Journal articles on the topic 'Subcomandante Marcos'

ResumoEste artigo tem como objetivo apresentar algumas considerações acerca da produção literária do subcomandante insurgente Marcos, membro militar e político do denominado movimento zapatista, ou EZLN (Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional). Além das participações ativas no referido movimento, desde sua aparição pública no estado mexicano de Chiapas, em 1994, o subcomandante exerceu habilidades literárias no campo da criação textual e discursiva. Dessa forma, entendemos sua produção como parte integrante da comunicação oficial do EZLN, que em forma de histórias, contos e personagens se integrou aos comunicados zapatistas. Entre suas produções, analisaremos Los arroyos cuando bajan, Los zapatistas no se rinden e La historia de la noche y las estrellas. Nestas, seu personagem principal é representado pelo ancião indígena Velho Antônio, que mantém forte interlocução com o subcomandante, enriquecendo assim sua produção. A partir dessa análise, demonstraremos as operacionalizações guiadas por sua produção literária, tais como a legitimação de discursos políticos e a tentativa de representação étnica. A metodologia utilizada será a denominada Análise Crítica do Discurso; realizaremos as análises a partir de uma concepção inter-relacional entre criação e contexto, no que diz respeito à produção e publicação dos documentos.Palavras-chave: subcomandante Marcos; Velho Antônio; literatura zapatista; discursos zapatistas; EZLN.

Neste texto, resultante de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica, tem-se como objetivo apresentar problematizações, de uma perspectiva da Educação, sobre os dois volumes de Los otros cuentos: relatos del Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, à luz da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos e de bibliografia atinente a essa temática. Considera-se que Los otros cuentos abordam questões consoantes e/ou passíveis de estabelecimento de nexos com a temática dos Direitos Humanos. Essas obras contribuem para a problematização e para a difusão, em clave literária e crítica, de diversos elementos da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos e, por conseguinte, para o processo de (auto)educação dos zapatistas, bem como de outros setores das classes trabalhadoras.

Numerous scholars have adopted a Gramscian framework when analyzing the Zapatistas and Subcommander Marcos. Some, however, have gone beyond the evidence, claiming that Marcos was influenced by Gramsci. Inspection of the Subcommander’s discourse provides no proof that he has been directly influenced by the Sardinian; instead, indigenous thought and practice appear more influential in having shaped Marcos’s political philosophy. Marcos’s independence from Gramsci distances him from other contemporary Central American guerrillas and has wider implications concerning the timing and extent of Gramsci’s diffusion in Mexico. Gramsci did, however, contribute to an atmosphere of “antiauthoritarian eclecticism” among the Latin American new left from which Marcos emerged. Muchos estudiosos han adoptado el marco teórico gramsciano para analizar a los zapatistas y al Subcomandante Marcos. Pero algunos han pasado por alto la evidencia y afirman que Marcos recibió influencia de Gramsci. Al inspeccionar el discurso del Subcomandante no se encuentran pruebas de que haya recibido influencia directa del pensador de Sardinia; en cambio, el pensamiento y la práctica indígenas aparecen como influencias más notorias en la conformación de la filosofía política de Marcos. La independencia de este último respecto de Gramsci lo aparta de otras guerrillas contemporáneas centroamericanas y tiene implicaciones más amplias en lo que toca al momento y alcance de la difusión de Gramsci en México. Lo cierto es que éste contribuyó a una atmósfera de “eclecticismo antiautoritario” entre la nueva izquierda latinoamericana de la que surgió Marcos.

