract:
Objective: The objective of this study is to explore the application of cluster analysis in categorizing select Arab countries into cohesive groups based on institutional quality criteria, which consist of six indicators measuring good governance in country. These indicators cover various dimensions and allow describing the quality of services provided by the state in a specific area comprehensively. These dimensions include the scope of state intervention, these dimensions are The Political Dimension, The Economic Dimension and The Legal Dimension. Method: This study adopts a research methodology that combines both descriptive and quantitative approaches. The descriptive approach is based on presenting concepts and describing relationships among institutional quality criteria. The quantitative approach involves using cluster analysis methods: K-Means clustering and Hierarchical Clustering to classify 11 Arab countries: UAE, Bahrain, Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Tunisia, and Yemen. This was done to conduct cluster analysis to test the homogeneity of these countries regarding institutional quality determinants, represented by the following variables: Participation and Accountability, Political Stability and Absence of Violence, Government Effectiveness, Legislative Quality, Rule of Law, Control of Corruption. Results and Discussion: The study reached the following results: - the K-Means Cluster Analysis Method is evident that The total number of cases classified in each cluster: Eleven countries were classified into seven countries: United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Tunisia in the first cluster and four countries in the second cluster: Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, and Yemen; -the variable Participation and Accountability does not significantly affect the classification of the Arab countries under study into homogeneous groups according to institutional quality indicators. However, variables such as Political Stability and Absence of Violence, Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quality, Legislative Quality, Rule of Law, and Control of Corruption play a significant role in this classification; - the Hierarchical Clustering Analysis Method is evident that the Arab countries under study are distributed into two homogeneous groups. The first group forms Cluster 1, consisting of Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Egypt, the UAE, and Qatar. The second group belongs to Cluster 2, comprising Sudan and Yemen. This classification is based on institutional quality criteria. Originality/Value: This study sheds light on the importance of cluster analysis methods: the K-Means Cluster Analysis Method and the hierarchical cluster analysis method in classifying Arab countries according to the determinants of institutional quality, which are considered a determining factor for the economic growth of countries, and its consequent impact on various indicators reflecting economic, social, and political conditions. Consequently, institutional quality has emerged as a pivotal measure in highlighting developmental disparities among different countries. Many governments are endeavoring to create or adopt models to enhance the quality of their institutions, notwithstanding the similarities among Arab countries.
33
Baltussen, Rob, Omar Mwalim, Karl Blanchet, Manuel Carballo, Getachew Teshome Eregata, Alemayehu Hailu, Maryam Huda, et al. "Decision-making processes for essential packages of health services: experience from six countries." BMJ Global Health 8, Suppl 1 (January 2023): e010704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2022-010704.
Full textAbstract:
Many countries around the world strive for universal health coverage, and an essential packages of health services (EPHS) is a central policy instrument for countries to achieve this. It defines the coverage of services that are made available, as well as the proportion of the costs that are covered from different financial schemes and who can receive these services. This paper reports on the development of an analytical framework on the decision-making process of EPHS revision, and the review of practices of six countries (Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Pakistan, Somalia, Sudan and Zanzibar-Tanzania).The analytical framework distinguishes the practical organisation, fairness and institutionalisation of decision-making processes. The review shows that countries: (1) largely follow a similar practical stepwise process but differ in their implementation of some steps, such as the choice of decision criteria; (2) promote fairness in their EPHS process by involving a range of stakeholders, which in the case of Zanzibar included patients and community members; (3) are transparent in terms of at least some of the steps of their decision-making process and (4) in terms of institutionalisation, express a high degree of political will for ongoing EPHS revision with almost all countries having a designated governing institute for EPHS revision.We advise countries to organise meaningful stakeholder involvement and foster the transparency of the decision-making process, as these are key to fairness in decision-making. We also recommend countries to take steps towards the institutionalisation of their EPHS revision process.
