Journal articles on the topic 'Students, Foreign – Western Australia – Attitudes'

The purpose of this study was to investigate challenges for new Western/Western-educated faculty and their responses to those challenges as they began teaching at a national women’s University located in the Arabian Gulf. Twenty-four new faculty were recruited for the study. Faculty were hired from America, the UK, Canada, and Australia to provide an American-like education to students. 75% percent of participants were native English speakers, and 54% had not taught in a foreign university before. Before arriving in the country to begin teaching, the participants were asked to complete a questionnaire measuring their attitudes towards student learning and performance, and their teaching methods. Six to ten weeks after the beginning of their first semester they were asked to participate in focus groups. The focus group questions asked faculty to discuss issues and challenges they were facing and how they were coping. Results of the quantitative data and the focus groups show faculty were facing classroom challenges but were committed and creative in finding teaching/learning strategies. Focus group data further showed faculty were experiencing cultural differences that were challenging and frustrating. They were finding their teaching rewarding and were enjoying the experience of interacting with the students who were the first generation of women in the nation to be educated in a Western-style pedagogy.

The article presents the results of foreign studies of gender ideology of students for a number of valuable social demographic variables. In the first part of publication the studies describing dynamics of gender ideology in various countries are analyzed. In the process of modernization of the Eastern Asia (China, Taiwan, South Korea, Japan), India and Indonesia female population is involved in work outside of home, a trend of egalitarianisation of gender relationship and spreading of families with two breadwinners. During transition from socialist to liberal states in the countries of the Eastern Europe the impact of religious conservative family’s values on the youth is less significant than that of Western ideas of individualization and permissiveness. In the developed countries (USA, Europe, Australia, Canada) gender revolution resulted in diversity of gender ideologies. At least in the European countries five models are fixed empirically: egalitarian, egalitarian essentialism, intensive parenthood, moderate conservative ideology. The second part of article presents the analysis of studies of attitudes of students in areas of gender and marriage and family relationships carried out in various countries that established that gender and religious identity are the major differentiating variables. The other characteristics such as urban rural origin, structure of parents' family, coeducation and separate education are less significant. The attitudes of the youth concerning social roles of males and females and future marriage are changing effected by peers, mass culture and personal experience. The conclusion is derived that in spite of more conservative attitudes of male youths factually in all countries, a slow convergence of views of male and female youths among well-educated strata. The denominational membership remains the main differential factor

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of economic nationalism and consumer ethnocentrism in the form of country of origin (COO) cues specifically “Made in […]” and “Owned by […]” on the product judgement of bi-national wine brands (brands with multiple country affiliations). Further, the role of consumer product knowledge is examined as a moderator of these xenophobia attitudes. Design/methodology/approach – A self-administered questionnaire was designed using established scales. A convenience sample was drawn from participants attending a major wine trade exhibition in Western Australia and university students. A variety of statistical techniques were used to analyse the data. Findings – High levels of economic nationalism and anti-foreign sentiment was so strong that respondents did not want products that had any association with a foreign country, regardless of whether the products are directly or indirectly related to a foreign origin. This suggests that Australian consumers are not any more receptive to bi-national brands; as such domestic affiliations have not diluted the economic nationalistic sentiment. Further, results confirm that Australian consumers use COO cues as part of wine evaluations. Consumers with low product knowledge are likely to rely on extrinsic country cues to reinforce their brand evaluation, whereas consumers who are more knowledgeable are found to base evaluations on intrinsic attributes rather than extrinsic cues. Research limitations/implications – Only respondents from Perth, Western Australia were chosen, thus limiting the representativeness of the sample. Other cultural contexts and product categories based on a larger sample size should be investigated in the future. Practical implications – This research provides useful consumer insights and new market entry implications in terms of advertising and branding strategies for international wine manufacturers and distributors who wish to expand globally. In addition, there are managerial implications for domestic market where local retailers, merchandisers, importers can avoid importing products originating from offending countries and take on opportunity to exploit and promote “buy domestic campaigns”. Originality/value – Conceptually, this study extends the existing COO literature by introducing bi-national brands into the model; expanding on country of ownership appeals in evaluating bi-national brands; and identifying the correlation between the economic nationalism and consumer ethnocentrism constructs. Further, this research can significantly help wine marketers to develop more effective positioning strategies. It will also help in the development of pricing and promotional decisions.

Language acquisition research strongly suggests that writing is essential to modern language instruction. Current best practice dictates that some form of target language writing be part of almost every type of foreign language (FL) course. However, FL instructors often receive complaints from students concerning the writing required in different FL courses. Many instructors appear to believe that their students have negative attitudes towards FL writing, and that negative attitudes may hurt student motivation. This paper reports on a survey of 759 FL students enrolled at a midsized university in the western United States. These students were asked to describe their FL writing assignments, their personal FL writing, and their attitudes towards the importance of writing to their language acquisition. Results indicate overall very positive attitudes towards FL writing among these students, as well as plans reported by the majority of students to continue to write in their FL after college.

Background: Medical students experience high levels of stress during their training. Literature suggests that mindfulness can reduce stress and increase self-compassion levels in medical students. Most mindfulness training programs are delivered face-to-face and require significant time commitments, which can be difficult to achieve for rurally-based students with heavy academic workloads.Aim: We sought to determine the feasibility and effectiveness of a mindfulness training program delivered online to medical students at a Rural Clinical School.Methods: An 8-week online training program was delivered to third year medical students at the Rural Clinical School of Western Australia in 2016.Using quantitative-qualitative mixed-methods approach, we measured the frequency and duration of the participants’ mindfulness meditation practice, and assessed changes in their perceived stress, self-compassion and compassion levels, as well as personal and professional attitudes and behaviours.Results: 47 students were recruited to the study. 50% of participants were practising at least weekly by the end of the 8-week program, and 32% of responding students reported practising at least weekly 6 months following the intervention. There was a statistically significant reduction in participants’ perceived stress levels and a significant increase in self-compassion at 6 month follow up. Participants reported qualitative insights about the personal and professional impact of mindfulness meditation training as well as barriers to practice.

Repeated assessments of literacy skills have shown that Aboriginal students do not achieve at the same level as their non-Aboriginal peers. Many Aboriginal students speak Aboriginal English, a dialect different from the Standard Australian English used in schools. Research shows that it is crucial for educators in bidialectal contexts to be aware of students’ home language and to adopt appropriate educational responses. For over a decade, the ABC of Two-Way Literacy and Learning Professional Development Program has sought to improve outcomes for Aboriginal students in Western Australia. By promoting a two-way bidialectal approach to learning, Aboriginal English is valued, accommodated and used to bridge to learning in Standard Australian English. This paper draws on a large research project, which used qualitative and quantitative methods to evaluate the impact of the on-going professional development for teachers. It reports on the attitudes and understandings of teachers, with and without professional development and working in different contexts.

Objectives: The aim of this study was to assess the relationship between background and sociodemographic variables, attitudes toward controversial aspects of human sexuality and sex knowledge among medical and nursing students. Method: The study design was a questionnaire-based survey of medical and nursing students in Western Australia. Participants were first-through fifth-year medical students at the University of Western Australia and first-through third-year undergraduate nursing students at Edith Cowan University. Outcome measures were students' attitudes toward controversial aspects of human sexuality expressed on a five-point Likert scale and a modified version of the Kinsey Institute/Roper Organization National Sex Knowledge Test. Results: A significant relationship was found between certain background and sociodemographic variables, sexual attitudes and sex knowledge. The background variable most strongly related to both attitudes and knowledge was frequency of attendance at religious services of any religious denomination during the past month, with those attending three or more times more likely to express negative attitudes and have lower sex knowledge scores. Lower sex knowledge was related to negative attitudes toward gay/lesbian/bisexual behaviour, masturbation, premarital sex and contraception. Other important background and sociodemographic variables related to negative attitudes were: never having experienced sexual intercourse; right-wing political orientation; lower family income; gender and ethnicity. Conclusions: Negative attitudes toward controversial aspects of human sexuality and lower sex knowledge scores among medical and nursing students can be predicted on the basis of background and sociodemographic variables. Education aimed at increasing sex knowledge and modifying negative attitudes may increase students' ability to function more effectively as sexual history takers and sex counsellors.

The main purpose of the study was to investigate the attitudes of staff and students at a Western Australian metropolitan high school towards the Vocational Education program, by examining the factors affecting the development of those attitudes and those affecting the implementation of the program at the school. Vocational Education in Western Australia is synonymous with Career Education in other Australian States and the term Career Education is used throughout this paper. With respect to the formation of attitudes towards Career Education, the study proposed that in the school context, influential areas were significant others, past experiences, individual personalities and information. The research is descriptive in nature. The staff and students were asked to complete a questionnaire and were formally interviewed. A measure of the non-verbal behaviour of staff and students during the interviews was also undertaken using a five-point scale from negative to positive. The sample consisted of 14 staff and 240 students. The main findings of the study showed that the majority of the staff and students had developed negative attitudes towards Career Education. They believed the course lacked rigour and that significant others such as peers, parents, students and the Western Australian Ministry of Education did not esteem Career Education. No needs analysis had been conducted prior to the introduction of the course in the school and staff were given no choice as to their involvement in teaching the units. Staff believed they were inadequately trained in the Career Education area and this led to low levels of confidence in teaching the course.

We compare attitudes toward foreign workers between two wealthy Western and four developing East Asian countries, using data from the 2006 and 2008 Asian Barometer surveys to test hypotheses on economic interests, cultural supremacy, and global exposure. Respondent majorities in all six countries expressed high levels of restrictivism. Regression model results indicate a consistent cultural superiority influence across the six countries, but only minor effects from economic interest factors. Mixed outcomes were noted for the global exposure variables.

Objective: To examine eating disorder attitudes and psychopathology among female university students in Australia and Thailand. Method: Participants were 110 Caucasian Australians, 130 Asian Australians and 101 Thais in Thailand. The instruments included the Eating Attitudes Test (EAT) and the Eating Disorders Inventory (EDI). Results: Eating disorder attitudes and psychopathology scores in the Thai group were found to be highest. The Asian Australian group did not have significantly higher scores on the EAT-26 than the Caucasian Australian group, but had higher scores in some subscales of the EDI-2. That the Thai group had the highest scores in susceptibility to developing an eating disorder and eating disorder psychopathology may be partially explained in sociocultural terms, with pressure to be thin more extreme in Thailand than in Australia. The evidence suggested that unhealthy eating disorder psychopathology is not limited to Western societies but is already present in Thai and other Asian societies.

The purpose of the present study is to examine home culture attachment construct and its underlying variables among Iranian English as Foreign Language learners as well as their attitudes towards English language learning. Pearson correlation is used with a sample of 411 English major university students from different provinces in Iran, mainly Khorasan Razavi, Khoran Jonoubi and Sistan Baluchestan participated in this study. As for the quantitative phase of data collection, the study employed home culture attachment and attitude towards English language learning questionnaires. The reliability and validity of these questionnaires are reported. A home culture attachment model and an attitude model are also developed and tested using structural equation modeling. The results suggest that all three subscales of attitudes (emotional, behavioral, and cognitive) are positive and significant predictors of students' western attachment. From three subscales of attitude, only behavioral attitude is negative and significant predictors of students' religious attachment. In addition, Iranian attachment is influenced by cognitive attitudes and emotional attitudes. Besides, cognitive attitude is a positive and significant predictor of students' cultural attachment. It is also found that, artistic attachment is influenced by behavioral attitudes and emotional attitudes. Finally, the pedagogical implications are discussed in light of foreign language achievement.

Background: An understanding of the cultural aspects of suicidal behavior is essential for the development of culturally appropriate suicide prevention and intervention strategies. Aims: This study explored the attitudes toward youth suicide in 686 Italian, Indian and Australian undergraduate students (18–24 years old). Method: A 21-item suicide attitude inventory titled Attitude towards Youth Suicide (AtYS) scale, included in this paper, was used in the three samples. Results: Four factors were extracted, labeled negative attitudes toward suicide, belief that suicide was not preventable, suicide as acceptable and normal, and the existence of risk signs for suicide. Country differences were found for all four subscales, with Indian students having the most negative attitudes toward suicide. Sex differences were found in all three countries with women, on the whole, having less negative attitudes toward suicide, more belief in the preventability of suicide in India and more belief in risk signs for suicide in Italy. Conclusion: Attitudes are linked to suicide in a complex manner. More quantitative and qualitative studies, including in lower-income and non-English speaking Western societies, are needed.

Research on pediculosis has focused on treatment strategies and social aspects have been largely ignored. Pediculosis and its treatment in are associated with negative emotional responses while in developing countries pediculosis and its treatment may provide more an opportunity for positive social bonding. Attitudes to pediculosis have been proposed as important to successful control. Previous studies in Australia found that parents of primary school children say they treat pediculosis once it has been detected. This study retrospectively investigated attitudes towards treatment in teenage high school students in an attempt to collect information from those afflicted rather than from parents. Only participants with a history of pediculosis were recruited from a high school in Western Australia and they were asked to complete an anonymous questionnaire. The sample contained 128 Grade 8 and 9 students, aged 13-15 years old with an even gender split. Negative feelings towards being treated for head lice were observed in 41.5% of males and 54.7% of females and 49.5% of Caucasians and 40% of Asians. Anti-treatment sentiment was expressed by 19.7% of males and 10.9% of females. Shampooing with and without combing were the most preferred treatments overall. The results showed that 63.6% male and 52.7% female high school students were in favour of head lice treatments. This low percentage indicates that current treatments for head lice require improvement to be made more acceptable and that alternative treatments that are less unpleasant need to be developed. Strategies need to be explored to make treatment of pediculosis a more positive emotional experience.

In recent decades, with the rapid economic development of China, there has been a large influx of Chinese students into Western countries to pursue their studies. Empirical research reveal that some students encounter linguistic and academic challenges, and find it difficult to adapt to the Western learning environment. Adopting a qualitative approach, this research examines how Chinese ESL learners perceive English language teaching in Australia and the learning difficulties they face. By doing so, it seeks to help instructors make informed pedagogical decisions and assist learners in addressing these difficulties. Ten Chinese students who were or have been enrolled in a university English language program participated in interviews. The findings reveal that the participants show highly positive attitudes toward the communicative approach, and mostly favor grammar instruction within communicative practice. The learning difficulties they experience are mostly influenced by their prior exposure to Chinese teaching and learning styles. The study suggests that teachers should be aware of learners’ needs and prior learning experiences, so that they could engage in more effective interventions, and assist learners in developing their own learning strategies in the academic adaptation.

The ongoing growth of China’s economy and the premium attached to quality education within its culture has seen students from China become one of the largest groups of international students enrolling in schools and institutes of higher education around the developed world. Given the rising numbers of these students in overseas higher education institutions, their experiences in their host countries deserve more nuanced research. Little is known about what sources of information they rely on; whether, as students coming from a country with non-transparent access to information, their views and media habits are challenged, transformed or consolidated during their overseas experience; and whether they consider overseas media as a trustworthy source to expand their knowledge on China or an instrument of Western propaganda. Drawing from research conducted in Melbourne in 2016/2017, this article explores why Chinese international students in an Australian university, despite the impact of their international experience, prefer Chinese media sources, especially when looking for information about China. This contrasts with Chinese students enrolled in a university in France. Where does the broad scepticism about the reliability of non-Chinese media in reporting Chinese news come from? What do students mean when they refer to an ‘alleged incapacity of foreign media to understand what is good for China?’ In our conclusion, we propose some possible ways to address the perceived biases and offer some ideas to foreign media on how to better engage Chinese international students’ communities.

ABSTRACTCantonese and non-Cantonese students of the Guangzhou (Canton) Foreign Language Institute took part in a matched-guise experiment, expressing judgments about two samples of speech produced by the same person but presented as coming from two different speakers. In one sample the person spoke good Putonghua (Mandarin), in the other a Putonghua heavily influenced by Cantonese. All judges tended to agree that what they thought was the better Putonghua speaker would have a better chance for social advancement. However, Cantonese judges also showed some positive evaluation of a “heavy Cantonese accent” in the sphere of personal empathy. Such empathy was stronger among male than among female Cantonese. Similar attitudes regarding a “high” (Putonghua) and a “low” (Cantonese) variant in a multilingual society are typical for most Western societies that sociolinguists have studied. They now seem to be equally typical for an Oriental, socialist society like that of China. (Chinese dialects, evaluative reactions, comparative sociolinguistics)

Experts in English Language Teaching often consider culture as the fifth skill in foreign language learning as cultural literacy is a must in 21st-century learning. Thus, this study is to investigate students’ interest in the insertion of Big ‘C’ and little ‘c’ themes from different countries into the English classroom. In this study, the researcher distributed a questionnaire to 58 students in a senior high school in Yogyakarta. The study indicated that the respondents’ preferences were mostly about local culture (Yogyakarta and Indonesian culture), followed by target culture (culture of English-speaking countries) and international culture. In accordance with the cultural themes, they showed a relatively higher preference toward Big ‘C’ over the little ‘c’ culture. Concerning Indonesian culture, the students were excited in learning about art/literature, history, and food while for Yogyakarta culture includes history, foods, and lifestyles. Meanwhile, for target culture (Britain, America, and Australia), the students were eager to learn about lifestyles and foods. The last, for international culture, the cultural themes of lifestyles and music/sports were preferred by the students.