El artículo analiza la presencia de la temática indígena en la obra de Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, ya que esta, debido al carácter político y social de los escritos que la abarcan, está fuertemente vinculada con la globalización y el neoliberalismo. En la poesía, Vázquez Montalbán recurre a la figura indígena en los textos “Las palabras descansan en la bandeja y “En Conemara” recogidos en el poemario Pero el viajero que huye (1990). Allí el indígena, o el “indio”, es percibido a través de una mirada occidental, incidiendo en la pérdida de la identidad. Posteriormente, en la entrevista con Rigoberta Menchú incluida en Y Dios entró en la Habana (1998), el autor profundiza en sus reflexiones acerca de la autodeterminación de los pueblos indígenas de Chiapas y Guatemala, que serán desarrolladas en Marcos: El señor de los espejos (1999). Tanto Menchú como Marcos aportan una visión desmitificadora de la lucha indígena y de la relación de las etnias con los “ladinos”, siempre dentro del marco ideológico anticapitalista y antiglobalizador. Se estudia el acercamiento crítico de Vázquez Montalbán a los planteamientos de los líderes indígenas y se sistematiza desde el punto de vista antropológico las reflexiones sobre la cultura, el mestizaje y el sincretismo. Palabras clave: indigenismo; Chiapas; antropología; globalización; Subcomandante Marcos; Rigoberta Menchú. Keywords: indigenismo; Chiapas; anthropology; globalization; Subcomandante Marcos; Rigoberta Menchú. Título en inglés: Indigenous movements and globalization in the journalistic reports of Manuel Vázquez Montalbán

En 1994, el levantamiento del EZLN en México significó un acontecimiento no sólo político y militar sino también discursivo. En este trabajo, analizo cómo en el discurso elaborado por el subcomandante Marcos – jefe militar y portavoz del EZLN- se entrelazan dimensiones históricas factuales con relatos nacidos de su pluma. La escritura de Marcos plantea una problemática específica, ya que éste escribió desde la acción y la urgencia del tiempo histórico vivido. Delante de tales circunstancias de escritura, resulta estimulante interrogar las modalidades de transición entre la memoria viva y la representación textual y ver a partir de qué géneros y artificios retóricos se pone en imagen el tiempo histórico.

A discourse analysis shows that the literary passages in subcomandante Marcos’ press releases (Relatos de el viejo Antonio, Chiapas, CIACH, 1998 and Don Durito de la Lacandona, Chiapas, CIACH, 1999) express both the ethnical, national and post-national demands of the EZLN. The analysis reveals three tensions in the discourse, which seem to reflect the divergent pressures on the EZLN.

Este artigo trata de aspectos da construção do discurso e da ideologia dos zapatistas, com a finalidade de identificar pontos que possam diferenciar o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional dos movimentos de guerrilhas latino-americanos tradicionais, e aponta para as propostas do movimento zapatista, dentre elas, o uso tático dos meios mais avançados de comunicação tecnológica - a internet- e o manejo da arte cenográfica, como uma das estratégias de aproximação e inserção na sociedade mexicana e da esquerda, de maneira geral.

Esta contribución propone analizar el uso y la función política de los mitos en “Relatos de El Viejo Antonio” de Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos. Concentrándose en los motivos míticos de la lluvia y la actividad de fumar (ambos muy importantes en los “Relatos”) va a ilustrar que Marcos tanto utiliza tradiciones mitológicas de la cultura indígina como narraciones mitológicas de la tradición clásica europea a fin de crear un nuevo lenguaje mítica transnacional. Los Zapatistas proponen este lenguaje como alternativa al discurso tecnocrático y excluyente de nuestros días. Al mismo tiempo, la conversión mitológica de Marcos deconstruye y reconstruye conceptos tradicionales de la identidad indígena en México y los abre para la idea de una comunicación libre y global, reafirmando al mismo tiempo su gran valor para una sociedad futura.

Este estudio, dividido en dos partes, tiene como propósito principal la realización y el análisis del corpus de los textos periodísticos, ensayísticos y de ficción que Manuel Vázquez Montalbán dedicó a la causa del ezln entre 1994 y 2003; asimismo, presta atención a la relación de este autor con el subcomandante Marcos, con el fin de determinar un imaginario global montalbaniano en torno al neozapatismo. Además, la relación del escritor con Chiapas se complementa con el estudio de varias obras de Marcos donde Vázquez Montalbán aparece como referente intelectual y como materia literaria, entre las que destaca la novela Muertos incómodos (falta lo que falta), escrita junto con Paco Ignacio Taibo II.