34
Gerasimov, Igor V., and Daniil Yu Bogdanov. "Tourism Industry of Sudan: History and Peculiarities of its Development in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 12, no. 4 (2020): 579–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2020.408.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the history of the tourism industry of one of the oldest states in the world — Sudan. The first attempts to organize sightseeing trips for Europeans to the Nile Valley were recorded after Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt in the early 19th century, but at that time Sudan was a little-known region. The military campaign of 1821 undertaken by the troops of Muhammad Ali resulted in the submission of Sudan and the establishment of the Egyptian-Turkish administration there. Since that time, the level of European intrusion into the country began to increase. The activities of travel companies only became notable in Sudan after the beginning of the colonial rule by England and Egypt in 1899. In the first decades of the twentieth century the first hotels were created, roads, including the railroad, were built, and cities were expanded as well as modernized. The hotel owners were predominantly foreigners. Tourism developed further after the country achieved independence in 1956. Since that time, national travel companies appeared, and travelers from Western countries and the Arab began to visit the country. Tourism has become an attractive sector for investment and capital raising, both local and international. At the same time, the economic and political problems observed in the period of 1980–2000 did not allow tourism to become a source of significant income for the state and prevented the sector from expanding. Currently, both high-level hotels and modest guesthouses, that mainly provide services for the domestic consumer, are built and operate in the capital of the country and in some cities of regional significance. The activity of travel companies remains at a low level and the number of foreign travelers is small. Local companies have attempted to cooperate with their Russian counterparts, but there are not enough prerequisites for initiating collaboration in this area. Sudanese researchers, economists, sociologists, historians, and marketing experts analyze the tourism sector and try to make recommendations for improving work in this area. This is reflected in a number of works in scientific journals that have been published in recent years.
35
Iqbal, Meesha, Romaina Iqbal, Sameen Siddiqi, Slim Slama, Pyi Pyi Phyo, Aya Thabet, Asmus Hammerich, and Hicham El Berri. "Engagement of private healthcare sector in addressing noncommunicable diseases at primary care level in the Eastern Mediterranean Region." Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal 30, no. 5 (May 29, 2024): 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26719/2024.30.5.333.
Full textAbstract:
Background: The private healthcare sector is a critical stakeholder in the provision of health care services, including noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), and engagement with the sector is increasingly being advocated in efforts to achieve Universal Health Coverage. Aim: This study was conducted to explore the role of the private health sector in delivering NCD-related primary care services in selected countries of the WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region (EMR): Jordan, Oman, Pakistan, Sudan, and the Syrian Arab Republic. Methods: We adapted the analytical framework for this study from the “Framework for action to implement the United Nations political declaration on noncommunicable diseases”. We conducted a desk review to gather evidence, identify gaps and provide direction for the subsequent stakeholder interviews. Key informant interview respondents were selected using the snowball sampling method. Data from the interviews were analysed using MAXQDA, version 2020. Results: We reviewed 26 documents and interviewed 19 stakeholders in Jordan, Oman, Pakistan, Sudan and the Syrian Arab Republic. Our results indicated increasing advocacy at the regional and national levels to align the private and public health sectors, just as there were efforts to reduce the risk factors for NCDs by implementing tobacco laws, introducing food labelling guidelines, increasing taxes on soft drinks, and promoting the healthy cities approach. NCDs health information systems varied widely among the countries, from being organized and developed to having poor recordkeeping. The private health sector is the predominant provider of care at primary level in most of the EMR countries. Conclusion: Increased collaboration between the public and private sectors is essential for better management of NCDs in the EMR. Governments need to strengthen regulation and defragment the private health sector and harness the sector’s strengths as part of efforts to achieve national health targets, NCD goals and Universal Health Coverage.
36
Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.
Full textAbstract:
The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
37
Abdullah, Al-Noor, and Sanzidur Rahman. "Social Impacts of a Mega-Dam Project as Perceived by Local, Resettled and Displaced Communities: A Case Study of Merowe Dam, Sudan." Economies 9, no. 4 (September 29, 2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies9040140.