AbstractStories appear frequently in the Australian media regarding parent and teacher perceptions and attitudes towards the National Assessment Program—Literacy and Numeracy. However, thorough empirical investigations of parent perceptions are sparse. This study presents a survey of 345 parents across Years 3 and 5 from a sample of Independent schools in Western Australia. A representative sample of teachers from these schools were also surveyed in order to compare and contrast parent and teacher perspectives about the transparency and accountability associated with testing, the usefulness of results for helping individual students, and the perceived clarity of communication of results. Findings reveal mixed positive and negative views that reside within an overall prevailing low opinion of the testing. Some ways for improving the perception of the testing with the general public are discussed.

The study explored consumers’ perspectives on generic medicine use in Australia. A qualitative methodology was used to explore the topic, including community participation in the form of forums, focus groups and a panel of seniors. Three consumer forums were held from which a seniors’ panel was formed and a series of focus groups were conducted. Participants demonstrated considerable mistrust of generic medicines. Participants highlighted their uncertainty about the extent of pharmaceutical companies’ influence on health professionals, the mistrust of foreign generic manufacturers and scepticism in their equivalence. In addition, the substitution of generic medicines and variability in packaging added to the overall concern and reported poor compliance. Altering consumers’ beliefs and attitudes about generic medicines might require a more concerted effort to reduce consumer mistrust. Consumers’ beliefs about generic medicines will strongly affect attempts to increase generic prescribing in Australia. Many seniors require multiple medications for a range of chronic conditions. Currently however, the lack of uniformity in information and packaging implies that closer monitoring, greater clarity of information and improved packaging of generic medicines is required. Otherwise, the widespread problems and lower uptake of generic medicines amongst seniors will remain.

ObjectivesThe Australian Ageing Semantic Differential (AASD) survey was developed to quantify medical student attitudes towards older people. The purpose of this study is to examine psychometric properties of the survey and confirm its factor structure of four composites.DesignA cross-sectional study.SettingThree medical schools in three Australian states: Victoria, Western Australia and South Australia.ParticipantsThird-year or fourth-year medical students (n=188, response rate=79%).Outcome measuresIn the previous AASD study, exploratory factor analysis supported a four-factor model consisting of ‘Instrumentality’ (I), ‘Personal Appeal’ (PA), ‘Experience’ (E) and ‘Sociability’ (S). Congeneric one-factor confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) were used to examine model fit for factors using a new student sample (n=188).Psychometric properties of survey items and factors.Post-hoc analysis of pooled data from this study and earlier AASD study (n=509).ResultsIndices of fit (Comparative Fit Index (CFI), Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI), root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), standardised root mean square residual (SRMR)) for data to the factor model were: PA adequate fit (CFI=0.94, TLI=0.89, RMSEA=0.11 and SRMR=0.05), I good fit (CFI=0.99, TLI=0.99, RMSEA=0.04 and SRMR=0.03), S good fit (CFI=0.98, TLI=0.95, RMSEA=0.06 and SRMR=0.03) and E excellent fit (CFI=1.0, TLI=1.0, RMSEA=0.00 and SRMR=0.01).The AASD was internally consistent (Cronbach’s alpha=0.84), without difference in mean student scores by institution. Mean AASD score was positive for medical students outside New South Wales (73.2/114).Mean I score for all Australian students was negative, with female respondents’ mean E score significantly higher than their counterparts. A positive correlation between student age and I score was noted.ConclusionsThe AASD is internally consistent and generalisable within Australia, with acceptable structural validity for measuring medical student attitudes towards older people within a four-factor model. Student attitudes were positive globally and within all factors except I. Female students rated older persons E more positively. Older students recorded more positive attitudes towards I of older people.

AbstractThis article presents an evaluation of a new upper secondary Earth and Environmental Science (EES) course in Western Australia. Twenty-seven EES teachers were interviewed and 243 students were surveyed about the degree of difficulty, relevance and interest of EES topics in the course. The impact of the course on students’ views about EES topics was also explored. It was found that more than two thirds of the students chose to study EES because of personal interest. However, students perceived that some Earth science topics were difficult, boring or irrelevant. A lack of content knowledge from lower secondary science contributed to these perceptions. Nevertheless, teachers and students perceived that their understanding and attitudes towards environmental science topics such as climate change was improved. With the advent of a new Australian senior secondary science curriculum that includes EES, the implications of the findings for curriculum development and teacher professional development are discussed.

Recent research undertaken in Australia and abroad suggests that the development of effective collaboration skills is a significant factor affecting the successful employment of graduate screen practitioners. This article outlines the results of a study that examined student response to the explicit teaching of collaboration skills in an Australian screen production course. The authors report on an empirical research project undertaken in 2015 and 2016 in the Department of Screen Arts at Curtin University, Western Australia. This involved two cohorts of second year screen production students (83 in total), and aimed to foster students’ teamwork skills. The activities and resources shared with students encouraged an interrogation of contemporary models of filmmaking collaboration, the use of group contracts to identify shared values of teamwork and the implementation of activities designed to improve students’ awareness of various collaboration styles. Outcomes were measured by both qualitative and quantitative means through student surveys administered at both the beginning and end of the unit of study. The results of these surveys suggest a change in student attitudes towards collaboration, particularly in regards to the value of communication. The authors aim to disseminate these findings and to encourage further discussion and study in this area. The article builds a case for more attention being placed on the explicit teaching of teamwork and collaboration skills in University screen production courses.

В статье рассматриваются возможности предмета «Иностранный язык» в патриотическом воспитании студентов технических специальностей. В последние десятилетия происходят изменения в содержании и методах воспитания нравственных, гражданско-патриотических качеств у учащейся молодежи, что обусловлено изменившимися политическими, экономическими и социальными условиями жизни как внутри страны, так и за ее пределами. Наша страна стала более открытой, и молодое поколение испытывает влияние западной модели и идеалов индивидуалистической личности, установки которых часто не совпадают с нашими традиционными моральными ценностями. В новых условиях, когда изменяются требования к личностным качествам специалиста, возникает необходимость менять или совершенствовать методы воспитательной работы в техническом вузе. Были разработаны два теста с целью определения отношения студентов технического и филологического бакалавриата к явлению «патриотизм». Результаты анализа тестирования показали, что большинство студентов гордятся своей страной, для них быть патриотом означает любить свою родину, ее культуру, работать на благо своей страны. Воспитательный процесс в техническом вузе на занятиях по иностранному языку осуществляется через содержание учебного материала посредством применения различных методов, приемов и средств, а также разных форм организации учебно-воспитательной работы. Учебный материал для студентов бакалавриата должен иметь профессиональную направленность и в то же время воспитательную ценность. Обосновывается необходимость использования текстового материала имеющихся учебников или специально составленного, который обладает воспитательным потенциалом с точки зрения формирования устойчивых патриотических взглядов и убеждений. The article discusses the potential of the subject «Foreign Language» in patriotic education of technical students. Over the past two decades, there have been changes in the content and methods of instilling the moral, civic-patriotic qualities in students, which is due to the changes in political, economic and social conditions both within the country and abroad. Russia has become more open, and the younger generation is influenced by the Western model and the ideals of the individualistic personality, the attitudes of which often conflict with the Russian traditional moral values. In the new conditions, when the requirements for the personality qualities change, it becomes necessary to alter or improve the methods of educational work in a technical institute. The authors designed two tests to determine the attitude of technical and philological students to the phenomenon of «patriotism». The results of the testing analysis showed that most students are proud of their country. For them to be a patriot means to love their homeland, its culture, to work for the good of their country. The educational process at the lesson of a foreign language in a technical institute is carried out through the content of educational material by using various methods, techniques and means, as well as various forms of organization of educational work. Educational material for undergraduate students should be profession-orientated and, at the same time, be of educational value. The paper substantiates the necessity of using textual material from existing textbooks or specially compiled, which has educational potential in terms of the formation of firm patriotic views and beliefs.

Mid-way through the second decade of the twenty-first century, young people are still being touted as digital natives in a world where technology is increasingly ubiquitous in nature. Technology appears in all levels of society, from the grocery store self-serve, Internet banking and shopping, to the classroom. This paper reports on the initial findings of a much larger study conducted in a Thai university that explores how students use technology for learning. The paper also discusses ownership of technology and examines the myth of the digital native. The research is based on an earlier PhD study conducted across 2 universities in Western Australia. Findings from the current research indicate that attitudes to technology and cultures of technology use amongst young people have changed little since the original study’s data collection 7 years ago. However, there are subtle differences in how Thai university students use technology for learning.

Despite a growing body of evidence, the common causal factors of plagiarism among international students are still widely seen to be poor language skills or a lack of academic integrity on the part of the students. This research uses the experiences of a particular cohort of students to explore these assumptions. It investigates and compares the notion of academic integrity and the understanding of plagiarism of both Indian postgraduate students who are currently studying in Australia and students currently studying at Indian universities. Postgraduate international students from India have studied in English at an undergraduate level in India and have a clear understanding of academic integrity in their own context. However their undergraduate experience occurs in a culturally different context to that of the Australian university system and they face the challenge of learning new academic conventions. This paper argues that students coming from different educational cultures require proper and explicit induction into the principles and philosophy behind many western academic conventions as different conventions of scholarship in the Australian education system can create unique difficulties for them. To accuse international students in general of a lack of integrity because they plagiarise or to blame only their lack of language skills for plagiarising seems to be arguable. Rather, the impact of transition from a different university culture without explicit academic skills orientation and instruction needs to be addressed. The paper also points towards the paradox of punishment in western universities where international students have to prove their integrity and innocence regarding the ethical principles of a new and foreign culture.

Muslim and Arab identities have long been instrumentalized to forge unifying national and regional identities. The impact of Algeria’s post-colonial Arabization policies that educated people in Standard Arabic (to the exclusion of dialectal Arabic, Berber, or French) on economic cleavages and attitudes has been underexplored. Algeria has been described as polarized, with cultural and religious cleavages between Arabs and Berbers and traditionalists and modernists blamed for the country’s instability. Questions from a 2004 survey of 820 Algerian students allow us to distinguish between maternal language and preference for Standard Arabic or French used in professional settings. We analyze the influence of mother tongue, religiosity, and socioeconomic status on Arabophone or Francophone language orientation and whether there is evidence for the common assumption that Algeria is polarized politically and culturally among the three main language groups. Berber speakers and less religious students are more likely to complete the written survey in French, but socioeconomic status is a more important determinant of language choice. Francophone orientation is associated with more positive attitudes about Western and American culture, suggesting that Arabization has indeed produced a society somewhat polarized between a Francophone elite and a large population of students trained in Standard Arabic who cannot find jobs in the public and private sectors still demanding French skills. The findings point to the utility of using survey research to understand sociolinguistic patterns and including nuanced measures of language distinct from ethnicity and mother tongue in diglossic societies to analyze social cleavages and their relationship to attitudes about politics, culture, and foreign policy. The results also emphasize the need for educational reform, expansion of employment opportunities, and democratization to reduce the potential for conflict among Algerian youth.

This small scale, quantitatively based, research study aimed at exploring one of the most debated areas in the field of Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL); and that is, the perceptions and attitudes of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) teachers as well as EFL learners at an English Language Institute (ELI) at a major university in the Western region of Saudi Arabia, King Abdulaziz University, towards second language writing assessment. The research study involved, randomly selected twenty-two EFL teachers and seventy-eight EFL students between the period of September 2016 and December 2016. Two, purposefully designed, twenty-item, Likert scale questionnaires were distributed amongst the teachers and students. One for the participating EFL teachers and one for the participating EFL students. Data analysis using descriptive statistical methods indicated several concerns which EFL teachers and students have with regards to the writing assessment in general and to the obstacles EFL teachers face when teaching and assessing writing. In addition, there was an indication of general resentments and strong feelings amongst the EFL students where the majority indicated that they are sometimes graded unfairly and writing assessment should take another, more holistic approach rather a narrow one. The study makes recommendations for future research.

This article examines the features of the types of ethnic identity of university students in the Yaroslavl region. The author points out the insufficient effectiveness of the current policy of fostering tolerance and interethnic friendship. The processes of globalization and leveling of the national self-awareness of ethnic groups taking place in the modern world, on the one hand, and the growing need to preserve ethnic culture, on the other hand, are to a certain extent manifested in the example of university youth in one of the regions of Central Russia. The study of the features of this problem was carried out by the author on the basis of a questionnaire survey of about 900 students using domestic methods. The research results are grouped into six types: ethnonihilism, ethnic indifference, positive ethnic identity, ethno-egoism, ethno-isolationism, ethnophanaticism. The geographical approach allows us to see some qualitative differences in relation to a number of the questions raised among students representing more than 40 peoples of Russia, the republics of the former USSR, foreign Asia, Africa, and foreign Europe. A certain emphasis is placed on identifying one of the negative manifestations in the youth environment - ethnofanaticism among Azerbaijani, Armenian, Kazakh, Russian, Tajik, and Turkmen students. The polarity of the studied phenomena of ethnonihilism and ethnophanaticism is compared, first of all, using the example of russian and tajik youth. Attention is drawn to the desire to preserve the foundations of life in an unchanged form with a noticeable role of Islam among tajik students. On the other hand, among the russian respondents, ethnicity is not so actualized, it is close to western cultural norms. In the context of the mosaic nature of the information space, contacts with multilingual peers receiving education at the universities of the Yaroslavl Upper Volga region, interethnic attitudes and stereotypes are consolidated for subsequent adulthood. The formation of a positive ethnic identity in the host of migrants with educational, labor goals of the local population is an urgent need.