En el presente texto se aborda la importancia del “althusserianismo” en la conformación de la ideología del “Subcomandante Marcos”. Se destaca el contexto de producción en el que irrumpe la obra de Althusser, sus distintas derivas en el México de los años setenta y finalmente se abordan las perspectivas que confluyen en la crítica de la ideología y la superación de las tradiciones de entender el marxismo. Todo ello con la finalidad de mostrar que entre las diversas raíces que tiene la ideología zapatista, el “althusserianismo” opera como una crítica del Estado y también de la izquierda marxista.

Este artículo quiere analizar uno de los últimos comunicados que el Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano, antes Marcos, ha hecho público a fines de diciembre del 2017 durante la celebración del II encuentro “ConCiencias por la Humanidad” titulado “Trump, la navaja de Ockham, el gato de Schrodinger y el gato-perro”. La intención del análisis es constatar que el movimiento zapatista ha ido transformado su estrategia política en los últimos tres años, precisamente desde que el otrora Marcos realizase un relevo simbólico de su puesto como portavoz. La hipótesis de este artículo es que desde que Marcos es Galeano el zapatismo ha intentado constituir una nueva identidad basada en la necesidad de globalizar una lucha antisistema que afecta a un nuevo actor social: la humanidad en su conjunto. A través del uso de conceptos como “exotopía”, “significante vacío” o “tercer espacio”, basados en el trabajo de Bajtín, Laclau y Bhabha respectivamente se propone que este nuevo actor social está representado por la mujer, Marichuy, desde el campo de lucha político y el personaje de ficción Defensa Zapatista, desde el ético/estético.

This article argues that the literature on social movements and globalization has not paid sufficient attention to the way in which political actors who act globally try to overcome the social, cultural, and political distances that separate them. It introduces the concept of global framing to give focus to the discursive processes central to such “distance bridging”. In particular, it emphasizes how symbols and emotions are crucial in the framing of distance. Empirically, it discusses how the considerable global resonance created by the Zapatistas in Mexico is facilitated by a framing strategy, carried out mainly by the movement's spokesman, Subcomandante Marcos, in which humour, imperfection, and symbols play a decisive role.

La lectura de algunos ensayos de Mariano Azuela y Octavio Pazsaca a la luz que distintas tesis de la primera mitad del siglo XX suponenuna dicotomía entre los “sin voz” y los intelectuales que hablaban porellos. El discurso del EZLN rechaza esta dicotomía, descarta las metáforasvegetales y minerales que a menudo se empleaban para imaginar alpueblo rebelde y a los indígenas, y redefinen la división del trabajo entrelos marginados y sus representantes letrados. No obstante, la funcióndel Subcomandante Marcos dentro del discurso zapatista —como autor,narrador y tema— socava en parte el mensaje de que los “sin voz” soncapaces de hablar por sí mismos. Asimismo, demuestra que proclamarla muerte del intelectual tradicional como portavoz del pueblo es prematuro,por lo menos en el contexto mexicano actual.

En este artículo, nos centraremos en la relación entre ideología y forma en torno al alzamiento zapatista en Chiapas y, más específicamente, a los relatos del Subcomandante Marcos sobre uno de sus personajes, Durito. Para ello, partiremos de la aproximación teórica al concepto de aceleración propuesto por el sociólogo alemán Hartmut Rosa (2005) y la vincularemos al pensamiento del sociólogo y filósofo británico-polaco Zygmunt Bauman (2000), un pensador que ejerció una gran influencia en Rosa, y al del filósofo francés Gilles Lipovetsky (1983), quien, como Rosa y Bauman, analiza el nexo entre la posmodernidad y el tiempo. En primer lugar, destacaremos aquellos aspectos del alzamiento zapatista que son relevantes en relación a la teoría de Rosa, la cual sintetizaremos en un segundo apartado. A continuación, realizaremos una lectura analítica de las narraciones escritas en torno al personaje del escarabajo Durito a la luz de esta teoría y propondremos algunas reflexiones sobre el modo en que ideología y forma dialogan en ellas.

