Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Sudán del Sur'

Cette thèse porte sur l'algorithmique des techniques de décodage en liste, initiée par Guruswami et Sudan en 1998, dans le contexte des codes de Reed-Solomon sur les anneaux finis. Deux approches sont considérées. Dans un premier temps, nous adaptons l'algorithme de décodage en liste de Guruswami-Sudan aux codes de Reed-Solomon généralisés sur les anneaux finis. Nous étudions en détails les complexités de l'algorithme pour les anneaux de Galois et les anneaux de séries tronquées. Dans un deuxième temps nous approfondissons l'étude d'une technique de remontée pour le décodage en liste. Nous montrons que cette derni're permet de corriger davantage de motifs d'erreurs que la technique de Guruswami-Sudan originale. Nous appliquons ensuite cette même technique aux codes de Reed-Solomon généralisés sur les anneaux de Galois et les anneaux de séries tronquées et obtenons de meilleures bornes de complexités. Enfin nous présentons l'implantation des algorithmes en C et C++ des algorithmes de décodage en liste étudiés au cours de cette thèse. Tous les sous-algorithmes nécessaires au décodage en liste, comme la recherche de racines pour les polynômes univariés, l'arithmétique des corps et anneaux finis sont aussi présentés. Indépendamment, ce manuscrit contient d'autres travaux sur les codes quasi-cycliques. Nous prouvons qu'ils sont en correspondance biunivoque avec les idéaux à gauche d'un certain anneaux de matrices. Enfin nous adaptons le cadre proposé par Guruswami et Sudan pour les codes à base d'ideaux aux codes construits à l'aide des corps de nombres. Nous fournissons un algorithme de décodage en liste dans ce contexte.

Les programmes de construction de l'Etat soutenus par la communauté internationale depuis la fin des années 1990 dans des contextes d'après-guerre sont souvent considéré ineffectifs. En analysant l'entreprise de state-building au Sud Soudan dans une perspective historique, cette thèse montre comment ces programmes, supposés apolitiques et techniques, s'entrelacent avec le processus de plus longue durée de formation de l'État, avec son caractère cumulatif et négocié. Cette négociation a lieu dans une arène crée par les programmes internationaux dans leurs rencontres avec les acteurs locaux. On se concentre sur trois secteurs d'interventions qui donnent aux 'communautés locales' un rôle très important en tant que sujets avec des droits collectif: la création d'un système de gouvernement décentralisé, la livraison de services publics et la réforme du système foncier. L'administration des droits collectifs à la terre, aux services et à l 'autogouvernement par les autorités traditionnelles comporte un chevauchement entre la sphère coutumière et celle bureaucratique de l'État, ce qui encourage l'ethnicization de la politique Sud Soudanaise. Le développement de politiques et de cadres légaux de ces trois secteurs établit des 'règles du jeu' qui les acteurs aperçoivent devoir respecter dans leurs interactions quotidiennes avec l'État pour accéder à ses ressources. Deux dynamiques émergent par ces interactions : une fragmentation ethnique horizontale, et des liens verticaux de patronage. Les discours sur l'efficience et l'efficace de l'administration définissent donc un sujet communautaire qui produit une repolitisation ethnique du processus de state-building à travers l'appropriation de ces discours pour la part de la population locale des autorités traditionnelles
State-building programs supported by the international donor community since the end of the 1990s in post-conflict contexts have often been considered ineffective. Analyzing the state-building enterprise in South Sudan in a historical perspective, this thesis shows how these programs, portrayed as technical and apolitical, intertwine with the longer term process of state formation with its cumulative and negotiated character. This negotiation occurs in an arena created by the encounter between international programs and local actors. The thesis will focus on three sectors in which the “local communities” have been given an important role as right­bearing subjects: the local government reform, the delivery of basic services and the land reform. As collective rights to land, services and self-rule are managed by traditional authorities, the customary sphere overlaps with the bureaucratic sphere of the modern state, encouraging the ethnicization of South Sudanese politics. The formulation of laws and policies in these three sectors provides the “rules of the games” influencing local actors' interaction with the state, as they understand them to be necessary to gain access to state resources. Two kinds of dynamics emerge from these interactions: horizontal ethnic fragmentation and vertical patronage relationships. Discourses on administrative effectiveness and efficiency create a communal subject which contributes to re-politicize (and ethnicize) the state­building process through the appropriation of these discourses by local population and their traditional authorities

Esse trabalho propõe-se a uma investigação histórica do longo processo que originou o Estado do Sudão do Sul, tornado independente em 2011 após plebiscito. Para tanto, buscamos traçar uma longa história do Sudão, do bilad al-sudan oriental aos dias atuais. Nos apoiamos, principalmente, em algumas obras da extensa historiografia do Sudão para desenhar esse quadro contextual de nosso objeto de estudo. Apresentado o palco, buscamos interpretar os eventos, as relações políticas e sociais e mudanças econômicas e culturais a afetar o Sudão, depois Sudão do Sul em sua intricada relação com seus vizinhos regionais e as potências globais. Terminamos nosso trabalho apresentando algumas notas e reflexões acerca de temas mais precisos, como “construção nacional”, “uso político da identidade étnica”, e o “papel das elites” no Sudão do Sul, dentre outras.
This work is the result of a historical investigation of the long process that originated the State of South Sudan, independent in 2011 after a national referendum. We sought to draw a long history of Sudan, from the eastern bilad al-sudan to modern days. We based our work mostly on some of the broad historiography on Sudan, from which to develop a contextual idea of our object of study. Having set the stage, we sought to interpret the events, political and social relations and economic and cultural changes that have affected Sudan and later South Sudan in their intrincate relation with regional neighbors and global powerhouses. Our work concludes presenting some observations ad reflections concerning specific issues, such “nation-building”, “political use of ethnic identity” and the “role of elites” in South Sudan, among others.