The No Child Left Behind Act in the US (2001), the programme “Write it Right” in Australia (1994) and the Council of Europe’s project Languages of Schooling (2006) point towards a growing awareness of unequal access to education. All over the world legislative initiatives have been taken to ensure that all students have access, both in terms of social cost and linguistic barriers (Reffell & McKee, 2009). However, in some countries, the deaf community with its often invisible cultural linguistic identity appears not to benefit from the change in ideology towards equal education. In this paper we are looking at one such deaf community, i.e. the Serbian deaf community, and at past and present language ideologies, attitudes and practices with respect to their language, i.e. Serbian Sign Language or SZJ. We start by situating these ideological positions of language users and educators within a broader historical context by giving the first account of SZJ, its place in education and its history within the Western Balkan sociopolitical and linguistic context. We then focus on a thematic analysis of data from interviews with deaf signers and teachers about how they experienced and perceived language in education. This revealed that deaf signers see SZJ as the most important building block in their learning process whilst the teachers emphasise hearing as the major factor in learning. The findings clearly point at a discrepancy in sign language ideologies between deaf SZJ users and their teachers resulting in conflicting attitudes and practices in Serbia today. Keywords: Serbian Sign Language, deaf education, language policy, practice, language attitudes

Whenever I write an opinion piece in any online media outlet about international students in Australia, I brace myself for the responses that appear in the comments section below the article. Often, a repeated complaint is that international students refuse to engage with local culture and society and hence keep to themselves by hanging out with co-nationals and speaking their native languages. While the general public in Australia does not engage in open conflict with international students over such grievances, they will instead discuss these anonymously online and with each other. Often these grievances have public airing through the media (e.g., Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Four Corners episodes “Degrees of Deception,” 2015, and “Cash Cows,” 2019) or for political point scoring by Australian politicians (e.g., Senator Pauline Hanson of the right-wing, nationalist and anti-immigration party One Nation; Kainth, 2018). However, the reception international students receive in terms of the attitudes of the citizenry unsurprisingly does not assist in any way in helping them feel a sense of belonging to their host country Australia. In 2013 I interviewed 47 Asian international students in the Australian city of Melbourne on their self-perceived identities, social networks, and engagements with media and communication technologies, in order to understand how they create a sense of belonging for themselves while overseas (Gomes,2015, 2017). The results revealed that international students create a parallel society with other international students in order to cope with living in a foreign country without the familiarity of family or loved ones who they left behind. While this parallel society allows international students to create a sense of community in Australia, its side effect is a perceived distancing from local society. An International Student Parallel Society International students strongly identify themselves more so as international students than their nationality. A student from India, for instance, explained that while in Australia, he prefers to be identified as an international student rather than by his nationality. Taking this point further, a student from Vietnam explained that while he is proud of his nationality, he prefers not to reveal that he is from Vietnam for fear of any negative assumptions the citizenry make about Vietnamese people. These negative assumptions he felt, would then be translated into ways the citizenry might treat him. At the same time, the Asian international students also revealed that they did not consider ethnicity as significant to them. This was played out interestingly in how they viewed Asian Australians. Here the students felt that they had very little in common with Asians who were born or grew up in Australia. An international student from China explained that Australians of ethnic Chinese descent or ABCs (Australian-born Chinese) as she called them, were more Australian than they were Chinese. Meanwhile an Indian student undertaking postgraduate study vividly explained that he thought Indian-Australians were “not true Indians.” He said that while they may look like him, they were significantly different because he considered Indian-Australians culturally Australian and not culturally Indian. These responses are not surprising. In a separate study where colleagues and I surveyed 6,699 international students in Australia on who made up their friendship circles, we found that less than 1% of international students were friends with Australians who were of the same ethnicity as them (Gomes et al., 2015). International students identifying themselves according to their status as foreigners studying in Australia also provides itself to be a beacon for the development of friendships with other international students. The Asian international students interviewed revealed that their friendship circles were made up of fellow international students who were co-nationals in the first instance, which was followed by international students from the Asian region, and then, to a lesser extent, international students from elsewhere. These friendship circles contribute to the parallel society international students inhabit where they exist, occupy, and mimic Australian communities but do not integrate with them. For instance, international students may adopt and recreate Australian cultural practices that involve their friendship circles (e.g., having backyard barbeque parties) but do not integrate with Australian societies (e.g., the backyard barbeque parties are made up solely of fellow international students). In addition, forming friendships with fellow international students rather than with local communities has practical benefits. For instance, international students revealed that their local peers were unable to advise them on the everyday challenges they faced especially when they first arrive to Australia such as how to open bank accounts and where to find dependable Asian grocery shops. Clearly being friends with international students is important, if not necessary. Conclusion The significance of international student friendships during their study experience is enduring, if not complex. While international students may form a parallel society, they do so in order to feel a sense of belonging in Australia rather than to Australia. Though this is unsurprising, the challenge that emerges affects those international students wanting to stay longer through further study, work, or permanently reside. Not integrating somewhat into Australian society may have consequences for students in terms of their long-term plans (e.g., employment) primarily because they have not tapped into local networks.

AbstractThis research investigated Education for Sustainability (EfS) at an independent Montessori primary school, located in the Perth metropolitan area of Western Australia. A longitudinal case study involving analysis of data from a 20-year period was conducted to determine the effectiveness of EfS. Historical information about EfS at the school from 1990 to 2005 was examined, with the main focus of the study being on the impact of the Australian Sustainable Schools Initiative (AuSSI) between 2005 and 2009. AuSSI promotes a whole school, whole systems thinking approach to EfS.Three school-based issues in EfS were studied. First, the research aimed to determine what elements of EfS were in operation in the school prior to involvement in AuSSI. Second, student outcomes including engagement with whole systems thinking, attitudes and values, knowledge and understandings, and skills and behaviours related to EfS, were investigated during the first 5 years of participation in AuSSI. Third, teacher perceptions of the EfS program, including engagement with whole systems thinking, were examined during this same time period.A case study approach was employed to enable in-depth investigation of EfS in the life of the school prior to, during and post implementation of AuSSI. This approach facilitated revelation of participants’ lived experiences, their perceptions and understandings of EfS, as well as detailed information about student outcomes in EfS. Case study methodology was also compatible with the culture and processes of the participating school and provided an opportunity for utilising a whole systems thinking approach. Data was gathered from a range of sources, through surveys, interviews, observation and document analysis over a 5-year period. The total participants included 11 teachers and 75 students.The research identified particular antecedents of EfS in the Montessori method of education that existed in the school prior to AuSSI, including the whole child approach, together with the Montessori learning environment, curriculum and values. Following participation in AuSSI, student attitudes and values, knowledge and understandings, and skills and behaviours related to EfS were enhanced for all year levels. However, after 3 years, when specific EfS actions and projects ceased, student EfS outcomes were limited. Furthermore, students’ thinking and behaviour indicated a ‘silo’, rather than whole systems thinking approach to EfS. Teachers perceived the EfS program as highly effective in the initial 3 years after joining AuSSI. Key elements that enhanced EfS included EfS staff champions who had access to EfS networks, leadership support, and active school community involvement in all EfS processes. However, after 3 years of being an AuSSI school, the culmination of reduced leadership support for EfS, lack of staff training, vague designation of staff with EfS responsibilities and inadequate community involvement, resulted in cessation of the EfS program. Teacher perceptions on whole systems thinking revealed alignment between Montessori philosophy, EfS and whole system thinking was more in theory than in practice.Through an in-depth longitudinal case study of a school this research highlighted the importance of whole school EfS professional learning, embedding EfS and whole systems thinking across the curriculum at all year levels, whole school support, and the usefulness of a sustainability continuum that recognises the complex, dynamic interplay of issues involved in a school's EfS journey. It is strongly recommended that improvements to pre-service teacher education in EfS are implemented, and a review of the AuSSI toolkit is conducted to refine EfS evaluation processes and to target the specific EfS needs of teachers at different stages of schooling, as well as to enhance understanding and implementation of the whole systems thinking approach. Finally, EfS professional learning for all school staff in all schools is warranted to enhance depth of EfS engagement.

The role of affect in language learning remains an under-examined area of inquiry. While research into foreign language anxiety has progressed, as more interaction-focused methodologies are employed in the classroom the influence of social anxiety on learners’ attitudes towards language learning should receive more attention. The current study adopted an explanatory sequential design to examine feelings of social anxiety among first-year university students (n = 810) at a private university in Western Japan enrolled in an oral communication course heavily emphasizing student interaction. Survey data revealed a significant decrease in anxiety, and corpus analysis of student responses revealed the importance of learners’ familiarity with classmates in reducing feelings of unease. These results suggest that social dimensions play an important role in helping learners cope with interactional anxiety. They also suggest that strategies for reducing social anxiety should be a focus of further inquiry. 言語学習における情意の役割は、まだ十分に研究されていない分野である。外国語不安に関する研究は進んできてはいるが、教室でのやりとりに焦点をあわせた方法論が多く採用されるにつれ、社会不安が学習者の言語学習態度に与える影響によりいっそう注目すべきと考える。本研究では、西日本の私立大学において、学生との対話を重視したオーラルコミュニケーションコースに在籍する大学1年生（n=810）を対象に、説明的順次デザインを用いて学生の社会不安感を調査した。結果として、不安感は顕著に減少し、学生の回答をコーパス分析したところ、不安感の減少にはクラスメートとの親密さが重要であることが明らかになった。これらの結果は、学習者が社交不安に対処する上で、社会的側面が重要な役割を果たしていることを示している。加えて社会不安を軽減するための方略が、今後の研究の焦点となるべきであることも示唆している。

This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. 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“Human beings are not born once and for all on the day their mothers give birth to them [...] life obliges them over and over again to give birth to themselves.” (Garcia Marquez 165) Introduction The refugee experience is, at heart, one of rebirth. Just as becoming a new, distinctive being—biological birth—necessarily involves the physical separation of mother and infant, so becoming a refugee entails separation from a "mother country." This mother country may or may not be a recognised nation state; the point is that the refugee transitions from physical connectedness to separation, from insider to outsider, from endemic to alien. Like babies, refugees may have little control over the timing and conditions of their expulsion. Successful resettlement requires not one rebirth but multiple rebirths—resettlement is a lifelong process (Layton)—which in turn require hope, imagination, and energy. In rebirthing themselves over and over again, people who have fled or been forced from their homelands become both mother and child. They do not go through this rebirthing alone. A range of agencies and individuals may be there to assist, including immigration officials, settlement services, schools and teachers, employment agencies and employers, English as a Second Language (ESL) resources and instructors, health-care providers, counsellors, diasporic networks, neighbours, church groups, and other community organisations. The nature, intensity, and duration of these “midwives’” interventions—and when they occur and in what combinations—vary hugely from place to place and from person to person, but there is clear evidence that post-migration experiences have a significant impact on settlement outcomes (Fozdar and Hartley). This paper draws on qualitative research I did in 2012 in a regional town in New South Wales to illuminate some of the ways in which settlement aides ease, or impede, refugees’ rebirth as fully recognised and participating Australians. I begin by considering what it means to be resilient before tracing some of the dimensions of the resettlement process. In doing so, I draw on data from interviews and focus groups with former refugees, service providers, and other residents of the town I shall call Easthaven. First, though, a word about Easthaven. As is the case in many rural and regional parts of Australia, Easthaven’s population is strongly dominated by Anglo Celtic and Saxon ancestries: 2011 Census data show that more than 80 per cent of residents were born in Australia (compared with a national figure of 69.8 per cent) and about 90 per cent speak only English at home (76.8 per cent). Almost twice as many people identify as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander as the national figure of 2.5 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics). For several years Easthaven has been an official “Refugee Welcome Zone”, welcoming hundreds of refugees from diverse countries in Africa and the Middle East as well as from Myanmar. This reflects the Department of Immigration and Citizenship’s drive to settle a fifth of Australia’s 13,750 humanitarian entrants a year directly in regional areas. In Easthaven’s schools—which is where I focused my research—almost all of the ESL students are from refugee backgrounds. Defining Resilience Much of the research on human resilience is grounded in psychology, with a capacity to “bounce back” from adverse experiences cited in many definitions of resilience (e.g. American Psychological Association). Bouncing back implies a relatively quick process, and a return to a state or form similar to that which existed before the encounter with adversity. Yet resilience often requires sustained effort and significant changes in identity. As Jerome Rugaruza, a former UNHCR refugee, says of his journey from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Australia: All the steps begin in the burning village: you run with nothing to eat, no clothes. You just go. Then you get to the refugee camp […] You have a little bread and you thank god you are safe. Then after a few years in the camp, you think about a future for your children. You arrive in Australia and then you learn a new language, you learn to drive. There are so many steps and not everyone can do it. (Milsom) Not everyone can do it, but a large majority do. Research by Graeme Hugo, for example, shows that although humanitarian settlers in Australia face substantial barriers to employment and initially have much higher unemployment rates than other immigrants, for most nationality groups this difference has disappeared by the second generation: “This is consistent with the sacrifice (or investment) of the first generation and the efforts extended to attain higher levels of education and English proficiency, thereby reducing the barriers over time.” (Hugo 35). Ingrid Poulson writes that “resilience is not just about bouncing. Bouncing […] is only a reaction. Resilience is about rising—you rise above it, you rise to the occasion, you rise to the challenge. Rising is an active choice” (47; my emphasis) I see resilience as involving mental and physical grit, coupled with creativity, aspiration and, crucially, agency. Dimensions of Resettlement To return to the story of 41-year-old Jerome Rugaruza, as related in a recent newspaper article: He [Mr Rugaruza] describes the experience of being a newly arrived refugee as being like that of a newborn baby. “You need special care; you have to learn to speak [English], eat the different food, create relationships, connections”. (Milsom) This is a key dimension of resettlement: the adult becomes like an infant again, shifting from someone who knows how things work and how to get by to someone who is likely to be, for a while, dependent on others for even the most basic things—communication, food, shelter, clothing, and social contact. The “special care” that most refugee arrivals need initially (and sometimes for a long time) often results in their being seen as deficient—in knowledge, skills, dispositions, and capacities as well as material goods (Keddie; Uptin, Wright and Harwood). As Fozdar and Hartley note: “The tendency to use a deficit model in refugee resettlement devalues people and reinforces the view of the mainstream population that refugees are a liability” (27). Yet unlike newborns, humanitarian settlers come to their new countries with rich social networks and extensive histories of experience and learning—resources that are in fact vital to their rebirth. Sisay (all names are pseudonyms), a year 11 student of Ethiopian heritage who was born in Kenya, told me with feeling: I had a life back in Africa [her emphasis]. It was good. Well, I would go back there if there’s no problems, which—is a fact. And I came here for a better life—yeah, I have a better life, there’s good health care, free school, and good environment and all that. But what’s that without friends? A fellow student, Celine, who came to Australia five years ago from Burundi via Uganda, told me in a focus group: Some teachers are really good but I think some other teachers could be a little bit more encouraging and understanding of what we’ve gone through, because [they] just look at you like “You’re year 11 now, you should know this” […] It’s really discouraging when [the teachers say] in front of the class, “Oh, you shouldn’t do this subject because you haven’t done this this this this” […] It’s like they’re on purpose to tell you “you don’t have what it takes; just give up and do something else.” As Uptin, Wright and Harwood note, “schools not only have the power to position who is included in schooling (in culture and pedagogy) but also have the power to determine whether there is room and appreciation for diversity” (126). Both Sisay and Celine were disheartened by the fact they felt some of their teachers, and many of their peers, had little interest in or understanding of their lives before they came to Australia. The teachers’ low expectations of refugee-background students (Keddie, Uptin, Wright and Harwood) contrasted with the students’ and their families’ high expectations of themselves (Brown, Miller and Mitchell; Harris and Marlowe). When I asked Sisay about her post-school ambitions, she said: “I have a good idea of my future […] write a documentary. And I’m working on it.” Celine’s response was: “I know I’m gonna do medicine, be a doctor.” A third girl, Lily, who came to Australia from Myanmar three years ago, told me she wanted to be an accountant and had studied accounting at the local TAFE last year. Joseph, a father of three who resettled from South Sudan seven years ago, stressed how important getting a job was to successful settlement: [But] you have to get a certificate first to get a job. Even the job of cleaning—when I came here I was told that somebody has to go to have training in cleaning, to use the different chemicals to clean the ground and all that. But that is just sweeping and cleaning with water—you don’t need the [higher-level] skills. Simple jobs like this, we are not able to get them. In regional Australia, employment opportunities tend to be limited (Fozdar and Hartley); the unemployment rate in Easthaven is twice the national average. Opportunities to study are also more limited than in urban centres, and would-be students are not always eligible for financial assistance to gain or upgrade qualifications. Even when people do have appropriate qualifications, work experience, and language proficiency, the colour of their skin may still mean they miss out on a job. Tilbury and Colic-Peisker have documented the various ways in which employers deflect responsibility for racial discrimination, including the “common” strategy (658) of arguing that while the employer or organisation is not prejudiced, they have to discriminate because of their clients’ needs or expectations. I heard this strategy deployed in an interview with a local businesswoman, Catriona: We were advertising for a new technician. And one of the African refugees came to us and he’d had a lot of IT experience. And this is awful, but we felt we couldn't give him the job, because we send our technicians into people's houses, and we knew that if a black African guy rocked up at someone’s house to try and fix their computer, they would not always be welcomed in all—look, it would not be something that [Easthaven] was ready for yet. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (Refugees and Employment) note that while Australia has strict anti-discrimination legislation, this legislation may be of little use to the people who, because of the way they look and sound (skin colour, dress, accent), are most likely to face prejudice and discrimination. The researchers found that perceived discrimination in the labour market affected humanitarian settlers’ sense of satisfaction with their new lives far more than, for example, racist remarks, which were generally shrugged off; the students I interviewed spoke of racism as “expected,” but “quite rare.” Most of the people Colic-Peisker and Tilbury surveyed reported finding Australians “friendly and accepting” (33). Even if there is no active discrimination on the basis of skin colour in employment, education, or housing, or overt racism in social situations, visible difference can still affect a person’s sense of belonging, as Joseph recounts: I think of myself as Australian, but my colour doesn’t [laughs] […] Unfortunately many, many Australians are expecting that Australia is a country of Europeans … There is no need for somebody to ask “Where do you come from?” and “Do you find Australia here safe?” and “Do you enjoy it?” Those kind of questions doesn’t encourage that we are together. This highlights another dimension of resettlement: the journey from feeling “at home” to feeling “foreign” to, eventually, feeling at home again in the host country (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, Refugees and Employment). In the case of visibly different settlers, however, this last stage may never be completed. Whether the questions asked of Joseph are well intentioned or not, their effect may be the same: they position him as a “forever foreigner” (Park). A further dimension of resettlement—one already touched on—is the degree to which humanitarian settlers actively manage their “rebirth,” and are allowed and encouraged to do so. A key factor will be their mastery of English, and Easthaven’s ESL teachers are thus pivotal in the resettlement process. There is little doubt that many of these teachers have gone to great lengths to help this cohort of students, not only in terms of language acquisition but also social inclusion. However, in some cases what is initially supportive can, with time, begin to undermine refugees’ maturity into independent citizens. Sharon, an ESL teacher at one of the schools, told me how she and her colleagues would give their refugee-background students lifts to social events: But then maybe three years down the track they have a car and their dad can drive, but they still won’t take them […] We arrive to pick them up and they’re not ready, or there’s five fantastic cars in the driveway, and you pick up the student and they say “My dad’s car’s much bigger and better than yours” [laughs]. So there’s an expectation that we’ll do stuff for them, but we’ve created that [my emphasis]. Other support services may have more complex interests in keeping refugee settlers dependent. The more clients an agency has, the more services it provides, and the longer clients stay on its books, the more lucrative the contract for the agency. Thus financial and employment imperatives promote competition rather than collaboration between service providers (Fozdar and Hartley; Sidhu and Taylor) and may encourage assumptions about what sorts of services different individuals and groups want and need. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (“‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”) have developed a typology of resettlement styles—“achievers,” “consumers,” “endurers,” and “victims”—but stress that a person’s style, while influenced by personality and pre-migration factors, is also shaped by the institutions and individuals they come into contact with: “The structure of settlement and welfare services may produce a victim mentality, leaving members of refugee communities inert and unable to see themselves as agents of change” (76). The prevailing narrative of “the traumatised refugee” is a key aspect of this dynamic (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”; Fozdar and Hartley; Keddie). Service providers may make assumptions about what humanitarian settlers have gone through before arriving in Australia, how they have been affected by their experiences, and what must be done to “fix” them. Norah, a long-time caseworker, told me: I think you get some [providers] who go, “How could you have gone through something like that and not suffered? There must be—you must have to talk about this stuff” […] Where some [refugees] just come with the [attitude] “We’re all born into a situation; that was my situation, but I’m here now and now my focus is this.” She cited failure to consider cultural sensitivities around mental illness and to recognise that stress and anxiety during early resettlement are normal (Tilbury) as other problems in the sector: [Newly arrived refugees] go through the “happy to be here” [phase] and now “hang on, I’ve thumped to the bottom and I’m missing my own foods and smells and cultures and experiences”. I think sometimes we’re just too quick to try and slot people into a box. One factor that appears to be vital in fostering and sustaining resilience is social connection. Norah said her clients were “very good on the mobile phone” and had links “everywhere,” including to family and friends in their countries of birth, transition countries, and other parts of Australia. A 2011 report for DIAC, Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals, found that humanitarian entrants to Australia were significantly more likely to be members of cultural and/or religious groups than other categories of immigrants (Australian Survey Research). I found many examples of efforts to build both bonding and bridging capital (Putnam) in Easthaven, and I offer two examples below. Several people told me about a dinner-dance that had been held a few weeks before one of my visits. The event was organised by an African women’s group, which had been formed—with funding assistance—several years before. The dinner-dance was advertised in the local newspaper and attracted strong interest from a broad cross-section of Easthaveners. To Debbie, a counsellor, the response signified a “real turnaround” in community relations and was a big boon to the women’s sense of belonging. Erica, a teacher, told me about a cultural exchange day she had organised between her bush school—where almost all of the children are Anglo Australian—and ESL students from one of the town schools: At the start of the day, my kids were looking at [the refugee-background students] and they were scared, they were saying to me, "I feel scared." And we shoved them all into this tiny little room […] and they had no choice but to sit practically on top of each other. And by the end of the day, they were hugging each other and braiding their hair and jumping and playing together. Like Uptin, Wright and Harwood, I found that the refugee-background students placed great importance on the social aspects of school. Sisay, the girl I introduced earlier in this paper, said: “It’s just all about friendship and someone to be there for you […] We try to be friends with them [the non-refugee students] sometimes but sometimes it just seems they don’t want it.” Conclusion A 2012 report on refugee settlement services in NSW concludes that the state “is not meeting its responsibility to humanitarian entrants as well as it could” (Audit Office of New South Wales 2); moreover, humanitarian settlers in NSW are doing less well on indicators such as housing and health than humanitarian settlers in other states (3). Evaluating the effectiveness of formal refugee-centred programs was not part of my research and is beyond the scope of this paper. Rather, I have sought to reveal some of the ways in which the attitudes, assumptions, and everyday practices of service providers and members of the broader community impact on refugees' settlement experience. 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Brown, Jill, Jenny Miller, and Jane Mitchell. “Interrupted Schooling and the Acquisition of Literacy: Experiences of Sudanese Refugees in Victorian Secondary Schools.” Australian Journal of Language and Literacy 29.2 (2006): 150-62. Colic-Peisker, Val, and Farida Tilbury. “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement: The Influence of Supporting Services and Refugees’ Own Resources on Resettlement Style.” International Migration 41.5 (2004): 61-91. ———. Refugees and Employment: The Effect of Visible Difference on Discrimination—Final Report. Perth: Centre for Social and Community Research, Murdoch University, 2007. Fozdar, Farida, and Lisa Hartley. “Refugee Resettlement in Australia: What We Know and Need To Know.” Refugee Survey Quarterly 4 Jun. 2013. 12 Aug. 2013 ‹http://rsq.oxfordjournals.org/search?fulltext=fozdar&submit=yes&x=0&y=0>. Garcia Marquez, Gabriel. Love in the Time of Cholera. London: Penguin Books, 1989. 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Park, Gilbert C. “’Are We Real Americans?’: Cultural Production of Forever Foreigners at a Diversity Event.” Education and Urban Society 43.4 (2011): 451-67. Poulson, Ingrid. Rise. Sydney: Pan Macmillan Australia, 2008. Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. Sidhu, Ravinder K., and Sandra Taylor. “The Trials and Tribulations of Partnerships in Refugee Settlement Services in Australia.” Journal of Education Policy 24.6 (2009): 655-72. Tilbury, Farida. “‘I Feel I Am a Bird without Wings’: Discourses of Sadness and Loss among East Africans in Western Australia.” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14.4 (2007): 433-58. ———, and Val Colic-Peisker. “Deflecting Responsibility in Employer Talk about Race Discrimination.” Discourse & Society 17.5 (2006): 651-76. Uptin, Jonnell, Jan Wright, and Valerie Harwood. “It Felt Like I Was a Black Dot on White Paper: Examining Young Former Refugees’ Experience of Entering Australian High Schools.” The Australian Educational Researcher 40.1 (2013): 125-37.