The purpose of this paper is to address some theoretical aspects - concepts that contribute to reflection on the specific role of the current Latin American intellectual. The contributions of various authors will help us to characterize a role that is constantly rethinked, analyzed and disputed. The proposal is to retake the theoretical developments in the category "intellectual" from Antonio Gramsci and Immanuel Wallerstein mainly, but making reference to its most intense moments in the 60-70 decades with Sartre and Foucault in Europe. It also highlights the contributions made by Pierre Bourdieu, Sousa Santos and the contributions to Latin America by Fals Borda, Florestan Fernandez, Octavio Ianni and Eliseo Veron, among others. Also included are examples of statements for the EZLN by Subcomandante Marcos and refers to the analysis performed by Julio Gambina and Daniel Campione for the Argentine case. It’s not the interest of this work to arrive at definitions finished about the social function of intellectual debate but to contribute to a not new but always applicable, which should be a breakthrough for each of our practices in the different social areas in which we daily work.

Perhaps the most enduring image of the Zapatista uprising, which began in Chiapas on 1 January 1994, is the masked figure of Subcomandante Marcos. Running a close second, however, would be the sight of this makeshift army filing past delegates at the opening of the Conventión Nacional Democrática in the Lancandona later the same year. Men, women and youths with their wooden rifles for weapons, dignity and silent determination as ammunition. They were not the first, and I dare say will not be the last, indigenous movement in Mexico to be driven to violence in defense of their rights. The state's firm response to the uprising was predictable and illustrates the most common reaction to the specter of an Indian with a gun in his hand. Ironically, the Mexican army has carried out such repression with a rank and file comprised largely of youths from indigenous backgrounds. These young men see enlistment as one of the few escapes from the rural poverty that did much to foster the Zapatista rebellion in the first place. Thus, an armed Indianper seis not a problem; it is merely when this person acts autonomously that the trouble begins.

When I walked the thousand-year-old route of the Camino de Santiago in northern Spain in September and October 2014, I expected to discuss questions of health with fellow travelers. I assumed that an ancient pilgrimage would be full of walkers pondering health issues and would provide an ethnographer's panacea for "getting in." I was wrong. I was surrounded by walkers from all parts of Europe, but they were pondering the meaning of work, capitalism, and their lives. I found I was seeing a profound crisis of capitalism and individuals struggling with alienated labor as discussed by Karl Marx.&hellp; [W]hat I saw on the Camino de Santiago was certainly not a revolutionary movement. Envisioning satisfying work, however, helps change the shared conception of what work is. Raul Zibechi argued that as we struggle both individually or collectively, we engage in an emancipatory process that, as the Zapatista's Subcomandante Marcos notes, "builds, includes, brings together and remembers whereas the system, separates, splits and fragments."&hellp; Awareness of alienated labor and struggle against crisis, whether individual or collective, does seem to create imaginative space for change even if it does not necessarily reflect what has been thought of as revolutionary struggle.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-1" title="Vol. 67, No. 1: May 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>

We see that a certain revolutionary type is not possible, but at the same time we comprehend that another revolutionary type becomes possible, not through a certain form of class struggle, but rather through a molecular revolution, which not only sets in motion social classes and individuals, but also a machinic and semiotic revolution.—Félix Guattari (qtd. in Raunig)We follow the speed of dreams.—Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, The Speed of Dreams (2007)Critical art ensemble staged the theory of electronic civil disobedience (ECD) as a gamble against a form of the all-too-present future of “dead capital,” otherwise known as late capital. In our 1994 book The Electronic Disturbance, Critical Art Ensemble argued that dead capital was being constituted as an electronic commodity form in constant flow (11). Capital had been, was, and would continue to be reensembling itself, as the contemporary elite moved from centralized urban areas to decentralized and deterritorialized cyberspace (13). For Critical Art Ensemble, it was clear that cyberspace, as it was called then, was the next stage of struggle. The activist reply to this change was to teleport the system of trespass and blockage that was historically anchored to civil disobedience to this new phase of economic flows in the age of networks: “As in civil disobedience, primary tactics in electronic civil disobedience are trespass and blockage. Exits, entrances, conduits, and other key spaces must be occupied by the contestational force in order to bring pressure on legitimized institutions engaged in unethical or criminal actions” (Critical Art Ensemble, Electronic Civil Disobedience 18). As we imagined it in the early 1990s, electronic disturbance was the core gesture that could initiate a new “performative matrix” (Electronic Disturbance 57).