Full textAbstract:
The paper assesses social impacts of a mega-dam project (Merowe Dam in Sudan) as perceived by host and affected communities (i.e., upstream, downstream, and relocated residents), which is not commonly seen in the literature. Primary survey and interviews were conducted with 300 residents, government officials, the Dam Implementation Unit (DIU), NGOs and other key informants. Five inter-related areas of impact were scrutinized: (a) displacement of communities; (b) resettlement of displaced communities in a new location; (c) technological factors; (d) social mobility factors; and (e) economic and political institutions. Results show that Merowe Dam exerted positive as well as adverse social impacts on local communities. Increase in home sizes, opportunities for children’s schooling and quality of life improvement ranked as the top three positive impacts with residents located downstream scoring relatively higher than relocated and upstream residents. Relocated residents also showed positive attitudes towards the provision of essential services (schools, health facilities, availability of running water, electricity, marketplace, etc.), thereby enabling them to enjoy and flourish in their social lives. The adverse impacts are centered on intangible factors, such as, sentimental effects closely related to their feelings, loss of history, memories, nostalgia about the old place, and grievances regarding compensation packages and its management. Therefore, it is important to recognize the need for long-term monitoring of the resettlement process and provide emotional support to those displaced and resettled. Furthermore, there is also a need to address the livelihood requirements of local communities in the affected region.
38
Górka, Marek. "The Wagner Group as a Tool of Russian Hybrid Warfare." Polish Political Science Yearbook 52, no. 2 (2023): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202324.
Full textAbstract:
Unrest, conflicts, and wars in various parts of the world have created huge political and business opportunities for private military companies. They can gather intelligence, provide security for rich and powerful political actors, and provide mercenaries to interest groups worldwide. Private Russian military forces with close ties to President Vladimir Putin are used in war zones and continue expanding their presence in many regions worldwide. The Wagner Group is the most famous Russian mercenary unit. It gained notoriety mainly by supporting Russian forces in the conflict in Ukraine in 2014. At that time, it also provided one of the services that the authorities in the Kremlin particularly appreciate in their actions, and that is the lack of attribution for conducting armed conflicts, thanks to which mercenaries play the role of separatist fighters. Since then, the organisation has been deployed in many countries, including Syria, Libya, Mali, the Central African Republic, Sudan, and Venezuela, always to covertly support representatives of regimes favoured by Putin. Like all other mercenary units in Russia, the Wagner Group does not officially exist, because Russian law does not allow mercenary activities. The article has two main objectives: first, to present an analysis of the activities of the Wagner Group, using the currently available information; second, to prove that the concept of hybrid warfare could best explain the Kremlin’s use of Russian mercenaries.
39
Alim, Ashari Sakti, and Dian Eka Rahmawati. "KOMUNIKASI POLITIK ANIES BASWEDAN MELALUI SOSIAL MEDIA TWITTER." Jurnal Academia Praja 4, no. 2 (August 20, 2021): 441–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jap.v4i2.334.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
This paper wants to analyze how Anies Baswedan conveyed his political communication on Twitter social media. In this contemporary era, one of the most dominant political communications is social media, where political communication plays an important role because it can have an impact on political participation, political socialization. In the political field the role of social media is very important because it contributes as openness and transparency, Anies Baswedan is one of the political actors who play social media Twitter to convey political communication while increasing its popularity. In accordance with its previous political promises of integrated transportation and ok oce program. Anies is not uncommon to convey and show the development of political promises that have been running on his Twitter social media. in disseminating information through social media Twitter has proven to be very effective because many users around the world. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods and analyzes using the help of NVIVO12 Plus software applications. The results of this study revealed that Anies Baswedan's political communication on Twitter social media was very focused on public services in DKI Jakarta. Political communication from Anies Baswedan also received a lot of responses from his followers on his Twitter account. This can be seen from the number of retweets and mentions done to Anies Baswedan. Anies Baswedan was also quite active in conveying his political communication through Twitter social media such as notifying work programs, political branding, giving political talks that were light in nature and also related to public services in DKI Jakarta.