>Magister Scientiae - MSc
This study has been conducted to accurately determine fluid saturation within Fula sub-basin reservoirs which is located at the Southern part of the Republic of Sudan. The area is regarded as Shaly Sand Reservoirs. Four deferent shaly sand lithofacies (A, B, C, D) have been identified. Using method based on the Artificial Neural Networks (ANN), the core surrounding facies, within Fula reservoirs were identified. An average shale volume of 0.126 within the studied reservoirs was determined using gamma ray and resistivity logs. While average porosity of 26.7% within the reservoirs was determined using density log and the average core grain density. An average water resistivity of 0.8 Ohm-m was estimated using Pickett plot method. While formation temperature was estimated using the gradient that constrained between surface and bottom hole temperature. Water saturation was determined using Archie model and four shaly sand empirical models, the calculation was constrained within each facies zone to specify a model for each facies, and another approach was used to obtain the water saturation based on Artificial Neural Networks. The net pay was identified for each reservoir by applying cut-offs on permeability 5 mD, porosity 16%, shale volume 0.33, and water saturation 0.65. The gross thickness of the reservoirs ranges from 7.62m to 19.85m and net pay intervals from 4.877m to 19.202m. The study succeeded in establishing water saturation model for the Fula sub-basin based on neural networking which was very consistent with the core data, and hence has been used for net pay determination.

Protracted conflict and development in South Sudan: A feminist analysis of women’s subjugation in the making of a nation argues that international interventions in South Sudan from the period of British colonization to present day South Sudan perpetuate and [re]inscribe formations of women’s oppression and agency. Foreign presence affects identity constructions, conflict, and governance. I demonstrate how international interventions, militarization, and protracted conflict, compromise women’s rights, health, and self-determination as they permeate understandings of gender, sex, reproduction, and security. I integrate an analysis of customary and civil law to establish how the expression and implementation of law and rights inform relationships to women’s freedom and justice. Further, I investigate techniques the United Nations and NGOs used to influence cultural shifts that reproduce structural inequities based on gender, body, class, and nation. Foregrounding power, politics, and local knowledges, my ethnography is a practice of emancipatory anthropology to excavate techniques and procedures of normalizing gender, reproductive and sexual health, and biopolitical governance (Foucault 2008, 4). Informed by an ethnography of United Nations and NGO staff, I argue that international interventions in South Sudan introduce formations of biopolitical governance mediated by donor-driven, development agendas, by superimposing relationships to sex, gender, reproduction, and health, which are both culturally contested and unsustainable.

This study investigates and analyses the implications of state and state sponsored international terrorism for Africa. To realise this objective, the study focuses on international terrorist acts carried out by Libya and Sudan as well as those carried out by terrorist groups sponsored by them. The work examines new forms of terrorism, and attempts to develop a conceptual framework of state and state sponsored international terrorism. The focus is mainly on why states adopt or support terrorism as a means of achieving domestic and foreign policy objectives. The study also concerns itself with the measures in place to combat state and state sponsored international terrorism and further shows the extent to which sponsorship of international terrorism poses a threat to individual Africa countries in particular and the continent in general. The time period covered in this study is 1960 to 2006. The significance of this study is threefold: first, its clarifications of the concepts of terrorism, state terrorism, and state sponsored international terrorism, are necessary for policy formulation and implementation as well as secondly highlighting specific opportunities that exist for Africa if the threat of state and state sponsored international terrorism is combated. Thirdly, its investigation and recommendations for a concerted effort in the fight against this phenomenon are also aimed at policy makers. Copyright
Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

Cette thèse propose une synthèse sur la « Fin de Méroé ». L’enjeu est cependant considérable. La genèse des tumuli « royaux » d’el-Hobagi ne faisait-elle pas l’objet d’une discussion critique entre les spécialistes, lors de la 8e conférence des études méroïtiques à Londres ? Partice Lenoble n’avait-il pas déjà établi, avec toutes ses connaissances sur le terrain, l’histoire « postpyramidale » de la Nubie après la clôture des cimetières royaux de Méroé ? Aujourd’hui, il pourrait pour certains être inutile de rattraper le retard et de relancer une nouvelle recherche dans ce domaine. Rien n’a changé dit-on, parce que, en réalité, l’on ne dispose toujours pas de cimetières comparables à celui d’el-Hobagi ; il est ainsi effectivement impossible d’appréhender leur genèse, d’approfondir son histoire « postpyramidale ». La thèse présentée ici est là pour répondre à cette question. Constituée par sept chapitres principaux, allant du méroïtique au postméroïtique, ces derniers nous amèneront les uns et les autres aux enjeux auxquels se confrontaient Lenoble et ses collègues. Sans doute, pour notre part, la genèse des tumuli « royaux » d’el-Hobagi, et la chronologie des nécropoles royales de Qoustoul et de Ballana se situent-elles au cœur de la confrontation
This thesis proposes a synthesis of the “End of Meroe”. The challenge, however, is considerable. The genesis of the “royal” mounds of el-Hobagi was the subject of a critical discussion between experts at the 8th Conference of the Meroitic Studies in London. Partice Lenoble had already established, with all of his knowledge in the field, the “postpyramidal” history of Nubia after the end of the royal cemeteries of Meroe. Today, it might be useless for someone to launch a new research in this domain. Nothing has been changed, one says, because we still lack cemeteries comparable to that of al-Hobagi; thus, it is effectively impossible to understand their genesis, to investigate his “postpyramidal” history. The thesis presented here is to answer this question. Consists of seven main chapters, they bring us to the issues confronted by Lenoble and his colleagues. No doubt, the genesis of the “royal” mounds of el-Hobagi, and the chronology of the royal necropolis of Qoustoul and Ballana are at the heart of our confrontation