En este artículo se aborda la presencia de Miguel Hernández en el subcomandante insurgente Marcos a través del análisis de las coincidencias entre sus formas de comprender, actuar y pronunciarse sobre la tierra, la poesía, el pueblo y la libertad. Estos ejes nos permiten ahondar en acontecimientos vitales y textos fundamentales de ambos autores, los cuales han servido y servirán de paradigma y motivación para diversos individuos y grupos de diferentes generaciones a lo largo de la historia.

Un anáálisis del discurso de Muertos incóómodos (2005), escrito por el Subcomandante Marcos y Paco Ignacio Taibo II, saca a la luz algunas diferencias notables entre esta novela y los relatos que Marcos escribióó sobre Don Durito y el Viejo Antonio, diferencias que parecen implicar un cambio de prioridades en la agenda del guerrillero. En primer lugar, la vertiente ecolóógica en el discurso de Marcos se ha reforzado. Luego, llama la atencióón que los personajes subalternos en la novela se caracterizan máás en funcióón de criterios de géénero que segúún criterios éétnicos. Finalmente, el autorretrato de Marcos como remitente de la historia estáá en los antíípodas de sus retratos anteriores que siempre habíían destacado su posicióón subordinada frente a los indíígenas. Pero el cambio máás radical es que, con la aparicióón de una estructura discursiva abiertamente ideolóógica, Marcos parece abandonar el discurso críítico que desde temprano habíía abanderado como signo de la diferencia del EZLN.