Abstract Foreign students are one of the most significant immigrant categories in many North American and Western European countries. Yet, as their numbers have swelled, many governments have experienced increasing pressures to cap their entry. This is true despite the sizable benefits that foreign students bring to host countries, and despite standard political economy concerns about immigrants—that they take away jobs or abuse public entitlements—not applying to foreign students. We field a nationally-representative survey experiment in the UK, one of the top destinations for foreign students, to examine potential activators of public support for capping the number of foreign students. Results show that support for caps is most activated when citizens are primed to think about foreign students competing with domestic students for scarce admissions slots at universities.

04–28Atienza Merino, José Luis (Universidad de Oviedo, Spain). L'émergence de l'inconscient dans l'appropriation des langues étrangères. [The role of the Subconscious in Foreign Language Learning.] Études delinguistique appliquée (Paris, France), 131, 3 (2003), 305–328.04–29Belz, Julie A. and Kinginger, Celeste (Pennsylvania State U., USA). Discourse options and the development of pragmatic competence by classroom learners of German: the case of address forms. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA), 53, 4 (2003), 591–647.04–30Berry, Rita Shuk Yin (Hong Kong Institute of Education) and Williams, Marion. In at the deep end. Difficulties experienced by Hong Kong Chinese ESL learners at an independent school in the United Kingdom. Journal of Language and Social Psychology (Thousand Oaks, CA, USA), 23, 1 (2004), 118–34.04–31Couper, Graeme (Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand). The value of an explicit pronunciation syllabus in ESOL teaching. Prospect (Sydney, Australia), 18, 3 (2003), 53–70.04–32De Fraine, Bieke, Van Damme, Jan, Van Landeghem, Georges and Opdenakker, Marie-Christine (Centre for Educational Effectiveness and Evaluation, Belgium; Email: Beatrijs.DeFraine@ped.kuleuven.ac.be) and Onghena, Patrick. The effect of schools and classes on language achievement. British Educational Research Journal (London, UK), 29, 6 (2003), 841–859.04–33Detey, Sylvain (Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, France). Invariance, variations et “centration cognitive”: quelles nécessités pour la didactique des langues? [Universals, individuality and “cognitive centring”: what is their use for language teaching?]Revue Parole (Paris, France), 25/26 (2003), 75–114.04–34Durán, Pilar (Reading U., UK; Email: p.duran@reading.ac.uk). Children as mediators for the second language learning of their migrant parents. Language and Education (Clevedon, UK), 17, 5 (2003), 311–331.04–35Erlam, Rosemary (U. of Auckland, New Zealand). Evaluating the relative effectiveness of structured-input and output-based instruction in foreign language learning. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (New York, USA), 25, (4) (2003), 559–582.04–36Gardner, R. C. (University of Western Ontario, Canada; Email: gardner@uwo.ca), Masgoret, A. M., Tennant, J. and Mihic L. Integrative motivation: changes during a year-long intermediate level language course. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA), 54, 1 (2004), 1–34.04–37Gélat, Mona (Twickenham, UK; Email: mona_gelat@onetel.net.uk). Taking others' perspectives in a peer interactional setting while preparing for a written argument. Language and Education (Clevedon, UK), 17, 5 (2003), 332–354.04–38Graham, Suzanne (Reading U., UK; Email: suzanne@graham11.freeserve.co.uk). Learner strategies and advanced level listening comprehension. Language Learning Journal (London, UK), 28 (Winter 2003), 64–69.04–39Hew, Soon-Hin and Ohki, Mitsuri (Kyoto U., Japan; Email: my711010@hotmail.com). Effect of animated graphic annotations and immediate visual feedback in aiding Japanese pronunciation learning: a case study. Calico Journal (Texas, USA), 21, 2 (2004), 397–419.04–40Itakura, Hiroko (The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong; Email: eghiroko@polyu.edu.hk). Changing cultural stereotypes through e-mail assisted foreign language learning. System (Oxford, UK), 32, 1 (2004), 37–51.04–41Johnstone, Richard (Stirling U., UK; Email: r.m.johnstone@stir.ac.uk). Evidence-based policy: early modern language learning at primary. Language Learning Journal (London, UK), 28 (Winter 2003), 14–21.04–42Kingston, John (University of Massachusetts, USA; Email: jkingston@linguist.umass.edu). Learning foreign vowels. Language and Speech (Twickenham, UK), 46, 2–3 (2003), 295–349.04–43Lamb, Martin (University of Leeds, UK; Email: m.v.lamb@education.leeds.ac.uk). Integrative motivation in a globalizing world. System (Oxford, UK), 32, 1 (2004), 3–19.04–44Larson-Hall, Jennifer (University of North Texas, USA). Predicting perceptual success with segments: a test of Japanese speakers of Russian. Second Language Research (London, UK), 20, 1 (2004), 33–76.04–45Lazaraton, Anne (University of Minnesota, USA; Email: lazaratn@umn.edu). Gesture and speech in the vocabulary explanations of one ESL teacher: a microanalytic inquiry. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA), 54, 1 (2004), 79–117.04–46Lightbown, Patsy M. (Concordia U., Canada; Email: patsy.lightbown@verizon.net). SLA research in the classroom/SLA research for the classroom. Language Learning Journal (London, UK), 28 (Winter 2003), 4–13.04–47Loewen, Shawn (University of Auckland, New Zealand; Email: s.loewen@auckland.ac.nz). Uptake in incidental focus on form in meaning-focused ESL lessons. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA), 54, 1 (2004), 153–188.04–48Matsuda, Sae and Gobel, Peter (Kyoto Sangyo University, Japan; Email: sae@ cc.kyoto-su.as.jp). Anxiety and predictors of performance in the foreign language classroom. System (Oxford, UK), 32, 1 (2004), 21–36.04–49Mills, N., Herron, C. and Cole, S. (Emory University, Atlanta; Email: nmills@learnlink.emory.edu.). Teacher-assisted versus individual viewing of foreign language video: relation to comprehension, self-efficacy, and engagement. Calico Journal (Texas, USA), 21, 2 (2004), 291–316.04–50Mishra, Ranjita (Utkal U., India). The development of narration ability among pre-school children. Psycho-lingua (Raipur, India), 33, 1 (2003), 8–16.04–51Mondria, Jan-Arjen (U. of Groningen, The Netherlands). The effects of inferring, verifying, and memorizing on the retention of L2 word meanings. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (New York, USA), 25, (4) 473–499.04–52Park, Hyeson (University of South Carolina, USA). A minimalist approach to null objects and subjects in second language acquisition. Second Language Research, 20, 1 (2004), 1–32.04–53Phakiti, Aek (U. of Melbourne, Australia; Email: aekmaejo@hotmail.com). Acloser look at gender and strategy use in L2 reading. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA), 53, 4 (2003), 649–702.04–54Roed, J. (University College London, UK; Email: j.roed@ucl.ac.uk). Language learner behaviour in a virtual environment. Computer Assisted Language Learning (Lisse, The Netherlands), 16, 2–3 (2003), 155–172.04–55Rogerson-Revell, Pamela (U. of Leicester, UK; Email: pmrr1@le.ac.uk). Developing a cultural syllabus for business language e-learning materials. ReCall (Cambridge, UK), 15, 2 (2003), 155–168.04–56Sanz, Cristina and Morgan-Short, Kara (Georgetown University, USA; Email: sanzc@georgetown.edu). Positive evidence versus explicit rule presentation and explicit negative feedback: a computer assisted study. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA), 54, 1 (2004), 35–78.04–57Savignon, S. and Roithmeier, W. (The Pennsylvania State University, USA; Email: SJSavignon@psu.edu). Computer-mediated communication: texts and strategies. Calico Journal (Texas, USA), 21, 2 (2004), 265–290.04–58Shaughnessy, Michael (Washington and Jefferson C, USA; Email: mshaughnessy@washjeff.edu). CALL, commercialism, and culture: inherent software design conflicts and their results. ReCall (Cambridge, UK), 15, 2 (2003), 251–268.04–59Shedivy, Sandra (University of Wisconsin, USA; Email: shed2@msn.com). Factors that lead some students to continue the study of foreign language past the usual 2 years in high school. System (Oxford, UK), 32, 1 (2004), 103–119.04–60Stunder, Thérèse (Geneva, Switzerland). Kann man Grammatik unterrichten?Antworten aus der Perspektive des Genfer DiGS-Projekts [Can we teach grammar? Some answers from the Geneva's DiGS-project.] Der Unterrichtspraxis (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 35, 2 (Spring 2003), 109–122.04–61Waring, Rob (Notre Dame Seishin U., Japan) and Takaki, Misako.At what rate do learners learn and retain new vocabulary from reading a graded reader?Reading in a Foreign Language (Hawai'i, USA), 15, 2 (2003), 130–163.04–62Wu, Xinyi (Sunchime & Yiyan Science and Education Development Corporation, China; Email: xinyi525@sohu.com). Intrinsic motivation and young language learners: the impact of the classroom environment. System (Oxford, UK), 31 (4) (2003), 501–517.04–63Yashima, Tomoko (Kansai University, Japan; Email: yashima@ipcku.kansai-u.ac.jp), Zenuk-Nishide, Loriand Shimizu, Kazuaki. The influence of attitudes and affect on willingness to communicate and second language communication. Language Learning (Malden, MA, USA), 54, 1 (2004), 119–152.

Opinion surveys on attitudes towards immigration are becoming more and more important, owing to the increasing role of political debate on migration issues in Western European countries. CNR has conducted four surveys on this topic, collecting data on the evolution of Italians attitudes towards migration issues. In fact, the ? rst survey was conducted in the second half of the eighties, when foreign immigration was in its early stages. The last survey took place in 2002, when immigration was already well established in Italy. The article focuses on three main issues: the global impact of immigration on Italian society, the immigrants role in the labour market, and immigration policy. In general, the results of the last survey con? rm a trend that appeared already in 1997, of more balanced and realistic opinion that were less of a response to circumstances perceived as special emergencies. Highly educated people, teachers and students continue to be the most open and receptive groups, whereas the less favourably inclined and more worried continue to be old people, those with less education, the unemployed, housewives, and retirees.