Keywords : Political Communication, Anies Baswedan, Social Media, Twitter
Abstrak
Tulisan ini ingin menganalisis bagaimana Anies Baswedan dalam menyampaikan komunikasi politiknya di sosial media Twitter. Pada era kontemporer ini salah satu komunikasi politik yang paling dominan adalah media sosial, dimana komunikasi politik sangat memegang peranan penting karena bisa berdampak untuk partisipasi politik, sosialisasi politik. Dalam bidang politik peran media sosial media sangat penting karena berkontribusi sebagai keterbukaan dan transparansi, Anies Baswedan adalah salah satu aktor politik yang bermain sosial media Twitter untuk menyampaikan komunikasi politik sekaligus menaikan popularitasnya. Sesuai dengan janji politiknya terdahulu yaitu transportasi terintegrasi dan program oke oce. Anies tak jarang menyampaikan dan memperlihatkan perkembangan janji politiknya yang telah berjalan di sosial media Twitter miliknya. dalam penyebaran informasi melalui sosial media Twitter sudah terbukti sangat efektif karena banyak penggunanya diseluruh dunia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dan melakukan analisis dengan menggunakan bantuan aplikasi perangkat lunak NVIVO12 Plus. Hasil dari ini penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa komunikasi politik Anies Baswedan di sosial media Twitter sangat befokus pada pelayanan publik di DKI Jakarta. Komunikasi politik dari Anies Baswedan juga mendapatkan banyak respon dari pengikutnya di akun Twitter hal ini dapat dilihat dari jumlah Retweet dan mentions yng dilakukan kepada Anies Baswedan. Anies Baswedan juga cukup aktif dalam menyampaikan komunikasi politiknya melalui sosial media Twitter seperti memberitahukan program kerja, Branding politik, memberikan perbincangan politik yang sifatnya ringan dan juga terkait dengan pelayanan publik di DKI Jakarta.
Kata Kunci : Komunikasi Politik, Anies Baswedan, Sosial Media, Twitter
40
Zakharov, Ivan. "State Regulation of the Activities of Faith-Based Organizations in African Countries in the Late 20th — Early 21st Centuries: Macro-Regional Tendencies." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021692-0.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on reasons and manifestations of restrictive policies on the operation of religious and faith-based organizations (FBO) on the example of Africa. The problem is regarded as a result of (1) intensification of religious competition during the transformation of the African religious landscape, and (2) developing self-reliance and efficiency of religious organizations and FBO’s throughout the implementation of the “humanitarian” or “civilizing” mission. The later allowed some of these organizations to take place of the key economic and political actors in the region in the end of the 20th century. The research combines quantitative and qualitative methods of geography of religion, history, political science, and incorporates a vast number of sources. It allowed to reveal shifts in the Africa religious landscape’s structure in 1910–2010; to assess the scale of “humanitarian” mission; to evaluate the legislative framework for the operation of religious organizations and FBO’s in African countries and actual restrictions applied to them. Established, that the change of historical context of religious organizations’ activities and their interaction with the authorities in the end of the 20th century manifested itself in the stricter control on the operation of organizations affiliated with religion. This claim supported by the evidence from countries of North Africa, Sudan-Sahel Corridor, Rwanda, Kenya, Zambia, etc. Governments always declare that restrictive measures are implemented due to the need to treat their citizens, but in reality, it may also pursue other aims, such as: to support of certain religions (religious favoritism), to gain or re-establish state’s monopoly of the exercise of public authority, including through the counter radical groups, which affiliate themselves with a religion. However, restrictive policies have also impacted religious organizations and FBO’s that provide essential services for the large number of vulnerable communities. Such practices may have disruptive consequences on the socio-economic and political development of the continent.