After balaclava-clad Zapatistas seized control of a handful of southern Mexican towns on New Year’s Eve, 1993, and soon after became implicated in the first wide-scale use of the Internet in a warlike scenario, it was thought that the age of postmodern Internet warfare had arrived. However, while the centrality of the Internet to the movement’s relative success evokes romantic images of Zapatista rebels uploading communiqués onto the World Wide Web from remote mountain hideaways, these myths are dispelled when the impoverished living conditions of its indigenous Maya constituents are taken into account. Instead, the Zapatistas’ presence on the Internet is mediated by NGOs and other support groups who electronically publish hand-written Zapatista communiqués. While this paper demonstrates the political utility of information-age communication strategies for localised struggles for cultural autonomy, it is shown that, for the Zapatistas, these strategies work with, rather than against, traditional print culture. The Zapatistas, NGOs and the Internet Soon after the Zapatista uprising began, the New York Times, prompted by the movement’s rapid acquirement of an Internet presence, declared that the world’s first “postmodern revolutionary movement” had appeared in the unlikely location of the southern Mexican state of Chiapas (Burbach 116). Other analyses that investigate the significance of the Internet in the uprising define the EZLN as the world’s “first informational guerrilla movement” (Castells 79), and the “first social netwar” (Ronfeldt et al. 1). After such descriptions were assigned to the EZLN, an image of Zapatista rebels typing e-mails on laptops in remote mountain hideaways featured in many initial media reports. These ideas were still dominating much of the media a year after the uprising when the Mexican President ordered a raid on suspected EZLN hideouts in an attempt to capture the movement’s mestizo spokesperson, Subcomandante Marcos. Media reports at the time claimed that in some of the raids “they found as many computer disks as bullets”. There were also claims that “if Marcos is equipped with a telephone modem and a cellular phone [he could] hook into the Internet [directly] even while on the run, as he is now” (Knudson 509). However, while the Internet contributed significantly to the advance of the EZLN struggle, this romanticised and mythologised imagery is far removed from the material impoverishment that led to the movement’s uprising and which still characterises the lives of its constituents. Indeed, the Marcos that I saw addressing a crowd in the Mexican city of Puebla during the EZLN’s 2001 March for Indigenous Dignity read his speech from an old-tattered notebook—the old-fashioned printed kind, not one from the Toshiba range. He stumbled over some sections, telling the crowd that it had been smudged by the rain earlier in the day. This may have been a move calculated to enhance the charismatic appeal of the pipe-smoking, poet-guerrilla, but it is also consistent with the impoverished circumstances from which the Zapatistas emanated and within which they continue to struggle. There is a glaring anomaly between descriptions of the Zapatistas as postmodern or as the initiators of informational guerrilla warfare, or netwar, and the movement’s location in the most remote regions of an impoverished state, which has Internet hubs in only two of its towns and “no telephone or electricity at all in most of the rural areas” (Froehling 291). Indeed, the Zapatistas’ relationship with the Internet is mediated via a support network that, most significantly, includes NGOs. For the Zapatista word to reach a national and international audience the movement had to firstly rely on hand-written documents and old-fashioned means of covert communication whereby messages were passed secretly from hand to hand, galloped inside a saddle satchel, hidden in a cyclist’s bag, slipped into a backpack, or perhaps thrust inside a sack of beans, then propped in the back of an open truck, crammed with indigenous villagers who make the hours-long journey to the closest market, or doctor, and our messenger to a contact person with Internet access. (Ponce de León xxiii) The journey of the EZLN’s communiqués from the remote Chiapan highlands to a world-wide audience via its Internet-connected support network has created what Cleaver calls a “Zapatista effect” (1998). This effect demonstrates that by establishing an international electronic web of support, particularly between marginalised groups and NGOs, dominant political, economic and social policies can be effectively opposed and alternatives articulated. The Zapatista uprising marks the first time that the electronic media have been used as a strategy in their own right, producing “an electronic fabric of opposition to much wider policies”, rather than simply facilitating the “traditional work of solidarity” (Cleaver 622). Cleaver claims that this “Zapatista effect” has the potential to permeate and inform social struggles throughout the world and reweave “the fabric of politics” by demonstrating the ability of grassroots movements to form national and international collectives to challenge the power of the nation-state (637). Investigation into the usefulness of new communication technologies in times of war and struggle has also been the focus of studies conducted for the US army, leading to the development of the concept of “netwar” (Ronfeldt et al. iii). Ronfeldt et al. contend that, as a result of what they claim is the increasing dependency of contemporary society on information, “more than ever before, conflicts are about ‘knowledge’—about who knows (or can be kept from knowing) what, when, where, and why” (7-8). The study concludes that the EZLN’s development of an NGO support network that could rapidly disseminate reports on human rights abuses, information about the intolerable living conditions endured by indigenous Chiapans, and the EZLN’s communiqués has been crucial to developing the movement’s support base. However, the movement’s establishment of an electronically wired NGO support network able to circulate information about the EZLN, its struggle and its aims relies on the movement’s ability to convey information to them, the “what, when, where, and why”, before it can appear on the Internet and in other media forms. It is not simply the publication and distribution of figures relating to disease, impoverishment and human rights violations