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
O agravamento das alterações climáticas, com a ocorrência mais frequente e mais imprevisível de eventos climáticos extremos, tem levado ao aumento da vulnerabilidade, sobretudo, dos países em desenvolvimento. Como tal, a adaptação é, cada vez mais, a estratégia necessária para lidar com os impactos negativos das alterações climáticas. No caso do Sudão do Sul, um dos países mais vulneráveis às alterações climáticas a nível mundial , existem desafios consideráveis ao desenvolvimento da capacidade adaptativa da população e a consequente construção de resiliência. A análise realizada neste trabalho, através da abordagem do conceito de adaptação às alterações climáticas e do caso de estudo do Sudão do Sul, procura compreender a complexidade deste processo e quais os principais desafios que o Sudão do Sul enfrenta e que influenciam o desenvolvimento do processo de adaptação às alterações climáticas.
The aggravation of climate change, with the more frequent and unpredictable occurrence of extreme weather events, has led to increased vulnerability, particularly in developing countries. As such, adaptation is increasingly the strategy needed to address the negative impacts of climate change. In the case of South Sudan, one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change in the world, there are considerable challenges to developing the adaptive capacity of the population and building resilience. The analysis conducted in this work, through the approach of the concept of adaptation to climate change and the case study of South Sudan, seeks to understand the complexity of this process and the main challenges that South Sudan faces and which influence the development of the adaptation process to climate change.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Le but de la thèse est de retracer le développement et l’évolution de l’arabe de Juba au Nord Soudan, et son expansion, grâce à l’accroissement de son usage dans la vie quotidienne, comme instrument de communication dans tous les domaines sans exception. On y décrit la situation sociolinguistique de l’arabe de Juba, dans les années récentes, et le rôle d’une nouvelle génération dans le processus de son développement spectaculaire. L’étude est descriptive, analytique, et diachronique; elle donne une image historique des débuts de son existence, à partir du Sud en direction du Nord. Il s’agit d’observer, de près, son progrès dans la société, malgré sa complexité linguistique, face à une soixantaine de langues maternelles [langues vernaculaires], dans une société multi-ethnique, multi-culturelle et géographiquement étendue; l’élargissement de son utilisation dans les occasions officielles, rassemblements populaires, etc. Il s’agit aussi d’analyser le développement de sa structure grammaticale, à partir des données récoltées du corpus. L'objectif est aussi de montrer l’évolution linguistique de l’Arabe de Juba, en particulier son usage moderne et son rapprochement de l’arabe de Khartoum (Dialecte du nord Soudan), son usage quotidien à la radio et à la télévision qui jouent un rôle incontournable. Il s’agit enfin de montrer que l’arabe de Juba a fait un grand pas dans les domaines suivants: la poésie populaire, le théâtre, la chanson, la publicité, les blagues, les programmes télévisés, le discours politique, etc. La thèse dresse le tableau de la situation actuelle de ce phénomène linguistique considérable qu’est l’extension de l’usage de l’arabe de Juba au Nord Soudan, tout en étudiant les représentations dont il est l’objet, chez les locuteurs natifs ou non. Cette étude des nouveaux visages de l’arabe de Juba n’oublie pas de s’appuyer sur l’état ancien de cette langue et sur les travaux qui lui ont été consacrés. Par ailleurs, la thèse comprend la transcription et la traduction d’un vaste corpus recueilli sur place
The aim of the thesis, "Use and representations of Juba Arabic in North Sudan" is to relate the development and evolution of Juba Arabic in North Sudan, and its expansion by its increasing use in everyday life as an instrument of communication in all fields without exception. The thesis describes the sociolinguistic situation of Juba Arabic, in recent years, and the role of a new generation in the process of its dramatic growth. The study is descriptive, analytical, and diachronic, giving a historical account of the beginnings of its existence, from the South up to the North. It is a close observation of its progress in society, in spite of its linguistic complexity, confronted with sixty vernacular languages in a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural society spreading out on a wide geographical space, the expansion of its use in formal occasions, public gatherings, etc. It analyzes the development of grammatical structure, based on collected data. The objective is also to show the evolution of Juba Arabic and its modern use and how it is getting closer to the Arabic of Khartoum [dialect of northern Sudan], as well as its daily use on radio and television which play a key role. It is also to show that Juba Arabic has taken a big step forward in the fields of folk poetry, drama, song, commercials, jokes, television programs, political speech, etc. This thesis thus draws an image of contemporary use and representations of Juba Arabic in Sudan, studying the significant linguistic phenomenon of its extension in North Sudan, as well as of how native and non native speakers look at it. It addresses the new faces of Juba Arabic, without losing to take into account the ancient state of the language and the work that had been carried out by previous scholars. Furthermore, an extensive corpus collected locally is given both in transcription and translation