41
Bayat, Asef. "ACTIVISM AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802001010.
Full textAbstract:
This article is about social activism and its relationship to social development in the Middle East. It examines the myriad strategies that the region's urban grass-roots pursue to defend their rights and improve their lives in this neo-liberal age. Prior to the advent of the political–economic restructuring of the 1980s, most Middle Eastern countries were largely dominated by either nationalist-populist regimes (such as Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Turkey) or pro-Western rentier states (Iran, Arab Gulf states). Financed by oil or remittances, these largely authoritarian states pursued state-led development strategies, attaining remarkable (21% average annual) growth rates.1 Income from oil offered the rentier states the possibility of providing social services to many of their citizens, and the ideologically driven populist states dispensed significant benefits in education, health, employment, housing, and the like.2 For these post-colonial regimes, such provision of social welfare was necessary to build popularity among the peasants, workers, and middle strata at a time that these states were struggling against both the colonial powers and old internal ruling classes. The state acted as the moving force of economic and social development on behalf of the populace.
42
Busby, Joshua W., Todd G. Smith, Kaiba L. White, and Shawn M. Strange. "Climate Change and Insecurity: Mapping Vulnerability in Africa." International Security 37, no. 4 (April 2013): 132–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00116.
Full textAbstract:
Many experts argue that climate change will exacerbate the severity and number of extreme weather events. Such climate-related hazards will be important security concerns and sources of vulnerability in the future regardless of whether they contribute to conflict. This will be particularly true where these hazards put large numbers of people at risk of death, requiring the diversion of either domestic or foreign military assets to provide humanitarian relief. Vulnerability to extreme weather, however, is only partially a function of physical exposure. Poor, marginalized communities that lack access to infrastructure and services, that have minimal education and poor health care, and that exist in countries with poor governance are likely to be among the most vulnerable. Given its dependence on rainfed agriculture and its low adaptive capacity, Africa is thought to be among the most vulnerable continents to climate change. That vulnerability, however, is not uniformly distributed. Indicators of vulnerability within Africa include the historic incidence of climate-related hazards, population density, household and community resilience, and governance and political violence. Among the places in Africa most vulnerable to the security consequences of climate change are parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia, and South Sudan.
43
Krylov, German L. "Shia paramilitary groups as an instrument of Iranian influence in Iraq." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 1 (February 15, 2024): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049924010097.
Full textAbstract:
Characteristic features of the pro-Iranian Shiite armed groups, which act as influential non-state actors (NGA) in the main spheres of activity of the Iraqi state, are studied. Methodological developments obtained as a result of research on the NGA problem are used. V.V. Naumkin and V.A. Kuznetsov note the existence of a stable academic tradition of a state-centered approach to the problem of their typologization. This approach is based on the fact that an NGA defines and builds its actions, focusing to one degree or another on the state. Such formations have a political wing and a bureaucratic apparatus for participating in the life of the state not only as alternative to the army and police law enforcement agencies. They also play the role of parliamentary forces and economic actors, including those active in the shadow sector of the economy. Created at one time with the active participation of the Iranian special services, Shiite paramilitary groups have become an effective instrument of Iran’s influence in the country. The strengthening of their influence on the government of Iraq is noted. It is manifested in the transition from opposition to the pro-American Prime Minister M. al-Kazimi (2020–2022) to a kind of «symphony» of harmony and cooperation under his pro-Iranian successor M. al-Sudani. This factor affects not only the domestic political situation, but also the regional balance of power in the Middle East.