that have contributed to people’s interest in, and support for, the Zapatistas. Rather, the intriguing content and style of their discourse, which is heavily indebted to the charismatic figure of Subcomandante Marcos, has also played a crucial role. The writings of Marcos are rich with poetic imagery, humour, symbols of Mayan mythology and references to Latin American and Spanish literary figures and styles, particularly magic realism. Zapatista Narratives Marcos’ innovative and engaging discursive style is particularly evident in the stories he tells of Don Durito, a beetle named Nebuchadnezzar who has assumed the nom de guerre of Durito, which literally means the little strong or hard one, a reference to his shell, fighting spirit and his status as a ladies’ man (Subcomandante Marcos 9). Don Durito has made the floor of the Southern Mexican Lacandón jungle his home, but in Marcos’s stories he often travels the world as a knight-errant, reminiscent of Cervantes’s delusional do-gooder Don Quijote. Durito also intermittently assumes the role of a detective and that of a political analyst, and it is in this guise that he first meets Marcos. This occurs when Marcos, unable to find tobacco to fill the pipe he is never seen without, notices a trail of the dried black leaves weaving away from his hammock. After following the trail for a few metres Marcos sees, behind a stone, a bespectacled beetle clenching a tiny pipe, sitting at a tiny desk studying, as we soon discover, neoliberalism “and its strategy of domination for Latin America” (Subcomandante Marcos 12). Marcos, unfazed by the discovery of a literate, smoking beetle is taken aback by his investigation of neoliberalism. Durito explains that his scholarly interest is quite pragmatic for it stems from a desire to know how long and how successful the Zapatista struggle will be so as to ascertain “how long us beetles are going to have to be careful that you [Marcos and the other members of the Zapatista army who are based in the jungle] aren’t going to squash us with your big boots” (Subcomandante Marcos 12). In these encounters with Durito the political analyst, Marcos is given lessons in politics and economics from an inhabitant of the jungle floor, from a beetle who recognises that the danger of being squashed by “big boots” in his small patch of land is intimately linked to the global issue of neoliberalism and its much bigger boots. Through these stories, Marcos highlights the detrimental impact that global economic policies have had on the Maya of Chiapas. The character of Durito also enables him to demonstrate the potential for small, seemingly insignificant individuals or groups to radically challenge these policies and articulate alternatives. Conclusion Such entertaining and lyrical prose enables the EZLN to present itself as a new style of social revolutionary movement, far removed from traditional Latin American revolutionary struggles. This has, arguably, broadened the movement’s international support network, a situation facilitated by the circulation and publication of these writings and communiqués on the Internet by the movement’s NGO support network. However, while the use of information-age technology to stimulate the creation of collective transnational support networks presents as a useful strategy for contemporary social struggles, it does not guarantee the procurement of significant political, economic and social change. Indeed, after more than a decade of struggle, the Zapatistas have not precipitated the radical reconstruction of the Mexican political system that they had hoped for. References Burbach, Roger. Globalization and Postmodern Politics: From Zapatistas to High-Tech Robber Barons. London: Pluto Press, 2001. Castells, Manuel. The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Volume II: The Power of Identity. Malden, Ma.: Blackwell Publishers, 1997. Cleaver, Harry M. Jr. “The Zapatista Effect: The Internet and the Rise of an Alternative Political Fabric.” Journal of International Affairs 51.2 (1998): 621-40. Froehling, Oliver. “The Cyberspace ‘War of Ink and Internet’ in Chiapas, Mexico.” The Geographical Review 87.2 (1997): 291-307. Knudson, Jerry W. “Rebellion in Chiapas: Insurrection by Internet and Public Relations.” Media, Culture and Society 20.3 (1998): 507-18. Ponce de León, Juana. “Editor’s Note: Travelling Back for Tomorrow.” Our Word Is Our Weapon. Ed. Juana Ponce de León. London: Serpent’s Tail, 2001. xxiii-xxxi. Ronfeldt, David, et al. The Zapatista Social Netwar in Mexico. Santa Monica, California: RAND, 1998. Subcomandante Marcos. Don Durito de La Lacandona. San Cristóbal de Las Casas Chiapas: Centro de Información y Análisis de Chiapas, 1999. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Turner, Bethaney. "Information-Age Guerrillas: The Communication Strategies of the Zapatistas." M/C Journal 8.2 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/01-turner.php>. APA Style Turner, B. (Jun. 2005) "Information-Age Guerrillas: The Communication Strategies of the Zapatistas," M/C Journal, 8(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/01-turner.php>.

El Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), en enero de 1994, ejecutó un levantamiento armado en el Estado de Chiapas-México, con el objetivo de reivindicar los derechos y la autonomía de los pueblos indígenas. Este acontecimiento marcó un hito histórico en la región latinoamericana y en el mundo, ya que significó un resurgir de la resistencia al neoliberalismo y al capitalismo posterior a la disolución de la Unión Soviética. El presente artículo se pretende profundizar el análisis de la categoría ‘resistencia crítica’, considerando la configuración histórica y epistémica del zapatismo a través de sus discursos, prácticas e influencias internacionales. Para este fin, revisamos los postulados políticos del EZLN, su relación con el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano y el simbolismo del Subcomandante Marcos. La metodología utilizada consiste en la revisión bibliográfica de literatura especializada y de documentos, declaraciones, reportajes y material audiovisual sobre la historia del EZLN. Finalmente, nuestra conclusión es que la acción zapatista puede considerarse una “resistencia crítica” porque inicia con una reinterpretación y una revalorización de conceptos, categorías, experiencias y saberes indígenas, con la finalidad de des-imbricar las redes políticas, económicas y sociales del neoliberalismo.