Over the last few years, China has escalated as a marketplace for Australian business and for higher education, with 55,000 Chinese mainland students officially recorded in 2003 (DEST, 2005). On the 18/4/05, China and Australia signed a formal statement of interest for commencing negotiations on a free-trade agreement, one which could eventually have wide repercussions for both business and education sectors (Taylor and Sutherland, 2005; DFAT, 2006). Already, a fast-moving China is transforming Australia (Dusevic, 2005). Consequently, we need to better understand the intellectual property (IP) issues confronting us in China, whilst exploiting its exciting opportunities, including its culture of education (Dusevic, 2005). This paper, therefore, considers a variety of issues impinging on evolution and enforcement of IP in China, taking note of key variables such as history, culture, politics and attitudes to law more broadly. It then examines current issues confronting IP protection. The paper concludes that understanding factors affecting enforcement are central to dealing with ongoing challenges to Australian business and education of Chinas piracy and counterfeiting.

04–473Adler, Renatte K. and Loughrin-Sacco, Steven J. (San Diego State U., USA). Internships for American undergraduates: acquiring language and cross-cultural skills for a global market. Journal of Language for International Business (Glendale, Arizona, USA), 15, 1 (2004), 30–40.04–474Allum, Paul (Rikkyo U., Tokyo, Japan; Email: allum@rikkyo.ac.jp). Evaluation of CALL: initial vocabulary learning. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 488–501.04–475Barcroft, Joe (Washington U., USA; Email: barcroft@artsci.wustl.edu). Effects of sentence writing in second language lexical acquisition. Second Language Research (London, UK), 20, 4 (2004), 303–334.04–476Belz, Julie (Pennsylvania State U., USA; Email: jab63@psu.edu). Learner corpus analysis and the development of foreign language proficiency. System (Oxford, UK), 32, 4 (2004), 577–591.04–477Benati, Alessandro (U. Greenwich, UK; Email: A.Benati@gre.ac.uk). The effects of processing instruction and its components on the acquisition of gender agreement in Italian. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 67–80.04–478Bitchener, John (Auckland U. of Technology, New Zealand; Email: john.bitchener@aut.ac.nz). The relationship between the negotiation of meaning and language learning: a longitudinal study. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 81–95.04–479Blin, Francoise (Dublin City U., Ireland; Email: francoise.blin@dcu.ie). CALL and the development of learner autonomy: towards an activity-theoretical perspective. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 377–395.04–480Boehringer, Michael, Bongartz, Christiane and Gramberg, Anne-Katrin (U. Waterloo, Canada). Language learning and intercultural training: the impact of cultural primers on learners and non-learners of German. Journal of Language for International Business (Glendale, Arizona, USA), 15, 2, (2004), 1–18.04–481Cartes-Henriquez, Ninette, Solar Rodriguez, M. I. and Quintana Letelier, R. (U. de Concepcion, Correo, Chile; Email: ncartes@udec.cl). Electronic texts or learning through textbooks: an experimental study. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 539–557.04–482Church, Ruth Breckinridge, Ayman-Nolley, Saba and Mahootian, Shahrzad (Northeastern Illinois U., USA; Email: rbchurch@neiu.edu). The role of gesture in bilingual education: does gesture enhance learning?International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 4 (2004), 303–319.04–483Clyne, Michael, Isaakidis, Tina, Liem, Irene and Rossi Hunt, Claudia (U. of Melbourne, Australia; Email: mgclyne@unimelb.edu.au). Developing and sharing community language resources through secondary school programmes. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 4 (2004), 255–278.04–484Cohen, Andrew D. (U. Minnesota, USA; Email: adcohen@umn.edu). The learner's side of foreign language learning: where do styles, strategies, and tasks meet?International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 41 (2003), 279–291.04–485Cziko, Gary A. (U. of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA; Email: garycziko.net). Electronic tandem language learning (eTandem): a third approach to Second Language Learning for the 21st century. CALICO Journal (Texas, USA), 22, 1 (2004), 25–39.04–486DiFino, Sharon M. and Lombardino, Linda J. (U. of Florida, USA). Language learning disabilities: the ultimate foreign language challenge. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 390–400.04–487Dubreil, Sebastien (U. of Notre Dame, Indiana, USA; Email: sdubreil@nd.edu), Herron, Carol and Cole, Steven B. An empirical investigation of whether authentic web sites facilitate intermediate-level French language students' ability to learn culture. CALICO Journal (Texas, USA), 22, 1 (2004), 41–61.04–488Duppenthaler, Peter M. (Tezukayama Gakuin U., Japan). Journal writing and the question of transfer of skills to other types of writing. JALT Journal (Tokyo, Japan), 26, 2 (2004), 172–188.04–489Egbert, Joy and Yang, Yu-Feng (Washington State U., USA; Email: jegbert@wsu.edu). Mediating the digital divide in CALL classrooms: promoting effective language tasks in limited technology contexts. ReCall (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 280–291.04–490Elder, Catherine (Monash U., Australia) and Manwaring, Diane. The relationship between metalinguistic knowledge and learning outcomes among undergraduate Students of Chinese. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 3 (2004), 145–162.04–491Ewald, Jennifer D. (Saint Joseph's U., USA; Email: jewald@sju.edu). A classroom forum on small group work: L2 learners see, and change, themselves. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 3 (2004), 163–179.04–492García, Paula (Northern Arizona U., USA; Email: pg4@dana.ucc.nau.edu). Developmental differences in speech act recognition: a pragmatic awareness study. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 96–115.04–493Gearon, Margaret (Monash U., Australia; Email: margaret.gearon@education.monash.edu.au). Learner strategies for filling the knowledge gap during collaborative tasks. Babel – Journal of the AFMLTA (Queensland, Australia), 39, 1 (2004), 26–34.04–494Grantham O'Brien, Mary (U. of Calgary, Canada). Pronunciation matters. Die Unterrichtspraxis (New Jersey, USA), 37, 1 (2004), 1–9.04–495Gruba, Paul (U. of Melbourne, Australia). Designing tasks for online collaborative language learning. Prospect (Sydney, Australia), 19, 2 (2004), 72–81.04–496Harris, Vee and Grenfell, Michael (U. London, UK; Email: m.grenfell@soton.ac.uk). Language-learning strategies: a case for cross-curricular collaboration. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 116–130.04–497Heift, Trude (Simon Fraser U., Canada; Email: heift@sfu.ca). Corrective feedback and learner uptake in CALL. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 416–431.04–498Hruska, Barbara (U. of Tampa, Florida). Constructing gender in an English dominant kindergarten: implications for second language learners. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 38, 3 (2004), 459–485.04–499Hubbard, Philip and Bradin Siskin, Claire (Stanford U., California, USA; Email: phubbard@stanford.edu). Another look at tutorial CALL. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 448–461.04–500Hyland, Fiona (U. of Hong Kong, China; Email: hylandf@hkucc.hku.hk). Learning autonomously: contextualising out-of-class English language learning. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 3 (2004), 180–202.04–501Kasper, Gabriele (U. of Hawai'i at Manoa, USA; Email: gkasper@hawaii.edu). Participant orientations in German conversation-for-learning. The Modern Language Journal (Malden, MA, USA), 88, 4 (2004), 551–567.04–502Kim, Yong Suk (Korean U. of Technology and Education; Email: yongkim@kut.ac.kr). Exploring the role of integrative orientation in a Korean EFL environment. English Teaching (Anseonggun, Korea), 59, 3 (2004) 77–91.04–503Lapkin, Sharon and Swain, Merrill (U. of Toronto, Canada). What underlies immersion students' production: the case ofavoir besoin de. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 349–355.04–504Lever, Tim (U. of Sydney, Australia). AMEP students online: The view from morning self-access. Prospect (Sydney, Australia), 19, 2 (2004), 39–55.04–505Malcolm, Diane (Arab Gulf U. in Bahrain). Why should learners contribute to the self-access centre?ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 58, 4 (2004), 346–354.04–506Noelle, Lamy (The Open U., UK; Email: m.n.lamy@open.ac.uk). Oral conversations online: redefining oral competence in synchronous environments. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 520–538.04–507Park, Gi-Pyo (Soonchunhyang U., Korea). Comparison of L2 listening and reading comprehension by university students learning English in Korea. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 448–458.04–508Riley, Jean, Burrell, Andrew and McCallum, Bet (U. of London, UK; Email: j.riley@ioe.ac.uk). Developing the spoken language skills of reception class children in two multicultural, inner-city primary schools. British Educational Research Journal (London, UK), 30, 5 (2004), 657–672.04–509Ryan-Scheutz, Colleen and Colangelo, Laura M. (U. of Notre Dame, USA). Full-scale theatre production and foreign language learning. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 374–389.04–510Sealey, Alison and Thompson, Paul (U. of Reading, UK). ‘What do you call the dull words?’ Primary school children using corpus-based approaches to learn about language. English in Education (Sheffield, UK), 38, 1 (2004), 80–91.04–511Stewart, Melissa A. and Pertusa, Inmaculada (Western Kentucky U., USA). Gains to language learners from viewing target language closed-captioned films. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 438–447.04–512Thomas, Alain (U. of Guelph, Canada; Email: thomas@uoguelph.ca). Phonetic norm versus usage in advanced French as a second language. International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 42, 4 (2004), 365–382.04–513Van Berkel, Ans (Free U. Amsterdam, The Netherlands; Email: aj.van.berkel@let.vu.nl). Learning to spell in English as a second language. International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 42 (2004), 239–257.04–514Ward, Monica (Dublin City U., Ireland; Email: mward@computing.dcu.edu.ie). The additional uses of CALL in the endangered language context. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 345–359.04–515Yamamori, Koyo, Isoda, Takamichi, Hiromori, Tomohito and Oxford, Rebecca L. (National I. Educational Policy Research, Japan; Email: koyo@nier.go.jp). Using cluster analysis to uncover L2 learner differences in strategy use, will to learn, and achievement over time. International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 41 (2003), 381–409.04–516You, Xiaoye (Purdue U., USA; Email: youx@purdue.edu). “The choice made from no choice”: English writing instruction in a Chinese University. Journal of Second Language Writing (New York, USA), 13, 2 (2004), 97–110.

04–517Armand, Françoise (U. de Montréal, Canada; Email: Francoise.Armand@umontreal.ca), Lefrançoise, Pascale, Baron, Agnès, Gomez, Maria-Cécilia and Nuckle, Sylvie. Improving reading and writing learning in underprivileged pluri-ethnic settings. British Journal of Educational Psychology (Leicester, UK), 74 (2004), 437–459.04–518Cheng, Y-S. (National Taiwan Normal U., Taiwan; Email: t22035@cc.ntnu.edu.tw). A measure of second language writing anxiety: scale development and preliminary validation. Journal of Second Language Writing (New York, USA), 13, 4 (2004), 313–335.04–519de Jong, Maria T. and Bus, Adriana G. (Leiden U., Netherlands; Email: jongtm@fsw.leidenuniv.nl). The efficacy of electronic books in fostering kindergarten children's emergent story understanding. Reading Research Quarterly (Newark, USA), 39, 4 (2004), 378–393.04–520Dunsmuir, Sandra (U. College London, UK; Email: s.dunsmuir@ucl.ac.uk) and Blatchford, Peter. Predictors of writing competence in 4-to 7-year-old children. British Journal of Educational Psychology (Leicester, UK), 74 (2004), 461–483.04–521Forey, Gail (Hong Kong Polytechnic U.). Workplace texts: do they mean the same for teachers and business people?English for Specific Purposes (Oxford,UK), 23, 4 (2004), 447–469.04–522Harwood, Nigel and Hadley, Gregg (U. of Essex, UK). Pragmatism and the teaching of academic writing. English for Specific Purposes. (Oxford, UK), 23, 4 (2004), 355–379.04–523Heinz, Peter J. (Pikes Peak Community College, Colorado Springs, USA). Towards enhanced second language reading comprehension assessment: computerized versus manual scoring of written recall protocols. Reading in a Foreign Language (Hawai'i, USA), 16, 2 (2004), 97–124.04–524Huxford, L. (National Primary Strategy, England). Developing an understanding of the pedagogy of writing in the middle years (age 8–11). Australian Journal of Language and Literacy. (Norwood, South Australia), 27, 3 (2004), 234–244.04–525Hyland, Ken (Institute of Education, U. of London, UK; Email: k.hyland@ioe.ac.uk). Disciplinary interactions: metadiscourse in L2 postgraduate writing. Journal of Second Language Writing (New York, USA), 13, 2 (2004), 133–151.04–526Joh, Jeongsoon (Konkuk U., Korea; Email: johjs@konkuk.ac.kr). Interactions among the reader, text and task variables in EFL reading comprehension performance. English Teaching (Anseonggun, Korea), 59, 3 (2004) 115–143.04–527Lee, Icy (Hong Kong Baptist U., China; Email: icylee@hkbu.edu.hk). Error correction in L2 secondary writing classrooms: the case of Hong Kong. Journal of Second Language Writing (New York, USA), 13, 4 (2004), 285–312.04–528Makalela, Leketi (U. of Limpopo and Michigan State U.). Differential error types in second-language students' written and spoken texts: implications for instruction in writing. Written Communication (Thousand Oaks, CA, USA), 22, 4 (2004), 368–385.04–529McNaughton, S., Lai, M., MacDonald, S. and Farry, S. (Auckland U., Australia). Designing more effective teaching of comprehension in culturally and linguistically diverse classrooms in New Zealand. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy. (Norwood, South Australia), 27, 3 (2004), 184–197.04–530Moore, Tim (Monash U., Australia; Email: tim.moore@celts.monash.edu.au) and Morton, Janne. Dimensions of difference: a comparison of university writing and IELTS writing. Journal of English for Academic Purposes (Oxford, UK), 4, 1 (2005), 43–66.04–531Taguchi, Etsuo (Daito Bunka U., Tokyo; Email: taguchi@ic.daito.ac.jp), Takayasu-Maass, Miyoko and Gorsuch, Greta J. Developing reading fluency in EFL: How assisted repeated reading and extensive reading affect fluency development. Reading in a Foreign Language (Hawai'i, USA), 16, 2 (2004), 70–96.04–532Yoon, Hyunsook and Hirvela, Alan (The Ohio State U., USA; Email: yoon.98@osu.edu). ESL student attitudes toward corpus use in L2. Journal of Second Language Writing (New York, USA), 13, 4 (2004), 257–283.