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This dissertation aims to discuss the effectiveness of the mediating role of the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) in solving the conflict in Southern Sudan. We argue that this action mediating impacted considerably in the negotiations between the republic of Sudan and the republic of South Sudan, since: (i) it was established a ceasefire in hostilities between the warring parties, especially in the border regions between the two Sudanese states; (ii) an active effectiveness on the part of the peacekeeping operations of the UN and AU to ensure civilian protection and humanitarian aid in face of escalating violence in the region; (iii) the establishment of the most significant agreements regarding the outstanding issues, especially regarding the creation of a demilitarized zone in Abyei. First, we discussed International Mediation Theory in Post-Cold War Era to clarify its main assumptions, thus considering the importance of mediation in solving international crises, taking as a basis the various types mediators. Then we carried out a descriptive presentation of the case study, the conflict in Southern Sudan, seeking to discuss the implications of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and its subsequent implementation in 2005. In this case, we sought to emphasize issues related to wealth distribution, delimitation of borders and sovereignty of Abyei. Finally, we examined the mediating role of the UN and the AU, as a means of conflict resolution, facing these outstanding issues arising from the CPA in 2011- 2012. To do so, we pointed up its successes and failures in driving this conflict mediation process and the maintenance of peace in warring areas. Given the above, we point the central question of this study: what is the level of effectiveness of the UN and the AU as mediating institutions in building and promoting peace in South Sudan? Before the points raised, we argued that mediation effectiveness could be observed in terms of humanitarian impact on the region, actions issued by the UN Security Council and the African Peace Council in curbing violence in the States of Jonglei and Abyei. Therefore, this dissertation is structured based on qualitative analytical, exploratory and descriptive research on issues of Conflict Resolution, International Mediation, and Regional and International Organizations.
Esta dissertação tem como objetivo debater a efetividade do papel mediador da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e da União Africana (UA) na resolução do conflito do Sudão do Sul. Argumenta-se que essa atuação mediadora impactou de forma considerável nas negociações entre a república do Sudão e a república do Sudão do Sul, uma vez que: (i) percebeu-se um cessar-fogo nas hostilidades entre as partes beligerantes, especialmente, nas regiões fronteiriças entre os dois Estados sudaneses; (ii) uma ativa efetividade, por parte das operações de paz da ONU e UA, em assegurar a proteção civil e a ajuda humanitária em face da escalada da violência na região; (iii) o estabelecimento de acordos mais significativos em relação às questões pendentes, principalmente no que se referiu à criação de uma Zona Desmilitarizada em Abyei. Discute-se, inicialmente, o estudo com uma compreensão teórica acerca da Mediação Internacional no pós-Guerra Fria visando a esclarecer suas principais premissas. Considerando-se a importância da mediação na resolução de crises internacionais, tomaram-se por base os variados tipos de mediadores. Em seguida, passou-se para a apresentação descritiva do caso prático, o conflito do Sudão do Sul, buscando-se discutir as implicações do Acordo Geral de Paz (CPA) e sua posterior implementação, em 2005. Nesse caso, procuraram-se ressaltar as questões relacionadas à partilha das riquezas, a delimitação das fronteiras e a soberania da região de Abyei. Por fim, analisou-se o papel mediador da ONU e da UA, enquanto meios de resolução de conflitos, frente a essas questões pendentes, resultantes do CPA, no biênio 2011-2012. Para tanto, apontou-se seus acertos e falhas na condução do processo de mediação desse conflito e na manutenção da paz nas áreas beligerantes. Diante do exposto, volta-se para a pergunta central desse estudo: qual a efetividade da ONU e da UA, como instituições mediadoras, na construção e promoção da paz no Sudão do Sul? Frente aos pontos levantados, argumenta-se que a efetividade da referida mediação pôde ser constatada em termos do impacto humanitário no terreno, das ações emanadas pelo Conselho de Segurança da ONU e pelo Conselho de Paz Africano em conter a violência nos Estados do Jonglei e Abyei. Portanto, esta dissertação se estrutura à luz da pesquisa qualitativa-analítica, exploratória e descritiva sobre os temas da Resolução de Conflitos, da Mediação Internacional e das Organizações Regionais e Internacionais.

Cette thèse, sur la traite des esclaves noirs en Libye, dans les temps modernes, en particulier aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles, a nécessité une recherche à partir de questions telles que : quelles sont les origines et les catégories des esclaves noirs qui arrivèrent en Libye ? Les divers prix pratiqués ? Les stations commerçantes les plus importantes du Sahara ? Les routes caravanières empruntées pour le transport des esclaves vers l’Afrique du Nord et plus particulièrement la Libye ? La thèse porte sur les principaux marchés libyens, les méthodes d’achat et de vente, les prix des esclaves, les impôts, les douanes. La Libye a servi, en premier lieu, de plaque tournante pour l’exportation des esclaves vers d’autres destinations et notre étude s’est attachée à ses ports d’où partaient les esclaves en direction de l’Egypte, de l’Empire ottoman, du Levant et des pays du Maghreb. La thèse met aussi l’accent sur la vie sociale des esclaves, leurs rituels religieux, leurs traditions et coutumes, leur habitat, leurs relations avec leurs maîtres, leur intégration dans la communauté libyenne et musulmane jusqu’à en faire partie, le point de vue de la société libyenne sur ce phénomène de l’esclavage. La dernière partie de la thèse aborde la diminution du phénomène de l’esclavage en Libye, puis l’interdiction et l’abolition du commerce à partir de la pression internationale exercée sur l’Empire ottoman. Une évaluation est faite sur la qualité des mesures gouvernementales à cet égard, à travers un récit historique des évènements jusqu’à la fin du commerce à partir de l’occupation italienne, en 1911
This thesis is about the black slaves’ trade in Libya in the modern era especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It illustrates a range of research issues such as, the sources of black slaves which came to Libya, its types and prices, the important commercial stations in the desert, the routes of the caravans which carried the slaves to North Africa and to Libya in particular. The research study comes across the most important markets on the Libyan soil, the methods of purchasing and buying, the slaves’ prices, the taxes and the customs. Hence, Libya was the area of re-exporting the slaves in the first place, the theses will mention the important exporting harbours and the important destinations such as Egypt, the Ottoman State (Turkey), and the Levant and the Maghreb countries. The thesis extends its scope to cover the social life of the slaves, their religious rituals, their customs and traditions, their houses, their relationships with their masters, the perception of the Libyan society to the slave phenomenon until they become an important component of the Libyan society and the Islamic societies in general. The last part of the thesis deals with the history of abolition of the slave trade and the disappearance of the slave phenomenon totally in Libya. This will be done by following the sequence of events starting with the international pressure on the Ottoman Empire for the abolition of slavery, the assessment of the seriousness of the governmental measures (procedures) and recalling the historical events until the end of the slave trade by the Italian occupation to Libya in 1911

The thesis deals with the analysis of the oil industry in Sudan and South Sudan in the 21st century. The first part follows up the role of oil in the African continent; the history of oil production, the rest is devoted to a more detailed analysis of the oil sector in Sudan or South Sudan after 2011. Then the characteristics of future scenarios are realized. The scenarios are affected by the civil war in the South Sudan and border disputes between the North and the South.