44
Febriana, Yessi. "AN ANALISIS KESESUAIAN IMPLEMENTASI PERMENKES NO.21/2021 PADA PELAYANAN TUBEKTOMI DI KOTA JAKARTA SELATAN DAN JAKARTA TIMUR." Jurnal Keluarga Berencana 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.37306/kkb.v8i2.216.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRAKPeraturan Menteri Kesehatan Nomor 21 Tahun 2021 merupakan acuan dalam pelayanan tubektomi. Untuk itu perlu dianalisis pelaksanaan pelayanan tubektomi dari sisi supply side agar mempermudah PUS dalam mendapatkan layanan tubektomi. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis kesesuaian implementasi Permenkes Nomor 21 Tahun 2021 pada pelayanan tubektomi di Jakarta Selatan dan Jakarta Timur. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif menggunakan model implementasi kebijakan Van Meter Van Horn. Pengambilan data dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalam dan telaah dokumen. Penelitian dilakukan pada bulan Desember 2022 sampai dengan Februari 2023. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa implementasi kebijakan telah dilakukan namun belum sepenuhnya sesuai dengan Permenkes No.21/2021 terutama untuk KIE dan konseling. Standar dan tujuan kebijakan sudah dipahami dan dilakukan pelaksana. Komunikasi dilakukan secara berjenjang namun masih belum optimal. Sumber daya masih terkendala dengan pendanaan yang terbatas dan belum tersedianya insentif rutin bagi kader. Lingkungan ekonomi dan sosial peserta KB kurang mendukung, serta masih membutuhkan dukungan politik dari pimpinan daerah.
ABSTRACT The Minister of Health Regulation Number 21 of 2021 is a reference for tubectomy services. Hence, it’s necessary to analyze tubectomy’s implementation services from supply side where woman easier get it. The study analyze the suitability of implementing Minister of Health Regulation on tubectomy services in South Jakarta and East Jakarta. This is a qualitative research using policy implementation model of Van Meter Van Horn. In-depth interviews and document review were conducted. The study was conducted from December 2022 to February 2023. The results showed policy implementation has been carried out but isn’t fully in accordance with Minister of Health Regulation, especially for IEC and counseling. Policy measures and objectives have been understood and carried out by implementers. Communication carried out in stages but still not optimal. Resources are still constrained by limited funding and incentives for cadres. The economic and social environment less supportive, and still requires political support.
45
Samy El Gendy, Nehal M., and Ahmed A. Abdel-Kader. "Prevalence of Selected Eye Diseases Using Data Harvested from Ophthalmic Checkup Examination of a Cohort of Two Thousand Middle Eastern and North African Subjects." Journal of Ophthalmology 2018 (2018): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/8049475.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose. To highlight the prevalence of selected ophthalmic diseases accidentally discovered at first-time screening of a large sample of patients from the Middle East and North Africa visiting a large referral university hospital checkup unit based in Cairo. Material and Methods. A cross-sectional study of two thousand and thirteen subjects coming for routine ophthalmic medical checkups from different Middle East countries (mainly Egypt, Sudan, and Yemen). Patients were evaluated for prevalence of diabetic retinopathy, glaucoma, ocular hypertension, cataract, and amblyopia. Patients’ demographic data and medical history were collected. Complete ophthalmic examination was performed. Investigations were done when needed to confirm suspected conditions. Results. The study included 1149 males and 864 females. 652 Sudanese patients, 568 Yemeni patients, 713 Egyptian patients, and 63 patients from different Gulf and North African countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Libya, and Jordan. Sudanese patients showed a higher percentage of glaucoma (13.3%) and ocular hypertension (8.3%). Yemeni patients showed the highest prevalence of amblyopia (6.7%), diabetic retinopathy (8.6%), and cataract (4.2%). The group of relatively higher economic classification seemed to show fewer prevalences of these ophthalmic conditions. Yemeni patients tended to have a high percentage of persistent myelinated nerve fibers. Conclusion. Different ophthalmic conditions were discovered for the first time at the general checkup clinic. Certain conditions were more common than others in certain countries. The lack of regular checkups and the unavailability of medical services due to low to moderate socioeconomic status as well as political turbulence may account for the delay in initial diagnosis of many treatable conditions.