07–20Angelova, Maria (Cleveland State U, USA), Delmi Gunawardena & Dinah Volk, Peer teaching and learning: co-constructing language in a dual language first grade. Language and Education (Mutilingual Matters) 20.2 (2006), 173–190.07–21Ansarin, Ali AkBar (Tabriz U, Iran; aa-ansarin@tabrizu.ac.ir), On availability of conscious knowledge in discrimination of vowel length. RELC Journal (Sage) 37.2 (2006), 249–259.07–22Bent, Tessa (North Western U, USA; t-bent@northwestern.edu), Ann R. Bradlow & Beverly A.Wright, The influence of linguistic experience on the cognitive processing of pitch in speech and nonspeech sounds. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance (American Psychological Association) 32.1 (2006), 97–103.07–23Carpenter, Helen (Georgetown U, USA; carpenth@georgetown.edu), K. Seon Jeon, David MacGregor & Alison Mackey, Learners' interpretations of recasts. 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Phillip Noyce is one of Australia’s most prominent film makers—a successful feature film director with both iconic Australian narratives and many a Hollywood blockbuster under his belt. Still, his beginnings were quite humble and far from his role today when he grew up in the midst of the counterculture of the late sixties. Millions of young people his age joined the various ‘movements’ of the day after experiences that changed their lives—mostly music but also drugs or fashion. The counterculture was a turbulent time in Sydney artistic circles as elsewhere. Everything looked possible, you simply had to “Do It!”—and Noyce did. He dived head-on into these times and with a voracious appetite for its many aspects—film, theatre, rallies, music, art and politics in general. In fact he often was the driving force behind such activities. Noyce described his personal epiphany occurring in 1968: A few months before I was due to graduate from high school, […] I saw a poster on a telegraph pole advertising American 'underground' movies. There was a mesmerising, beautiful blue-coloured drawing on the poster that I later discovered had been designed by an Australian filmmaker called David Perry. The word 'underground' conjured up all sorts of delights to an eighteen-year-old in the late Sixties: in an era of censorship it promised erotica, perhaps; in an era of drug-taking it promised some clandestine place where marijuana, or even something stronger, might be consumed; in an era of confrontation between conservative parents and their affluent post-war baby-boomer children, it promised a place where one could get together with other like-minded youth and plan to undermine the establishment, which at that time seemed to be the aim of just about everyone aged under 30. (Petzke 8) What the poster referred to was a new, highly different type of film. In the US these films were usually called “underground”. This term originates from film critic Manny Farber who used it in his 1957 essay Underground Films. Farber used the label for films whose directors today would be associated with independent and art house feature films. More directly, film historian Lewis Jacobs referred to experimental films when he used the words “film which for most of its life has led an underground existence” (8). The term is used interchangeably with New American Cinema. It was based on a New York group—the Film-Makers’ Co-operative—that started in 1960 with mostly low-budget filmmakers under the guidance of Jonas Mekas. When in 1962 the group was formally organised as a means for new, improved ways of distributing their works, experimental filmmakers were the dominant faction. They were filmmakers working in a more artistic vein, slightly influenced by the European Avant-garde of the 1920s and by attempts in the late 1940s and early 1950s. In film history, this era is also known as the Third Avant-garde. In their First Statement of the New American Cinema Group, the group drew connections to both the British Free Cinema and the French Nouvelle Vague. They also claimed that contemporary cinema was “morally corrupt, aesthetically obsolete, thematically superficial, temperamentally boring” (80). An all-encompassing definition of Underground Film never was available. Sheldon Renan lists some of the problems: There are underground films in which there is no movement and films in which there is nothing but movement. There are films about people and films about light. There are short, short underground films and long, long underground films. There are some that have been banned, and there is one that was nominated for an Academy Award. There are sexy films and sexless films, political films and poetical films, film epigrams and film epics … underground film is nothing less than an explosion of cinematic styles, forms and directions. (Renan 17) No wonder that propelled by frequent serious articles in the press—notably Jonas Mekas in the Village Voice—and regular screenings at other venues like the Film-makers’ Cinemathèque and the Gallery of Modern Art in New York, these films proved increasingly popular in the United States and almost immediately spread like bush fires around the world. So in early September 1968 Noyce joined a sold-out crowd at the Union Theatre in Sydney, watching 17 shorts assembled by Ubu Films, the premier experimental and underground film collective in 1960s Australia (Milesago). And on that night his whole attitude to art, his whole attitude to movies—in fact, his whole life—changed. He remembered: I left the cinema that night thinking, "I’m gonna make movies like that. I can do it." Here was a style of cinema that seemed to speak to me. It was immediate, it was direct, it was personal, and it wasn’t industrial. It was executed for personal expression, not for profit; it was individual as opposed to corporate, it was stylistically free; it seemed to require very little expenditure, innovation being the key note. It was a completely un-Hollywood-like aesthetic; it was operating on a visceral level that was often non-linear and was akin to the psychedelic images that were in vogue at the time—whether it was in music, in art or just in the patterns on your multi-coloured shirt. These movies spoke to me. (Petzke 9) Generally speaking, therefore, these films were the equivalent of counterculture in the area of film. Theodore Roszak railed against “technocracy” and underground films were just the opposite, often almost do-it-yourself in production and distribution. They were objecting to middle-class culture and values. And like counterculture they aimed at doing away with repression and to depict a utopian lifestyle feeling at ease with each imaginable form of liberality (Doggett 469). Underground films transgressed any Hollywood rule and convention in content, form and technique. Mobile hand-held cameras, narrow-gauge or outright home movies, shaky and wobbly, rapid cutting, out of focus, non-narrative, disparate continuity—you name it. This type of experimental film was used to express the individual consciousness of the “maker”—no longer calling themselves directors—a cinematic equivalent of the first person in literature. Just as in modern visual art, both the material and the process of making became part of these artworks. Music often was a dominant factor, particularly Eastern influences or the new Beat Music that was virtually non-existent in feature films. Drug experiences were reflected in imagery and structure. Some of the first comings-out of gay men can be found as well as films that were shown at the appropriately named “Wet Dreams Festival” in Amsterdam. Noyce commented: I worked out that the leading lights in this Ubu Films seemed to be three guys — Aggy Read, Albie Thoms and David Perry […They] all had beards and […] seemed to come from the basement of a terrace house in Redfern. Watching those movies that night, picking up all this information, I was immediately seized by three great ambitions. First of all, I wanted to grow a beard; secondly, I wanted to live in a terrace house in the inner city; and thirdly, I wanted to be a filmmaker. (Ubu Films) Noyce soon discovered there were a lot of people like him who wanted to make short films for personal expression, but also as a form of nationalism. They wanted to make Australian movies. Noyce remembered: “Aggy, Albie and David encouraged everyone to go and make a film for themselves” (Petzke 11). This was easy enough to do as these films—not only in Australia—were often made for next to nothing and did not require any prior education or training. And the target audience group existed in a subculture of people willing to pay money even for extreme entertainment as long as it was advertised in an appealing way—which meant: in the way of the rampaging Zeitgeist. Noyce—smitten by the virus—would from then on regularly attend the weekly meetings organised by the young filmmakers. And in line with Jerry Rubin’s contemporary adage “Do it!” he would immediately embark on a string of films with enthusiasm and determination—qualities soon to become his trademark. All his films were experimental in nature, shot on 16mm and were so well received that Albie Thoms was convinced that Noyce had a great career ahead of him as an experimental filmmaker. Truly alternative was Noyce’s way to finally finance Better to Reign in Hell, his first film, made at age 18 and with a total budget of $600. Noyce said on reflection: I had approached some friends and told them that if they invested in my film, they could have an acting role. Unfortunately, the guy whose dad had the most money — he was a doctor’s son — was also maybe the worst actor that was ever put in front of a camera. But he had invested four hundred dollars, so I had to give him the lead. (Petzke 13) The title was taken from Milton’s poem Paradise Lost (“better to reign in hell than serve in heaven”). It was a film very much inspired by the images, montage and narrative techniques of the underground movies watched at Ubu. Essentially the film is about a young man’s obsession with a woman he sees repeatedly in advertising and the hallucinogenic dreams he has about her. Despite its later reputation, the film was relatively mundane. Being shot in black and white, it lacks the typical psychedelic ingredients of the time and is more reminiscent of the surrealistic precursors to underground film. Some contempt for the prevailing consumer society is thrown in for good measure. In the film, “A youth is persecuted by the haunting reappearance of a girl’s image in various commercial outlets. He finds escape from this commercial brainwashing only in his own confused sexual hallucinations” (Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative). But despite this advertising, so convincingly capturing the “hint! hint!” mood of the time, Noyce’s first film isn’t really outstanding even in terms of experimental film. Noyce continued to make short experimental films. There was not even the pretence of a story in any of them. He was just experimenting with his gear and finding his own way to use the techniques of the underground cinema. Megan was made at Sydney University Law School to be projected as part of the law students’ revue. It was a three-minute silent film that featured a woman called Megan, who he had a crush on. Intersection was 2 minutes 44 seconds in length and shot in the middle of a five-way or four-way intersection in North Sydney. The camera was walked into the intersection and spun around in a continuous circle from the beginning of the roll of film to the end. It was an experiment with disorientation and possibly a comment about urban development. Memories was a seven-minute short in colour about childhood and the bush, accompanied by a smell-track created in the cinema by burning eucalyptus leaves. Sun lasted 90 seconds in colour and examined the pulsating winter sun by way of 100 single frame shots. And finally, Home was a one-and-a-half-minute single frame camera exploration of the filmmaker’s home, inside and out, including its inhabitants and pets. As a true experimental filmmaker, Noyce had a deep interest in technical aspects. It was recommended that Sun “be projected through a special five image lens”, Memories and Intersection with “an anamorphic lens” (Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative). The double projection for Better to Reign in Hell and the two screens required for Good Afternoon, as well as the addition of the smell of burning leaves in Memories, were inroads into the subgenre of so-called Expanded Cinema. As filmmaking in those days was not an isolated enterprise but an integral part of the all-encompassing Counterculture, Noyce followed suit and became more and more involved and politiced. He started becoming a driving force of the movement. Besides selling Ubu News, he organised film screenings. He also wrote film articles for both Honi Soit and National U, the Sydney University and Canberra University newspapers—articles more opinionated than sophisticated. He was also involved in Ubu’s Underground Festival held in August and in other activities of the time, particularly anti-war protests. When Ubu Films went out of business after the lack of audience interest in Thoms’s long Marinetti film in 1969, Aggy Read suggested that Ubu be reinvented as a co-operative for tax reasons and because they might benefit from their stock of 250 Australian and foreign films. On 28 May 1970 the reinvention began at the first general meeting of the Sydney Filmmakers Cooperative where Noyce volunteered and was elected their part-time manager. He transferred the 250 prints to his parents’ home in Wahroonga where he was still living he said he “used to sit there day after day just screening those movies for myself” (Petzke 18). The Sydney University Film Society screened feature films to students at lunchtime. Noyce soon discovered they had money nobody was spending and equipment no one was using, which seemed to be made especially for him. In the university cinema he would often screen his own and other shorts from the Co-op’s library. The entry fee was 50 cents. He remembered: “If I handed out the leaflets in the morning, particularly concentrating on the fact that these films were uncensored and a little risqué, then usually there would be 600 people in the cinema […] One or two screenings per semester would usually give me all the pocket money I needed to live” (Petzke 19). Libertine and risqué films were obviously popular as they were hard to come by. Noyce said: We suffered the worst censorship of almost any Western country in the world, even worse than South Africa. Books would be seized by customs officers at the airports and when ships docked. Customs would be looking for Lady Chatterley’s Lover. We were very censored in literature and films and plays, and my film [Better to Reign in Hell] was banned from export. I tried to send it to a film festival in Holland and it was denied an export permit, but because it had been shot in Australia, until someone in the audience complained it could still be screened locally. (Castaway's Choice) No wonder clashes with the law happened frequently and were worn like medals of honour in those days of fighting the system, proving that one was fighting in the front line against the conservative values of law and order. Noyce encountered three brushes with the law. The first occurred when selling Ubu Films’ alternative culture newspaper Ubu News, Australia’s first underground newspaper (Milesago). One of the issues contained an advertisement—a small drawing—for Levi’s jeans, showing a guy trying to put his Levis on his head, so that his penis was showing. That was judged by the police to be obscene. Noyce was found guilty and given a suspended sentence for publishing an indecent publication. There had been another incident including Phil’s Pill, his own publication of six or eight issues. After one day reprinting some erotic poems from The Penguin Collection of Erotic Poetry he was found guilty and released on a good behaviour bond without a conviction being recorded. For the sake of historical truth it should be remembered, though, that provocation was a genuine part of the game. How else could one seriously advertise Better to Reign in Hell as “a sex-fantasy film which includes a daring rape scene”—and be surprised when the police came in after screening this “pornographic film” (Stratton 202) at the Newcastle Law Students Ball? The Newcastle incident also throws light on the fact that Noyce organised screenings wherever possible, constantly driving prints and projectors around in his Mini Minor. Likewise, he is remembered as having been extremely helpful in trying to encourage other people with their own ideas—anyone could make films and could make them about anything they liked. He helped Jan Chapman, a fellow student who became his (first) wife in December 1971, to shoot and edit Just a Little Note, a documentary about a moratorium march and a guerrilla theatre group run by their friend George Shevtsov. Noyce also helped on I Happened to Be a Girl, a documentary about four women, friends of Chapman. There is no denying that being a filmmaker was a hobby, a full-time job and an obsessive religion for Noyce. He was on the organising committee of the First Australian Filmmakers’ Festival in August 1971. He performed in the agit-prop acting troupe run by George Shevtsov (later depicted in Renegades) that featured prominently at one of Sydney’s rock festival that year. In the latter part of 1971 and early 1972 he worked on Good Afternoon, a documentary about the Combined Universities’ Aquarius Arts Festival in Canberra, which arguably was the first major manifestation of counterculture in Australia. For this the Aquarius Foundation—the cultural arm of the Australian Union of Students—had contracted him. This became a two-screen movie à la Woodstock. Together with Thoms, Read and Ian Stocks, in 1972 he participated in cataloguing the complete set of films in distribution by the Co-op (see Sydney Filmmakers Cooperative). As can be seen, Noyce was at home in many manifestations of the Sydney counterculture. His own films had slowly become more politicised and bent towards documentary. He even started a newsreel that he used to screen at the Filmmakers’ Cooperative Cinema with a live commentary. One in 1971, Springboks Protest, was about the demonstrations at the Sydney Cricket Ground against the South African rugby tour. There were more but Noyce doesn’t remember them and no prints seem to have survived. Renegades was a diary film; a combination of poetic images and reportage on the street demonstrations. Noyce’s experimental films had been met with interest in the—limited—audience and among publications. His more political films and particularly Good Afternoon, however, reached out to a much wider audience, now including even the undogmatic left and hard-core documentarists of the times. In exchange, and for the first time, there were opposing reactions—but as always a great discussion at the Filmmakers’ Cinema, the main venue for independent productions. This cinema began with those initial screenings at Sydney University in the union room next to the Union Theatre. But once the Experimental Film Fund started operating in 1970, more and more films were submitted for the screenings and consequently a new venue was needed. Albie Thoms started a forum in the Yellow House in Kings Cross in May 1970. Next came—at least briefly—a restaurant in Glebe before the Co-op took over a space on the top floor of the socialist Third World Bookshop in Goulburn Street that was a firetrap. Bob Gould, the owner, was convinced that by first passing through his bookshop the audience would buy his books on the way upstairs. Sundays for him were otherwise dead from a commercial point of view. Noyce recollected that: The audience at this Filmmakers’ Cinema were mightily enthusiastic about seeing themselves up on the screen. And there was always a great discussion. So, generally the screenings were a huge success, with many full houses. The screenings grew from once a week, to three times on Sunday, to all weekend, and then seven days a week at several locations. One program could play in three different illegal cinemas around the city. (Petzke 26) A filmmakers’ cinema also started in Melbourne and the groups of filmmakers would visit each other and screen their respective films. But especially after the election of the Whitlam Labor government in December 1972 there was a shift in interest from risqué underground films to the concept of Australian Cinema. The audience started coming now for a dose of Australian culture. Funding of all kind was soon freely available and with such a fund the film co-op was able to set up a really good licensed cinema in St. Peters Lane in Darlinghurst, running seven days a week. But, Noyce said, “the move to St. Peters Lane was sort of the end of an era, because initially the cinema was self-funded, but once it became government sponsored everything changed” (Petzke 29). With money now readily available, egotism set in and the prevailing “we”-feeling rather quickly dissipated. But by the time of this move and the resulting developments, everything for Noyce had already changed again. He had been accepted into the first intake of the Interim Australian Film & TV School, another one of the nation-awareness-building projects of the Whitlam government. He was on his “long march through the institutions”—as this was frequently called throughout Europe—that would bring him to documentaries, TV and eventually even Hollywood (and return). Noyce didn’t linger once the alternative scene started fading away. Everything those few, wild years in the counterculture had taught him also put him right on track to become one of the major players in Hollywood. He never looked back—but he remembers fondly…References Castaway’s Choice. Radio broadcast by KCRW. 1990. Doggett, Peter. There’s a Riot Going On: Revolutionaries, Rock Stars and the Rise and Fall of ’60s Counter-Culture. Edinburgh: Canongate, 2007. Farber, Manny. “Underground Films.” Negative Space: Manny Farber on the Movies. Ed. Manny Farber. New York: Da Capo, 1998. 12–24. Jacobs, Lewis. “Morning for the Experimental Film”. Film Culture 19 (1959): 6–9. Milesago. “Ubu Films”. n.d. 26 Nov. 2014 ‹http://www.milesago.com/visual/ubu.htm›. 