Cette thèse présente un ensemble de travaux de recherche en économie politique qui s’inscrivent dans le champ contemporain de la littérature sur la malédiction des ressources naturelles dans les pays en développement. Elle s’intéresse spécifiquement aux liens entre les rentes des ressources naturelles et les institutions politiques et les conflits, puis entre les rentes et la pauvreté sous ses différentes formes. Son champ géographique se situe à plusieurs niveaux, international pour un groupe de pays en développement, monographique et infranational pour le Tchad et ses régions. La première partie, en s’inspirant des théories des changements institutionnels, teste l’hypothèse que les rentes issues de différentes ressources naturelles ont des effets différenciés sur la qualité des institutions dans les pays en développement. Par la suite, elle teste l’hypothèse d’un « système de conflit régional » dans le Triangle République Centrafricaine, Tchad et Soudan. La deuxième partie évalue le dispositif « original » de gestion des revenus pétroliers sur différentes dimensions de la pauvreté au Tchad sur des données d’enquêtes de terrain. Le premier chapitre de cette partie teste l’hypothèse d’un biais urbain dans l’allocation de temps des enfants dans un contexte pétrolier au Tchad. Alors que le second est dédié à l’évaluation de l’impact de l’exploitation pétrolière sur le profil de la pauvreté dans la région productrice en utilisant les méthodes quasi-expérimentales d’évaluation d’impact
This thesis is a collection of political economy research topics fitting into the contemporary field of literature on the natural resource curse in developing countries. The thesis focuses primarily on the links between natural resource rents and political institutions, before studying the impact of oil resource rents on poverty under its different forms. The geographical scope of the thesis is both macro for a group of developing countries, and micro in the case of Chad and its regions. The first part, drawing on institutional change theories, tests the hypothesis on whether rents generated by natural resources have a detrimental effect on institutions in developing countries, by considering different types of natural resources characterized by their different degree of appropriability. Besides, we evaluate the hypothesis of a "regional conflict system" in the “tormented Triangle” which includes Central African Republic, Chad and Sudan. The second part assesses the impact of the “unusual” system for allocating and managing the expected oil income from the Doba Oil project on many aspects of poverty in Chad by using field survey data. As such, the first chapter of this part tests the hypothesis of an urban bias in children's time allocation in the oil context in Chad. Regarding the second chapter, it investigates the impact of oil extraction on poverty profile in the oil producing region by using quasi-experimental evaluation methods

Cette thèse montre que la violence a suivi une géographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours de la deuxième guerre civile au Sud Soudan. Elle n'a par conséquent pas affecté les Sud Soudanais de manière uniforme, en particulier les femmes. Dans les zones contrôlées par le SPLA (Sudan People 's Liberation Army), la guérilla entretenait une relation essentiellement extractive avec les civils, en particulier avec les femmes. Même si la guérilla essaya de limiter les violations des droits de l'homme, elle instrumentalisa et marchandisa néanmoins les femmes pour soutenir sa lutte. Elle créa aussi, à terme, de nouvelles classes sociales, grâce à l'expansion des liens de parenté. L'inclusion des femmes au sein du SPLM/A confirma la marchandisation des femmes et la formation de nouvelles classes sociales. Le SPLA ne remit pas en cause les structures sociales du Sud Soudan, et les femmes participèrent à la lutte essentiellement dans des rôles de soutien au combat. Néanmoins, la guérilla créa une élite féminine à travers les liens de parenté. Cette nouvelle élite féminine agrandit son statut au milieu des années 1990 grâce à la démocratisation du mouvement, à son accès aux arènes internationales favorables au SPLA, et à l'expansion du rôle des femmes dans les processus de paix. Après la guerre, les différences sociales entre les femmes furent amplifiées par la constitution de l'Etat semi-autonome. Le comportement des troupes du SPLA pendant la guerre influença par la suite les nouvelles structures de pouvoir et, combiné à l'accès nouveau aux ressources de l'Etat, il participa à la consolidation des classes sociales
This dissertation illustrates that violence followed a particular geography and timeline during the second civil war in Southern Sudan. Therefore it did not affect Southerners, and women in particular, uniformly. In the SPLA-held areas, the guerilla had a mostly extractive relationship with civilians and particularly women. Although it tried to curb human right abuses, the guerilla still instrumentalized and commodified women to support its struggle and to ultimately create new social classes through the expansion of kinship ties. The inclusion of women in the SPLM/A continued to demonstrate women's commodification and the formation of new social classes. Given its superficial and circumstantial Marxism ideology, the SPLA did not question the Southern Sudanese social structures, and women supported the struggle mostly in combat-support roles. Nevertheless, the guerilla created a female elite through kinship ties. This new female elite expanded its status in the mid-1990s, thanks to the movement's democratization and to their access to international arenas that were favorable to the SPLA and to expanding women's roles in peacemaking. After the war, social difference between women were amplified through the formation of the semi-autonomous state. The legacy of the SPLA troops behavior during the war influenced new power structures and, combined with access to new state resources, consolidate social classes