46
Aprillia, Sylvia, Mas Halimah, and Widya Setiabudi Sumadinata. "IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN PELAYANAN E-KTP DI KECAMATAN MAJALAYA KABUPATEN BANDUNG." Responsive 4, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/responsive.v4i2.34745.
Full textAbstract:
Penelitian ini tentang implementasi kebijakan pelayanan E-KTP di Kecamatan Majalaya Kabupaten Bandung. Terbitnya Peraturan Presiden Republik Indonesia No.112 Tahun 2013 tentang perubahan keempat atas Peraturan Presiden No.26 tahun 2009 tentang Penerapan Kartu Tanda Penduduk Berbasis Nomor Induk Kependudukan Secara Nasional adalah bentuk langkah yang diambil pemerintah untuk membangun database nasional kependudukan yang ada di Indonesia, sehingga setiap penduduk hanya memerlukan satu KTP saja sebagai identitas diri. Dalam penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan model pendekatan implementasi kebijakan yang dirumuskan oleh Van Meter dan Van Horn yang disebut dengan A Model of the Policy Implementation (1975) yang menyebutkan ada enam indikator yang terdiri dari standar kebijakan dan sasaran, sumber daya, komunikasi, karakteristik badan pelaksana, lingkungan sosial ekonomi dan politik serta sikap pelaksana. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif. Peneliti bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan Implementasi Kebijakan Pelayanan E-KTP di Kecamatan Majalalaya Kabupaten Bandung. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mengumpulkan data primer dan data sekunder melalui wawancara, observasi, dokumentasi dan studi kepustakaan. Dalam penentuan informan, peneliti menggunakan teknik purposive sampling.Dari penelitian dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa pelayanan e-ktp sudah dilaksanakan oleh Kecamatan Majalaya dinaungi oleh Disdukcapil Kabupaten Bandung sejak 2012. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Implementasi Kebijakan Pelayanan E-KTP di Kecamatan Majalaya Kabupaten Bandung sudah cukup baik, namun masih terdapat beberapa kendala yang dihadapi seperti pada aspek sumber daya, kurangnya kedisiplinan pegawai dan keterbatasan sarana dan prasarana dan juga kurangnya sosialisasi ke masyarakat yang tinggal di pedalaman. This research is about the implementation of E-KTP service policy in Majalaya District, Bandung Regency. The issuance of the Presidential Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia No.26 of 2009 concerning the Implementation of National Identity Cards Based on the National Population Identification Number. E-KTP is a step taken by the government to build a national population database in Indonesia, so that each resident only needs one ID card as their identity. In this study, the author uses the theory of Van Meter and Van Horn which states that there are six indicators consisting of policy standards and targets, resources, communication, characteristics of implementing agencies, socio-economic and political environment and attitudes of implementers. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative research method. Data collection techniques were carried out by collecting primary data and secondary data through interviews and observations, documentation and literature studies. In determining the informants, the researcher used purposive sampling technique. From the research, it can be concluded that the e-KTP service has been implemented by Majalaya District under the auspices of the Disdukcapil Bandung Regency since 2012. The results show that the Implementation of the E-KTP Service Policy in Majalaya District, Bandung Regency is quite good, but there are still some obstacles faced such as on the aspect of resources, lack of employee discipline and limited infrastructure and facilities , and also the lack of socialization to people living in remote areas.
47
Ismarini, Ani. "KEDUDUKAN ELIT PRIBUMI DALAM PEMERINTAHAN DI JAWA BARAT (1925-1942)." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v6i2.193.