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IntroductionThis article is about the transformation of coffee, from having no place in the everyday lives of the people of Bangladesh, to a new position as a harbinger of liberal values and Western culture. The context is a group of Australian photojournalism students who embarked on a month-long residency in Bangladesh; the content is a Nescafé advertisement encouraging the young, middle-class Bangladesh audience to consume coffee, in a marketing campaign that promotes “my first cup.” For the Australian students, the marketing positioning of this advertising campaign transformed instant coffee into a strange and unfamiliar commodity. At the same time, the historic association between Bangladesh and tea prompted one of the photographers to undertake her own journey to explore the hidden side of that other Western staple. This paper explores the tradition of tea culture in Bangladesh and the marketing campaign for instant coffee within this culture, combining the authors’ experiences and perspectives. The outline of the Photomedia unit in the Bachelor of Creative Industries degree that the students were working towards at Edith Cowan University (ECU) in Australia states that:students will engage with practices, issues and practicalities of working as a photojournalist in an international, cross cultural context. Students will work in collaboration with students of Pathshala: South Asian Institute of Photography, Dhaka Bangladesh in the research, production and presentation of stories related to Bangladeshi society and culture for distribution to international audiences (ECU). The sixteen students from Perth, living and working in Bangladesh between 5 January and 7 February 2012, exhibited a diverse range of cultures, contexts, and motivations. Young Australians, along with a number of ECU’s international students, including some from Norway, China and Sweden, were required to learn first-hand about life in Bangladesh, one of the world’s poorest and most densely populated countries. Danielle Fusco and ECU lecturer Duncan Barnes collaborated with staff and students of Pathshala, South Asian Media Institute (Pathshala). Their recollections and observations on tea production and the location are central to this article but it is the questions asked by the group about the marketing of instant coffee into this culture that provides its tensions. Fusco completed a week-long induction and then travelled in Bangladesh for a fortnight to research and photograph individual stories on rural and urban life. Barnes here sets the scene for the project, describing the expectations and what actually happened: When we travel to countries that are vastly different to our own it is often to seek out that difference; to go in search of the romanticised ideals that have been portrayed as paradise in films, books and photographs. “The West” has long been fascinated with “The East” (Said) and for the past half century, since the hippie treks to Marrakesh and Afghanistan, people have journeyed overland to the Indian sub-continent, both from Europe and from Australia, yearning for a cultural experience they cannot find at home. Living in Perth, Western Australia, sometimes called the most isolated capital city in the world, that pull to something “different” is like a magnet. Upon arrival in Dhaka, you find yourself deliciously overwhelmed by the heavy traffic, the crowded markets, the spicy foods and the milky lassie drinks. It only takes a few stomach upsets to make your Western appetite start kicking in and you begin craving things you have at home but that are hard to find in Bangladesh. Take coffee for example. I recently completed a month-long visit to Bangladesh, which, like India, is a nation of tea drinkers. Getting any kind of good coffee requires that you be in what expatriates call “the Golden Triangle” of Dhaka city—within the area contained by Gulshan-Banani-Baridhara. Here you find the embassies and a sizeable expatriate community that constitutes a Western bubble unrepresentative of Bangladesh beyond these districts. Coffee World is an example of a Western-style café chain that, as the name suggests, serves coffee beverages. It has trouble making a quality flat white. The baristas are poorly trained, the service is painfully slow, yet the prices are comparable to those in the West. Even with these disadvantages, it is frequented by Westerners who also make use of the free WiFi. In contrast, tea is available at every road junction for around 5 cents Australian. It’s ready in seconds: the kettle is always hot due to a constant turnover of local customers. It was the history of tea growing in Bangladesh, and a desire to know more about a commodity that people in the West take for granted, that most attracted Fusco’s interest. She chose to focus on Bangladesh’s oldest commercial tea garden (plantation) Sylhet, which has been in production since 1857 (Tea Board). As is the case with many tea farms in the Indian sub-continent, the workers at Sylhet are part of Bangladesh’s Hindu minority. Fusco left Dhaka and travelled into the rural areas to investigate tea production: Venturing into these estates from the city is like entering an entirely different world. They are isolated places, and although they are close in distance, they are completely separate from the main city. Spending time in the Khadim tea estate amongst the plantations and the workers’ compounds made me very aware of the strong relationship that exists between them. The Hindu teaching of Samsara refers to the continuous cycle of repeated birth, life, death and rebirth [Hinduism], which became a metaphor for me, for this relationship I was experiencing. It is clear that neither farm [where the tea is grown] nor village [which houses the people] could live without each other. The success and maintenance of the tea farm relies on the workers just as much as the workers rely on the tea gardens for their livelihood and sustenance. Their life cycles are intertwined and in synch. There are many problems in the compounds. The people are extremely poor. Their education opportunities are limited, and they work incredibly hard for very little money for their entire lives. They are bound to stay and work here and as those generations before them, were born, worked and died here, living their whole lives in the community of the tea farm. By documenting the lives of the people, I realised I was documenting the process of the lives of the tea trees at the same time. This is how I met Lolita.Figure 1. Bangladeshi tea worker, Lolita, stands in a small section of the Khadim tea plantation in the early morning. Sylhet, Bangladesh (Danielle Fusco, Jan. 2012). This woman emulated everything I was seeing and feeling about the village and the garden. She spoke about the reliance on the trees, especially because of the money and, therefore, the food, they provide for her and her husband. I became aware of the injustice of this system because the workers are paid so little while this industry is booming. It was obvious that life here is far from perfect, but as Lolita explains, they make do. She has worked on the tea estate for decades. As her husband is no longer working, she is the primary income earner. They are able, however, to live in relative comfort now their children have all married and left and it is just the two of them. Lolita describes that money lies within these trees. Money for her means that she can eat that day. Money for the managers means industrial success. Either way, whether it is in the eyes of the individual or the industry, tea always comes down to Taka [the currency of Bangladesh]. Marketing Coffee in a Culture of Tea and Betel Nut With such a strong culture of tea production and consumption and a coffee culture just existing on the fringe, a campaign by Nescafé to encourage Bangladeshi consumers to have “my first cup” of Nescafé instant coffee at the time of this study captured the imagination of the students. How effective can the marketing of Nescafé instant coffee be in a society that is historically a producer and consumer of tea, and which also still embraces the generations-old use of the betel nut as an everyday stimulant? Although it only employs some 150,000 (Islam et al.) in a nation of 150 million people, tea makes an important contribution to the Bangladesh economy. Shortly after the 1971 civil war, in which East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) became independent from West Pakistan (now Pakistan), the then-Chairman of the Bangladesh Tea Board, writing in World Development, commented:In the highly competitive marketing environment of today it is extremely necessary for the tea industry of Bangladesh to increase production by raising the per acre yield, improve quality by adoption of finer plucking standards and modernization of factories and reduce per unit cost of production so as to be able to sell more of our teas to foreign markets and thereby earn higher amounts of much needed foreign exchange for the country as well as generate additional resources within the industry for ploughing back for further development (Ali 55). In Bangladesh, tea is a cash crop that, even in the 1970s following vicious conflicts, is more than capable of meeting local demand and producing an export dividend. Coffee is imported commodity that, historically, has had little place in Bangladeshi life or culture. However important tea is, it is not the traditional Bangladesh stimulant. Instead, over the years, when people in the West would have had a cup of tea or coffee and/or a cigarette, most Bangladeshis have turned to the betel nut. A 2005 study of 100 citizens from Araihazar, Bangladesh, conducted by researchers from Columbia University, found that coffee consumption is “very low in this population” (Hafeman et al. 567). The purpose of the study was to assess the impact of betel quids (the wad of masticated nut) and the chewing of betel nuts, upon tremor. For this reason, it was important to record the consumption of stimulants in the 98 participants who progressed to the next stage of the study and took a freehand spiral-drawing test. While “26 (27%) participants had chewed betel quids, 23 (23%) had smoked one or more cigarettes, [and] 14 (14%) drank tea; on that day, only 1 (1%) drank caffeinated soda, and none (0%) drank coffee” (Hafeman et al. 568). Given its addictive and carcinogenic properties (Sharma), the people who chewed betel quids were more likely to exhibit tremor in their spiral drawings than the people who did not. As this (albeit small) study suggests, the preferred Bangladeshi stimulant is more likely to be betel or tobacco rather than a beverage. Insofar as hot drinks are consumed, Bangladesh citizens drink tea. This poses a significant challenge for multinational advertisers who seek to promote the consumption of instant coffee as a means of growing the global market for Nescafé. Marketing Nescafé to Bangladesh In Dhaka, in January 2012, the television campaign slogan for Nescafé is “My first cup”, with the tagline, “Time you started.” This Nescafé television commercial (NTC) impressed itself upon the Australian visitors, both in terms of its frequency of broadcast and in its referencing of Western culture and values. (The advertisement can be viewed at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2E8mFX43oAM). The NTC’s three stars, Vir Das, Purab Kohli, and leading Bollywood actress Deepika Padukone, are highly-recognisable to young Bangladeshi audiences and the storyline is part of a developing series of advertisements which together form a mini-soap opera, like that used so successfully to advertise the Nescafé Gold Blend brand of instant coffee in the West in the 1980s to 1990s (O’Donohoe 242; Beale). The action takes place in Kohli’s affluent, Western-style apartment. The drama starts with Das challenging Kohli regarding whether he has successfully developed a relationship with his attractive neighbour, Padukone. Using a combination of local language with English words and sub-titles, the first sequence is captioned: “Any progress with Deepika, or are you still mixing coffee?” Suggesting incredulity, and that he could do better, Das asks Kohli, according to the next subtitle, “What are you doing dude?” The use of the word “dude” clearly refers to American youth culture, familiar in such movies as Dude, where’s my car? This is underlined by the immediate transition to the English words of “bikes … biceps … chest … explosion.” Of these four words only “chest” is pronounced in the local tongue, although all four words are included as captions in English. Kohli appears less and less impressed as Das becomes increasingly insistent, with Das going on to express frustration with Kohli through the exclamation “u don’t even have a plan.” The use of the text-speak English “u” here can be constructed as another way of persuading young Bangladeshi viewers that this advertisement is directed at them: the “u” in place of “you” is likely to annoy their English-speaking elders. Das continues speaking in his mother tongue, with the subtitle “Deepika padukone [sic] is your neighbour and you are only drinking coffee,” with the subsequent subtitle emphasising: “Deepika and only coffee.” At this point, Padukone enters the apartment through the open door without knocking and confidently says “Hi.” Kohli explains the situation by responding (in English, and subtitled) “my school friend, Das”. Padukone, in turn, responds in a friendly way to both men (in English, and subtitled) “You guys want to have coffee?” Instead of responding directly to this invitation, Das models to Kohli what it is to take the initiative in this situation: what it is to have a plan. “Hello” (he says, in English and subtitled) “I don’t have coffee but I have a plan. You and me, my bike, right now, hit the town, party!” Kohli looks down at the floor, embarrassed, while Padukone looks quizzically at him over Das’s shoulder. Kohli smiles, and points to himself and Padukone, clearly excluding Das: “I will have coffee” (in English, and subtitle). “Better plan”, exclaims Padukone, “You and me, my place, right now, coffee.” She looks challengingly at Das: “Right?,” a statement rather than a request, and exits, with Kohli following and Das left behind in the apartment. Cue voice-over (not a subtitle, but in-screen speech bubble) “[It’s] time you started” (spoken) “the new Nescafé” (shot change) “My first cup” (with an in-screen price promotion). This commercial associates coffee drinking with Western values of social and personal autonomy. For young women in the traditional Muslim culture of Bangladesh, it suggests a world in which they are at liberty to spend time with the suitors they choose, ignoring those whom they find pushy or inappropriate, and free to invite a man back to “my place, right now” for coffee. The scene setting in this advertisement and the use of English in both the spoken and written text suggests its target is the educated middle class, and indicates that sophisticated, affluent, trend-setters drink coffee as a part of getting to know their neighbours. In line with this, the still which ends the commercial promotes the Facebook page “Know your neighbours.” The flirtatious nature of the actors in the advertisement, the emphasis on each of the male characters spending time alone with the female character, and the female character having both power and choice in this situation is likely to be highly unacceptable to traditional Bangladeshi parental values and, therefore, proportionately more exciting to the target audience. The underlying suggestion of “my first cup” and “time you started” is that the social consumption of that first cup of coffee is the “first step” to becoming more Western. The statement also has overtones of sexual initiation. The advertisement aligns itself with the world portrayed in the Western media consumed in Bangladesh, and the implication is that—even if Western liberal values are not currently a possible choice for all—it is at least feasible to start on the journey towards these values through drinking that first cup of coffee. Unbeknownst to the Bangladesh audience, this Nescafé marketing strategy echoes, in almost all material particulars, the same approach that was so successful in persuading Australians to embrace instant coffee. Khamis, in her essay on Australia and the convenience of instant coffee, argues that, while in 1928 Australia had the highest per capita consumption of tea in the world, this had begun to change by the 1950s. The transformation in the market positioning of coffee was partly achieved through an association between tea and old-fashioned ‘Britishness’ and coffee and the United States: this discovery [of coffee] spoke to changes in Australia’s lifestyle options: the tea habit was tied to Australia’s development as a far-flung colonial outpost, a daily reminder that many still looked to London as the nation’s cultural capital: the growing appeal of instant coffee reflected a widening and more nuanced cultural palate. This was not just ‘another’ example of the United States postwar juggernaut; it marks the transitional phase in Australia’s history, as its cultural identity was informed less by the staid conservativism of Britain than the heady flux of New World glamour (219). Coffee was associated with the USA not simply through advertising but also through cultural exposure. By 1943, notes Khamis, there were 120,000 American service personnel stationed in Australia and she quotes Symons (168) as saying that “when an American got on a friendly footing with an Australian family he was usually found in the kitchen, teaching the Mrs how to make coffee, or washing the dishes” (168, cited in Khamis 220). The chances were that “the Mrs”—the Australian housewife—felt she needed the tuition: an Australian survey conducted by Gallup in March 1950 indicated that 55 per cent of respondents at that time had never tried coffee, while a further 24 per cent said they “seldom” consumed it (Walker and Roberts 133, cited in Khamis 222). In a newspaper article titled, “Overpaid, Oversexed and Over Here”, Munro describes the impact of exposure to the first American troops based in Australia during this time, with a then seven year old recalling: “They were foreign, quite a different culture from us. They spoke more loudly than us. They had strange accents, cute expressions, they were really very exotic.” The American troops caused consternation for Australian fathers and boyfriends. Dulcie Wood was 18 when she was dating an American serviceman: They had more money to spend (than Australian troops). They seemed to have plenty of supplies, they were always bringing you presents—stockings and cartons of cigarettes […] Their uniforms were better. They took you to more places. They were quite good dancers, some of them. They always brought you flowers. They were more polite to women. They charmed the mums because they were very polite. Some dads were a bit more sceptical of them. They weren’t sure if all that charm was genuine (quoted in Munro). Darian-Smith argues that, at that time, Australian understanding of Americans was based on Hollywood films, which led to an impression of American technological superiority and cultural sophistication (215-16, 232). “Against the American-style combination of smart advertising, consumerism, self-expression and popular democracy, the British class system and its buttoned-up royals appeared dull and dour” writes Khamis (226, citing Grant 15)—almost as dull and dour as 1950s tea compared with the postwar sophistication of Nescafé instant coffee. Conclusion The approach Nestlé is using in Bangladesh to market instant coffee is tried and tested: coffee is associated with the new, radical cultural influence while tea and other traditional stimulants are relegated to the choice of an older, more staid generation. Younger consumers are targeted with a romantic story about the love of coffee, reflected in a mini-soap opera about two people becoming a couple over a cup of Nescafé. Hopefully, the Pathshala-Edith Cowan University collaboration is at least as strong. Some of the overseas visitors return to Bangladesh on a regular basis—the student presentations in 2012 were, for instance, attended by two visiting graduates from the 2008 program who were working in Bangladesh. For the Australian participants, the association with Pathshala, South Asian Media Institute, and Drik Photo Agency brings recognition, credibility and opportunity. It also offers a totally new perspective on what to order in the coffee queue once they are home again in Australia. Postscript The final week of the residency in Bangladesh was taken up with presentations and a public exhibition of the students’ work at Drik Picture Agency, Dhaka, 3–7 February 2012. Danielle Fusco’s photographs can be accessed at: http://public-files.apps.ecu.edu.au/SCA_Marketing/coffee/coffee.html References Ali, M. “Commodity Round-up: Problems and Prospects of Bangladesh Tea”, World Development 1.1–2 (1973): 55. Beale, Claire. “Should the Gold Blend Couple Get Back Together?” The Independent 29 Apr 2010. 8 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.independent.co.uk/news/media/advertising/should-the-gold-blend-couple-get-back-together-1957196.html›. Darian-Smith, Kate. On the Home Front: Melbourne in Wartime 1939-1945. 2nd ed. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2009. Dude, Where’s My Car? Dir. Danny Leiner. Twentieth Century Fox, 2000. Edith Cowan University (ECU). “Photomedia Summer School Bangladesh 2012.” 1 May 2012 .Grant, Bruce. The Australian Dilemma: A New Kind of Western Society. Sydney: Macdonald Futura, 1983. Hafeman, D., H. Ashan, T. Islam, and E. Louis. “Betel-quid: Its Tremor-producing Effects in Residents of Araihazar, Bangladesh.” Movement Disorders 21.4 (2006): 567-71. Hinduism. “Reincarnation and Samsara.” Heart of Hinduism. 8 Apr. 2012 ‹http://hinduism.iskcon.org/concepts/102.htm›. Islam, G., M. Iqbal, K. Quddus, and M. Ali. “Present Status and Future Needs of Tea Industry in Bangladesh (Review).” Proceedings of the Pakistan Academy of Science. 42.4 (2005): 305-14. 8 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.paspk.org/downloads/proc42-4/42-4-p305-314.pdf›. Khamis, Susie. “It Only Takes a Jiffy to Make: Nestlé, Australia and the Convenience of Instant Coffee.” Food, Culture & Society 12.2 (2009): 217-33. Munro, Ian. “Overpaid, Oversexed and Over Here.” The Age 27 Feb. 2002. 8 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2002/02/26/1014704950716.html›. O’Donohoe, Stephanie. “Raiding the Postmodern Pantry: Advertising Intertextuality and the Young Adult Audience.” European Journal of Marketing 31.3/4 (1997): 234-53 Pathshala. Pathshala, South Asian Media Academy. 8 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.pathshala.net/controller.php›. Said, Edward. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978. Sharma, Dinesh. “Betel Quid and Areca Nut are Carcinogenic without Tobacco.” The Lancet Oncology 4.10 (2003): 587. 8 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.lancet.com/journals/lanonc/article/PIIS1470-2045(03)01229-4/fulltext›. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A History of Eating in Australia. Ringwood, Vic: Penguin, 1984. Tea Board. “History of Bangladesh Tea Industry.” Bangladesh Tea Board. 8 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.teaboard.gov.bd/index.php?option=HistoryTeaIndustry›. Walker, Robin and Dave Roberts. From Scarcity to Surfeit: A History of Food and Nutrition in New South Wales. Sydney: NSW UP, 1988.