A importância do petróleo tem sido revisada nos últimos anos, principalmente pelo reconhecimento de sua função estratégico-militar, tanto no século XX, onde o controle sobre este recurso permitiu a ascensão de grandes potências, como em alguns dos conflitos atuais. Estes passaram a incluir a África nas disputas globais por petróleo. O contexto mundial se torna complexo com o aprofundamento da crise petrolífera mundial, em meio a crise de acumulação de capitais e hegemonia, ambas iniciadas nos anos 1970. O aumento dos conflitos regionais e a intensa competição entre as grandes potências por recursos energéticos cada vez mais escassos, passam a ser variáveis essenciais para a análise dos problemas de Segurança Internacional. Neste contexto o continente africano, responsável por 12% da produção petrolífera mundial, ganha ainda maior relevância global por ter dobrado o volume de suas reservas, que na porção subsaariana aumentou quase três vezes desde os anos 1980. As disputas por petróleo se misturam em meio a conflitos históricos ampliando-os e gerando novos ciclos de violência. Nos maiores produtores subsaarianos como Angola, Nigéria e Sudão, ampliam e criam novas disputas entre governo e províncias produtoras. No nível global, corporações estadunidenses e chinesas passam a disputar diretamente o acesso ao petróleo africano, apoiados pelos respectivos governos que intensificam sua presença regional na forma de investimentos, acordos comerciais, diplomáticos e militares, de treinamento e defesa, transferência de armas e instalação de bases militares. Assim, o petróleo se torna central, tanto para entender a atual dinâmica destes conflitos subsaarianos, no nível regional, como nas disputas por influência no subcontinente envolvendo China e Estados Unidos.
The importance of oil has been revised in the latest years, mainly due to its strategic-military function, not only in the twentieth century, when control over this resource allowed the rise of great powers, but also in current conflicts. The latest included Africa in the global disputes over oil. Global context becomes complex as the world-wide oil crisis gets deeper, during the crisis of capital accumulation and hegemony, both having started in the 1970s. The intensification of regional conflicts and intense competition among great powers over increasingly scarce energetic resources are essential variables to the analysis of International Security problems. In this context, the African continent, responsible for 12% of world oil production, becomes globally more relevant for having doubled its reserves volume. In the subsaharan portion it has almost tripled since the 1980s. Disputes over oil make historical conflicts greater and create new cycles of violence. In the greatest sub-shaharan oil producers, such as Angola, Nigeria and Sudan these conflicts create new disputes between government and producing provinces. In a global level, North-American and Chinese corporations compete directly for access to African oil, supported by the respective governments that intensify their regional presence in the form of investments, commercial, diplomatic and military agreements, training and defense agreements, transference of weapons and installation of military bases. Thus, oil becomes central to understand the current dynamics of these sub-saharian conflicts in the regional level as well as the disputes for influence on the subcontinent involving China and United States of America.

Je traite du décodage de deux grandes familles de codes algébriques :
les codes cycliques binaires et les codes de Reed-Solomon sur un
alphabet $q$-aire (ainsi que les codes géométriques). En ce qui
concerne les codes cycliques, ceux-ci n'ont pas d'algorithme générique
de décodage, mis à part les codes BCH ou assimilés (bornes de
Hartman-Tzeng, de Roos). Au premier rang des codes intéressants pour
lesquels on ne connaît pas d'algorithme de décodage {\em générique}
figurent les {\em codes à résidus quadratiques}, qui ont de bons
paramètres. J'étudie une mise en équation du problème du décodage par
syndrôme de ces codes, que l'on peut résoudre avec des outils de base
de Gröbner. On obtient ainsi des algorithmes de décodage de complexité
raisonnable pour ces codes. Ces travaux ont fait l'objet d'une partie
de la thèse de Magali Bardet.


En ce qui concerne les codes de Reed-Solomon, ceux-ci peuvent être vus
comme des {\em codes d'évaluation}, et le problème de décodage associé
revient à approcher une fonction par des polynômes de base degré. De
grands progrès ont été réalisés par Guruswami et Sudan, qui ont trouvé
un algorithme qui décode bien au delà des rayons classiques de
décodage, en relaxant l'hypothèse que la solution doit être unique. Je
propose d'améliorer certaines étapes de cet algorithme, en le rendant
plus rapide et déterministe (notamment en évitant une factorisation de
polynôme sur un corps fini), dans le cas des codes Reed-Solomon, et
dans le cas des codes géométriques. Ces travaux ont été effectués en
encadrant Lancelot Pecquet.

Du point de vue théorique, j'ai étudié des généralisations
multivariées, qui correspondent à certains codes: les codes produits
de Reed-Solomon, et les codes de Reed-Muller. On obtient ainsi un bon
rayon de décodage, dans le cas des codes de petit taux. Dans le cas de
codes de Reed-Muller sur l'alphabet binaire, Cédric Tavernier, dans sa
thèse sous ma direction, a produit et implanté un algorithme efficace,
plus que ceux basés sur l'algorithme de Guruswami-Sudan.



J'ai étudié les aspects négatifs du problème de décodage par syndrôme
des codes linéaires, et du décodage des codes de Reed-Solomon, quand
le nombre d'erreurs est élevé, en but d'application en cryptographie.
Dans le premier cas, j'ai construit une fonction de hachage
cryptographique à réduction de sécurité, c'est-à-dire que trouver une
faiblesse dans le fonction de hachage revient à résoudre un problème
réputé difficile de codage. J'ai aussi construit une nouvelle
primitive de chiffrement à clé publique, reposant sur la difficulté de
décoder les codes de Reed-Solomon.

Dans un domaine plus appliqué, j'ai proposé avec Raghav Bhaskar un
nouvel algorithme d'échange de clé multi-utilisateurs, fondé sur le
problème du logarithme discret. Raghav Bhaskar a fourni une preuve de
sécurité de ce protocole, pendant sa thèse sous ma direction. Nous
avons aussi étudié comment adapter ce protocole aux pertes de
messages, car notre protocole est un des seuls qui est robuste à ces
pertes.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).