Full textAbstract:
AbstrakTerbentuknya Province West-Java lebih karena munculnya tuntutan dari masyarakat Hindia Belanda saat itu yang memang sudah mengalami dinamisasi, perkembangan, dan kemajuan dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan. Tuntutan yang mereka ajukan adalah otonomi yang lebih besar yang berkait aspek-aspek politik. Di samping itu, penduduk pun menuntut makin meningkatnya pelayanan pemerintah dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan yang mereka butuhkan. Guna menjawab tuntutan itu dibentuklah pemerintahan Province West-Java. Dalam rangka menjalankan roda pemerintahan diangkatlah sejumlah pejabat yang kebanyakan berasal dari penduduk bumi putera. Momentum ini merupakan kesempatan awal bagi elit pribumi terlibat dalam birokrasi pemerintahan modern. Selanjutnya pengalaman ini menjadi bekal mereka dalam mengelola pemerintahan pada masa-masa berikutnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahapan kerja: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. AbstractWest-Java Province is formed because emerging demands of Nederland-Indie society at that time who had dynamic, growth, and progress in various aspects of life. Their conspicuous demand was greater autonomy related to political aspects. Besides, the people also demanded better government service in many aspects of life. Therefore, West-Java Province government formed. To run the government, some officials who mostly come from native citizen appointed. This momentum is early oppurtunity for the indigenous elite to get involved in the bureaucracy of modern government. In addition, this experience into their stock in managing the government in the sequent periods. This research uses historical method includes four phases, that are heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.
48
Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
49
Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
50
Ilafi, Mela Mahardika, Rohmatul Hidayah, and Rofiq Hidayat. "Implementasi Pengabdian Masyarakat Berbasis Moderasi Beragama Di Tengah Pandemi Covid-19." Ngarsa: Journal of Dedication Based on Local Wisdom 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35719/ngarsa.v3i1.172.
Full textAbstract:
Pandemi covid-19 kini menjadi situasi yang mempengaruhi segala bidang baik sosial, pendidikan, politik serta agama. Belakangan ini, situasi pandemi dimanfaatkan beberapa pihak untuk kepentingan tertentu terutama tentang penguatan radikalisme yang banyak digaungkan melalui dunia digital. Moderasi beragama penting diterapkan terutama dimasa pandemi karena masih ada kelompok- kelompok tertentu yang tidak mau diatur atau tidak menerapkan protokol kesehatan dengan alasan takdir tuhan.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguraikan tentang pentingnya menjaga moderasi beragama di tengah pandemi covid-19. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif deskriptif. Kegiatan yang dilaksanakan demi tercapainya moderasi beragama dan diterapkannya protokol kesehatan di era pandemi covid-19 berupa Webinar Nasional dengan tema “Menerapkan Moderasi Beragama Di Tengah Pandemi Covid-19” melalui aplikasi Zoom Meeting bagi tokoh masyarakat dan umum serta kegiatan pendukung lainnya. Program kerja Kuliah Kerja Nyata Daerah Asal (KKN-DA) yang dilaksanakan terkait upaya pencegahan Covid-19 dan berbasis moderasi beragama sudah terlaksana dengan cukup baik. Kata Kunci: Moderasi Beragama; Pengabdian Masyarakat; Pandemi Covid-19 The COVID-19 pandemic has now become a situation that affects all fields, including social, educational, political and religious. Lately, the pandemic situation has been used by several parties for certain purposes, especially about regarding the strengthening of radicalism which widely echoes through the digital world. Religious moderation is important, especially during the pandemic because there are still certain groups who do not want to be regulated or do not apply health protocols on the grounds of divine destiny. This study aims to describe the importance of maintaining religious moderation during the covid-19 pandemic. The method used is descriptive qualitative method. Activities carried out to make religious moderation and the implementation of health protocols in the era of the covid-19 pandemic in the form of a National Webinar (Web Seminar) with the theme "Implementing Religious Moderation Amid the Covid-19 Pandemic" through the Zoom Meeting application for community leaders and the public as well as other supporting activities. The work program for the student study service (KKN-DA) which was carried out related to efforts to prevent Covid-19 and was based on religious moderation had been carried out quite well. Keywords: Religious Moderation; Community Service; The Covid-19 Pandemic