Sharing this article, the act of writing and then having it read, legitimises the point of it – that is, we (and we speak on behalf of each other here) managed to negotiate western academic expectations and norms from a just-as-legitimate-but-not-always-heard female Buginese perspective written in Standard Australian English (not my first choice-of-language and I speak on behalf of myself). At times we transgressed roles, guiding and following each other through different academic, cultural, social, and linguistic domains until we stumbled upon ways of legitimating our entanglement of experiences, when we heard the similar, faint, drum beat across boundaries and journeys.This article is one storying of the results of this four year relationship between a Buginese PhD candidate and an Indigenous Australian supervisor – both in the writing of the article and the processes that we are writing about. This is our process of knowing and validating knowledge through sharing, collaboration and cultural exchange. Neither the successful PhD thesis nor this article draw from authoethnography but they are outcomes of a lived, research standpoint that fiercely fought to centre a Muslim-Buginese perspective as much as possible, due to the nature of a postgraduate program. In the effort to find a way to not privilege Western ways of knowing to the detriment of my standpoint and position, we had to find a way to at times privilege my way of knowing the world alongside a Western one. There had to be a beat that transgressed cultural and linguistic differences and that allowed for a legitimised dialogic, intersubjective dance.The PhD research focused on potential dialogue between Australian culture and Buginese culture in terms of feminism and its resulting cultural hybridity where some Australian feminist thoughts are applicable to Buginese culture but some are not. Therefore, the PhD study centred a Buginese standpoint while moving back and forth amongst Australian feminist discourses and the dominant expectations of a western academic process. The PhD research was part of a greater Indonesian tertiary movement to include, study, challenge and extend feminist literary programs and how this could be respectfully and culturally appropriately achieved. This article is written by both of us but the core knowledge comes from a Buginese standpoint, that is, the principal supervisor learned from the PhD candidate and then applied her understanding of Indigenous standpoint theory, Tuhiwahi Smith’s decolonising methodologies and Spivakian self-reflexivity to aid the candidate’s development of her dancing methodology. For this reason, the rest of this article is written from the first-person perspective of Dr Abbas.The PhD study was a literary analysis on five stories from Helen Garner’s Postcards from Surfers (1985). My work translated these five stories from English into Indonesian and discussed some challenges that occurred in the process of translation. By using Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading and Robert Warrior’s metaphor of the subaltern dancing, I, the embodied learner and the cultural translator, moved back and forth between Buginese culture and Australian culture to consider how Australian women and men are represented and how mainstream Australian society engages with, or challenges, discourses of patriarchy and power. This movement back and forth was theorised as ‘dancing’. Ultimately, another dance was performed at the end of the thesis waltz between the work which centred my Buginese standpoint and academia as a Western tertiary institution.I have been dancing with Australian feminism for over four years. My use of the word ‘dancing’ signified my challenge to articulate and engage with Australian culture, literature, and feminism by viewing it from a Buginese perspective as opposed to a ‘Non-Western’ perspective. As a Buginese woman and scholar, I centred my specific cultural standpoints instead of accepting them generally and therefore dismissed the altering label of ‘Non-Western’. Juxtaposing Australian feminism with Buginese culture was not easy. However, as my research progressed I saw interesting cultural differences between Australian and Buginese cultures that could result in a hybridized way of engaging feminist issues. At times, my cultural standpoint took the lead in directing the research or the point, at other times a Western beat was more prominent, for example, using the English language to voice my work.The Buginese, also known as the Bugis, along with the Makassar, the Mandar, and the Toraja, are one of the four main ethnic groups of the province of South Sulawesi in Indonesia. The population of the Buginese in South Sulawesi spreads into major states (Bone, Wajo, Soppeng, and Sidenreng) and some minor states (Pare-Pare, Suppa, and Sinjai). Like other ethnic groups living in other islands of Indonesia such as the Javanese, the Sundanese, the Minang, the Batak, the Balinese, and the Ambonese, the Buginese have their own culture and traditions. The Buginese, especially those who live in the villages, are still bounded strictly by ade’ (custom) or pangadereng (customary law). This concept of ade’ provides living guidelines for Buginese and consists of five components including ade’, bicara, rapang, wari’, and sara’. Pelras clarifies that pangadereng is ‘adat-hood’, a corpus of interlinked ruling principles which, besides ade’ (custom), includes also bicara (jurisprudence), rapang (models of good behaviour which ensure the proper functioning of society), wari’ (rules of descent and hierarchy) and sara’ (Islamic law and institution, derived from the Arabic shari’a) (190). So, pangadereng is an overall norm which includes advice on how Buginese should behave towards fellow human beings and social institutions on a reciprocal basis. In addition, the Buginese together with Makassarese, mind what is called siri’ (honour and shame), that is the sense of honour and shame. In the life of the Buginese-Makassar people, the most basic element is siri’. For them, no other value merits to be more detected and preserved. Siri’ is their life, their self-respect and their dignity. This is why, in order to uphold and to defend it when it has been stained or they consider it has been stained by somebody, the Bugis-Makassar people are ready to sacrifice everything, including their most precious life, for the sake of its restoration. So goes the saying.... ‘When one’s honour is at stake, without any afterthought one fights’ (Pelras 206).Buginese is one of Indonesia’s ethnic groups where men and women are intended to perform equal roles in society, especially those who live in the Buginese states of South Sulawesi where they are still bound strictly by ade’ (custom) or pangadereng (customary law). These two basic concepts are guidelines for daily life, both in the family and the work place. Buginese also praise what is called siri’, a sense of honour and shame. It is because of this sense of honour and shame that we have a saying, siri’ emmi ri onroang ri lino (people live only for siri’) which means one lives only for honour and prestige. Siri’ had to remain a guiding principle in my theoretical and methodological approach to my PhD research. It is also a guiding principle in the resulting pedagogical praxis that this work has established for my course in Australian culture and literature at Hasanuddin University. I was not prepared to compromise my own ethical and cultural identity and position yet will admit, at times, I felt pressured to do so if I was going to be seen to be performing legitimate scholarly work. Novera argues that:Little research has focused specifically on the adjustment of Indonesian students in Australia. Hasanah (1997) and Philips (1994) note that Indonesian students encounter difficulties in fulfilling certain Western academic requirements, particularly in relation to critical thinking. These studies do not explore the broad range of academic and social problems. Yet this is a fruitful area for research, not just because of the importance of Indonesian students to Australia, and the importance of the Australia-Indonesia relationship to both neighbouring nations, but also because adjustment problems are magnified by cultural differences. There are clear differences between Indonesian and Australian cultures, so that a study of Indonesian students in Australia might also be of broader academic interest […]Studies of international student adjustment discuss a range of problems, including the pressures created by new role and behavioural expectations, language difficulties, financial problems, social difficulties, homesickness, difficulties in dealing with university and other authorities, academic difficulties, and lack of assertiveness inside and outside the classroom. (467)While both my supervisor and I would agree that I faced all of these obstacles during my PhD candidature, this article is focusing solely on the battle to present my methodology, a dialogic encounter between Buginese feminism and mainstream Australian culture using Helen Garner’s short stories, to a Western process and have it be “legitimised”. Endang writes that short stories are becoming more popular in the industrial era in Indonesia and they have become vehicles for writers to articulate the realities of social life such as poverty, marginalization, and unfairness (141-144). In addition, Noor states that the short story has become a new literary form particularly effective for assisting writers in their goal to help the marginalized because its shortness can function as a weapon to directly “scoop up” the targeted issues and “knock them out at a blow” (Endang 144-145). Indeed, Helen Garner uses short stories in a way similar to that described by Endang: as a defiant act towards the government and current circumstances (145). My study of Helen Garner’s short stories explored the way her stories engage with and resist gender relations and inequality between men and women in Australian society through four themes prevalent in the narratives: the kitchen, landscape, language, and sexuality. I wrote my thesis in standard Australian English and I complied with expected forms, formatting, referencing, structuring etc. My thesis also included the Buginese translations of some of Garner’s work. However, the theoretical approaches that informed my analysis cannot be separated from the personal. In the title, I use the term ‘dancing’ to indicate a dialogue with white Australian women by moving back and forth between Australian culture and Buginese culture. I use the term ‘dancing’ as an extension of Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading but employ it as a signifier of my movement between insider and outsider (of Australian feminism), that is, I extend it from just a literary reading to a whole body experience. According to Ashcroft and Ahluwalia, the “essence of Said’s argument is to know something is to have power over it, and conversely, to have power is to know the world in your own terms” (83). Ashcroft and Ahluwalia add how through music, particularly the work of pianist Glenn Gould, Said formulated a way of reading imperial and postcolonial texts contrapuntally. Such a reading acknowledges the hybridity of cultures, histories and literatures, allowing the reader to move back and forth between an internal and an external standpoint of cultural references and attitudes in “an effort to draw out, extend, give emphasis and voice to what is silent or marginally present or ideologically represented” (Said 66). While theorising about the potential dance between Australian and Buginese feminisms in my work, I was living the dance in my day-to-day Australian university experience. Trying to accommodate the expected requirements of a PhD thesis, while at the same time ensuring that I maintained my own personal, cultural and professional dignity, that is ade’, and siri’, required some fancy footwork. Siri’ is central to my Buginese worldview and had to be positioned as such in my PhD thesis. Also, the realities that women are still marginalized and that gender inequality and disparities persist in Indonesian society become a motivation to carry out my PhD study. The opportunity to study Australian culture and literature in that country, allowed me to increase my global and local complexity as an individual, what Pieterse refers to as “ a process of hybridization” and to become as Beck terms an “actor” and “manager’’ of my life (as cited in Edmunds 1). Gaining greater autonomy and reconceptualising both masculinity and femininity, while dominant themes in Garner’s work, are also issues I address in my personal and professional goals. In other words, this study resulted in hybridized knowledge of Australian concepts of feminism and Buginese societies that offers a reference for students to understand and engage with different feminist thought. By learning how feminism is understood differently by Australians and Buginese, my Indonesian students can decide what aspects of feminist ideas from a Western perspective can be applied to Buginese culture without transgressing Buginese customs and habits.There are few Australian literary works that have been translated into Indonesian. Those that have include Peter Carey’s True History of the Kelly Gang (2007) and My Life is a Fake (2009), James Vance Marshall’s Walkabout (1957), Emma Darcy’s The Billionaire Bridegroom (2010) , Sally Morgan’s My Place (1987), and Colleen McCullogh’s The Thorn Birds (1978). My translation of five short stories from Postcards from Surfers complemented these works and enriched the diversity of Indonesian translations of world literary works, the bulk of which tends to come from the United Kingdom, America, the Middle East, and Japan. However, actually getting through the process of PhD research followed by examination required my supervisor and I to negotiate cross-cultural terrain, academic agendas and Western expectations of what legitimate thesis writing should look like. Employing Said’s contrapuntal pedagogy and Warrior’s notion of subaltern dancing became my illegitimate methodological frame.Said points out that contrapuntal analysis means that students and teachers can cross-culturally “elucidate a complex and uneven topography” (318). He adds that “we must be able to think through and interpret together experiences that are discrepant, each with its particular agenda and pace of development, its own internal formations, its internal coherence and system of external relationships, all of them co-existing and interacting with others” (32). Contrapuntal is a metaphor Said derived from musical theory, meaning to counterpoint or add a rhythm or melody, in this case, Buginese and Anglo-Australian feminisms. Warrior argues for an indigenous critique of how power and knowledge is read and in doing so he writes that “the subaltern can dance, and so sometimes can the intellectual” (85). In his rereading of Spivak, he argues that subaltern and intellectual positions can meet “and in meeting, create the possibility of communication” (86). He refers to this as dancing partly because it implicitly acknowledges without silencing the voices of the subaltern (once the subaltern speaks it is no longer the subaltern, so the notion of dancing allows for communication, “a movement from subalternity to something else” (90) which can mark “a new sort of non-complicitous relationship to a family, community or class of origin” (91). By “non-complicit” Warrior means that when a member of the subaltern becomes a scholar and therefore a member of those who historically silence the subaltern, there are other methods for communicating, of moving, between political and cultural spaces that allow for a multiplicity of voices and responses. Warrior uses a traditional Osage in-losh-ka dance as an example of how he physically and intellectually interacts with multiple voices and positions:While the music plays, our usual differences, including subalternity and intellectuality, and even gender in its own way, are levelled. For those of us moving to the music, the rules change, and those who know the steps and the songs and those who can keep up with the whirl of bodies, music and colours hold nearly every advantage over station or money. The music ends, of course, but I know I take my knowledge of the dance away and into my life as a critic, and I would argue that those levelled moments remain with us after we leave the drum, change our clothes, and go back to the rest of our lives. (93)For Warrior, the dance becomes theory into practice. For me, it became not only a way to soundly and “appropriately” present my methodology and purpose, but it also became my day to day interactions, as a female Buginese scholar, with western, Australian academic and cultural worldviews and expectations.One of the biggest movements I had to justify was my use of the first person “I”, in my thesis, to signify my identity as a Buginese woman and position myself as an insider of my community with a hybrid western feminism with Australia in mind. Perrault argues that “Writing “I” has been an emancipatory project for women” (2). In the context of my PhD thesis, uttering ‘I’ confirmed my position and aims. However, this act of explicitly situating my own identity and cultural position in my research and thesis was considered one of the more illegitimate acts. In one of the examiner reports, it was stated that situating myself centrally was fraught but that I managed to avoid the pitfalls. Judy Long argues that writing in the female first person challenges patriarchal control and order (127). For me, writing in the first person was essential if I had any chance of maintaining my Buginese identity and voice, in both my thesis and in my Australian tertiary experience. As Trinh-Minh writes, “S/he who writes, writes. In uncertainty, in necessity. And does not ask whether s/he is given permission to do so or not” (8).Van Dijk, cited in Hamilton, notes that the west and north are bound by an academic ethnocentrism and this is a particular area my own research had to negotiate. Methodologically I provided a comparative rather than a universalising perspective, engaging with middle-class, heterosexual, western, white women feminism but not privileging them. It is important for Buginese to use language discourses as a weapon to gain power, particularly because as McGlynn claims, “generally Indonesians are not particularly outspoken” (38). My research was shaped by a combination of ongoing dedication to promote women’s empowerment in the Buginese context and my role as an academic teaching English literature at the university level. I applied interpretive principles that will enable my students to see how the ideas of feminism conveyed through western literature can positively improve the quality of women’s lives and be implemented in Buginese culture without compromising our identity as Indonesians and Buginese people. At the same time, my literary translation provides a cultural comparison with Australia that allows a space for further conversations to occur. However, while attempting to negotiate western and Indonesian discourses in my thesis, I was also physically and emotionally trying to negotiate how to do this as a Muslim Buginese female PhD candidate in an Anglo-Australian academic institution. The notion of ‘dancing’ was employed as a signifier of movement between insider and outsider knowledge. Throughout the research process and my thesis I ‘danced’ with Australian feminism, traditional patriarchal Buginese society, Western academic expectations and my own emerging Indonesian feminist perspective. To ensure siri’ remained the pedagogical and ethical basis of my approach I applied Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading and Robert Warrior’s employment of a traditional Osage dance as a self-reflexive, embodied praxis, that is, I extended it from just a literary reading to a whole body experience. The notion of ‘dance’ allows for movement, change, contact, tension, touch and distance: it means that for those who have historically been marginalised or confined, they are no longer silenced. The metaphoric act of dancing allowed me to legitimise my PhD work – it was successfully awarded – and to negotiate a western tertiary institute in Australia with my own Buginese knowledge, culture and purpose.ReferencesAshcroft., B., and P. Ahluwalia. Edward Said. 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