O presente relatório de estágio tem por objetivo apresentar o trabalho desenvolvido na Direção de Serviços da África Subsariana do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros português, entre outubro de 2014 e abril de 2015, no âmbito do Mestrado em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais. Dividido em três capítulos, primeiramente enquadra-se a instituição onde decorreu o estágio, efetuando uma contextualização histórica do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros, distinguindo as suas missões e atribuições e clarificando a sua estrutura orgânica para que se possa definir onde se encontra a Direção de Serviços da África Subsariana da Direção-Geral de Política Externa (DGPE/SAS), direção onde se realizaram o conjunto de atividades inerentes ao estágio. Num segundo momento descrevemos sinteticamente o conjunto de tarefas e funções realizadas neste período, realçando o seu relevante carácter para a formação académica e profissional. Assim, refletimos acerca do funcionamento da SAS e como possui uma panóplia de mecanismos que se integram e cumprem os requisitos propostos pelo curso de Mestrado em questão. Neste sentido, encontram-se os argumentos que justificam a obtenção do tema que dá título ao presente relatório, estando o mesmo diretamente relacionado com a DGPE/SAS e com a área científica das Relações Internacionais. Por fim, o tema “As complexas relações entre o Sudão e o Sudão do Sul: petróleo e fronteiras enquanto questões fraturantes”, que ocupa a maior parte deste relatório, é iniciado através de uma síntese histórica que se principia em finais do século XIX para demonstrar as bases que estiveram na origem da divisão da República do Sudão em dois Estados independentes, Sudão e Sudão do Sul. Através da análise das questões petrolíferas e fronteiriças procuramos compreender duas questões fraturantes que se perpetuam em dois países cujos contextos atuais ainda são vincadamente marcados por conflitos bilaterais, dificuldades económicas e atraso social. As regiões fronteiriças, como Abyei, o Cordofão do Sul e o Nilo Azul, continuam a representar as razões primordiais da disputa pelo território e pela sua riqueza em hidrocarbonetos. O relatório é concluindo com uma caracterização da situação atual do Sudão e do Sudão do Sul, tema acompanhado e desenvolvido ao longo do estágio.
This internship report aims to present the work developed at the Sub-Saharan Africa Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Portugal, between October 2014 and April 2015, to obtain the master's degree in Political Sciences and International Relations. Divided into three chapters, the first one relates to the contextualization of the institution where the internship took place, making a historical overview of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, distinguishing their missions and responsibilities and clarifying its organizational structure making it possible to define where the Sub-Saharan Africa Department of the Directorate-General for External Policy (DGPE/SAS) is located, department where were performed the set of activities inherent to the internship. Secondly we describe briefly the set of tasks and functions performed in this period, highlighting its relevant nature for academic and professional training. Thus, we reflect on the operation of SAS and as it has a range of mechanisms that integrate and meet the requirements proposed by the Master course in question. In this sense, the arguments are to justify getting the theme that gives title to this report, the same being directly related to the DGPE / SAS and the scientific field of International Relations. Finally, the theme "The complex relationships between Sudan and South Sudan: oil and boundaries as fracturing issues", which takes up most of this report, is initiated through a historical overview that begins in the late nineteenth century to demonstrate the foundations that led to the division of the Republic of Sudan in two independent states, Sudan and South Sudan. Through the analysis of oil and boundaries issues we try to understand how this two fracturing questions remain in two countries whose current contexts are sharply marked by bilateral conflicts, economic difficulties and social backwardness. Border regions, as Abyei, South Kordofan and the Blue Nile, continue to represent the primary reason for the struggle for territory and for its richness in hydrocarbons. The report concludes with a characterization of the current situation in Sudan and South Sudan, theme accompanied and developed over the internship.

The Master's thesis deals with China's increased engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa after 2000 and its impact on U.S. political and economic interests on the continent. In the first decade of the new millennium, China's search for natural resources, especially oil, to satisfy its growing demand, need to find new markets for exports, as well as China's aspiration to enhance its position at the international stage led Beijing to pay greater attention to Africa. China started to engage African countries through a combination of development assistance with no strings attached, except for the one-China principle, and high-profile diplomacy. The United States has become concerned that China might jeopardize its programs on democratization and governance and become a fierce economic competitor in Africa. In the first two chapters, the thesis describes the interests of China and the U.S, respectively, the main actors involved in the countries' respective Africa policies, and strategies and concrete policies these two world powers implement in Africa. The third chapter compares the U.S. and China's engagement in three case studies - on Nigeria, Angola and Sudan. The fourth chapter provides a comparison of the general features of the American and the Chinese policies towards Sub- Saharan Africa. The chapter...

Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais - Estudos da Paz, Segurança e Desenvolvimento apresentada à Faculdade de Economia
The international community is guided by a set of norms and principles. The interest in the security and well-being of individuals, and the establishment of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle are, in theory, some of the prime elements that guide the actions of the international community nowadays. In this work, which uses Yemen and South Sudan’s humanitarian crises as case-studies, we intended to undertake a critical analysis of the actions and responses of the international community, seeking to understand if the answers to this type of crises, are indeed coherent, or not, with the principles she endorses. Our work is divided in three chapters. In the first one, which sets out the conceptual framework of this dissertation, the definitions of the terms Failed States and Complex Political Emergencies, both frequently used to describe the current contexts of our case-studies, are initially put forward. The importance and role of norms in international relations is then stressed, so that, finally, we analyse the emergence of a new interest in the individual and of the R2P principle as guides to action for the international community. Moving on to the second chapter, we present our case-studies. In Yemen, we study the regionalisation of the civil war, and in South Sudan we study the transformation of the political disputes into a violent ethnic conflict. We also expose the humanitarian consequences of these two conflicts. Lastly, in our third chapter we analyse the answers the international community has given to tackle them. In order to do so, we first show that there are, in both countries, evidence of atrocities which would trigger the application of the R2P and we spell out the different preventive and reactive measures that would be expected, in light of the R2P, to deal with these events. We then lay out the answers that were effectively given by the international community – in the figure of its main decision-making body, the United Nations Security Council. After this analysis, we come to the conclusion that despite the mentioning of the R2P in several occasions, and even though some actions were taken in light of this principle, there are still a large number of actions and answers that would be crucial and should be implemented but were not. Therefore, we conclude that the answers given by the international community to these crises have not been fully coherent with the principles she endorses.
A comunidade internacional é guiada por um vasto leque de normas e princípios. A preocupação com a segurança e bem-estar dos indivíduos, e o estabelecimento do princípio da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P), são alguns dos elementos que guiam, em teoria, a ação da comunidade internacional atualmente. Neste trabalho, que tem por estudos de caso as crises humanitárias que ocorrem no Iémen e no Sudão do Sul, pretendeu-se fazer uma análise crítica das respostas e ações da comunidade internacional, procurando perceber se as respostas face a este tipo de crises, são de facto coerentes, ou não, com os princípios que defende. Este trabalho está dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro, que estabelece o quadro conceptual desta dissertação, são inicialmente apresentadas as definições dos conceitos de Estados Falhados e Emergências Políticas Complexas – classificações muitas vezes usadas para descrever os contextos atuais dos nossos estudos de caso. De seguida, é abordada a importância e o papel das normas nas relações internacionais, para, por fim, ser feita uma análise do surgimento de novas preocupações com o indivíduo e do princípio da Responsabilidade de Proteger enquanto guias de ação para a comunidade internacional. Já no segundo capítulo, são apresentados os dois estudos de caso escolhidos. No Iémen estudamos a regionalização da guerra-civil, e no Sudão do Sul a transformação das disputas políticas em conflito étnico violento. São também apresentadas as consequências humanitárias que estes dois conflitos acarretam. E no último capítulo, é feita a análise das respostas da comunidade internacional face às mesmas. Para isto, começamos primeiro por mostrar que, em ambos os países, há evidências de atrocidades contra civis que implicariam a mobilização do R2P, e enunciamos quais seriam as respostas expectáveis – em termos preventivos e reativos – face a estes acontecimentos e à luz deste princípio. Apresentamos depois as respostas que foram efetivamente dadas pela comunidade internacional – na figura do seu principal órgão decisor, o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU). Após esta análise, chegamos à conclusão de que, apesar do princípio de R2P ser mencionado em múltiplas ocasiões, e apesar de serem tomadas algumas ações à luz do mesmo, há ainda um grande número de ações e respostas que seriam cruciais e deveriam ser aplicadas, mas não o foram, concluindo-se assim que as respostas dadas pela comunidade internacional a estas crises não têm sido totalmente coerentes com os princípios que defende.

Na presente dissertação são abordados os principais problemas associados à escolta militar a voluntários/profissionais humanitários das ONG, OING ou OIG. A problemática associada é o cumprimento, por parte da comunidade humanitária, dos princípios humanitários fundamentais da independência, neutralidade e imparcialidade. Ou seja, o estudo centra-se na relação entre humanitário e militar e nas consequências que podem advir daí, como por exemplo: desconfiança da população em relação às ONG, OING ou OIG, queda dos donativos, ataques, entre outros. As questões centrais são as seguintes: Do ponto de vista dos humanitários, será melhor não correr risco de vida, ou corrê-lo ao respeitar os princípios fundamentais humanitários integralmente? Será que é possível encontrar uma alternativa à escolta militar para assegurar a segurança e proteção dos humanitários? Serão as agências militares privadas uma alternativa? São também exploradas as diversas opções que possam garantir a segurança dos humanitários no terreno, sem colocar em causa os princípios fundamentais humanitários. Por exemplo, são analisadas potenciais colaborações e atuais colaborações com as operações de paz de peacekeeping, peacebuilding e peace enforcement, as missões integradas e ainda será explorada a opção da contratação das agências militares privadas. A dissertação assenta também num estudo de caso sobre o Sudão do Sul, onde é avaliada esta relação militar-humanitário, no terreno. Conclui-se que, no Sudão do Sul, é necessária uma maior cooperação entre humanitários e militares no terreno, de forma a que seja garantida a proteção e segurança aos humanitários e, por conseguinte, se permita que as organizações humanitárias consigam realizar o seu trabalho, que é fundamental para a pacificação do território. Como será possível verificar, as duas soluções que parecem mais seguras são as missões integradas e escolta concedida no âmbito de missões sob a responsabilidade de proteger.
In this dissertation the main problems related to the military escort to NGO volunteers / humanitarian professionals, OING or OIG, are addressed. The associated problem is the compliance by the humanitarian community with the fundamental humanitarian principles of independence, neutrality and impartiality. That is, the study focuses on the relationship between humanitarian and military personnel and the consequences that may arise therefrom, such as: distrust of the population in relation to NGOs, NGOI or IGO, dropping of donations, attacks, among others. The core questions are: Is better to respect fundamental humanitarian principles in full? Is it possible to find an alternative to the military escort to ensure security / protection of the humanitarian? Are private military agencies an alternative? In other words, the various options that can guarantee humanitarian safety on the ground without undermining the fundamental humanitarian principles are explored. For example, potential collaboration and current collaboration with peacekeeping / peacebuilding operations, peace enforcement, integrated missions, and the option of hiring private military agencies will be explored. The dissertation is also based on a case study on South Sudan, where this militaryhumanitarian relationship is evaluated on the ground. It is concluded that, in South Sudan, there is a need for greater humanitarian-military cooperation on the ground, in order to ensure the protection and security of humanitarian aid and, therefore, to enable humanitarian organizations to carry out their work, which is fundamental to the pacification of the territory. The two solutions that seem most viable are the integrated missions, and escort given by humanitarian personnel under the mission of the responsibility to protect.