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1
Caruso, Marinella, and Josh Brown. "Continuity in foreign language education in Australia." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 40, no. 3 (December 31, 2017): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.17029.car.
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Abstract This article discusses the validity of the bonus for languages other than English (known as the Language Bonus) established in Australia to boost participation in language education. In subjecting this incentive plan to empirical investigation, we not only address a gap in the literature, but also continue the discussion on how to ensure that the efforts made by governments, schools, education agencies and teachers to support language study in schooling can have long-term success. Using data from a large-scale investigation, we consider the significance of the Language Bonus in influencing students’ decisions to study a language at school and at university. While this paper has a local focus – an English-speaking country in which language study is not compulsory – it engages with questions from the broader agenda of providing incentives for learning languages. It will be relevant especially for language policy in English speaking countries.
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Long, Kyle, and Carly O’Connell. "Public Discourse and Public Policy on Foreign Interference in Higher Education." Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 14, no. 5 (December 9, 2022): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v14i5.4650.
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In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims’ concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China’s exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment long-standing assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.
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Howe, Joanna. "A Legally Constructed Underclass of Workers? The Deportability and Limited Work Rights of International Students in Australia and the United Kingdom." Industrial Law Journal 48, no. 3 (October 24, 2018): 416–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwy021.
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Abstract International students have not traditionally been the focus of labour law scholarship, in part because their central purpose in a foreign country is to study rather than work. It is also generally accepted that there is no special reason to focus on international students as a distinct category of workers. This article attests to the particular vulnerability of international students in domestic labour markets, drawing on a comparative study of government policy and practice in relation to international students in Australia and the UK. Immigration rules in both jurisdictions frame the manner in which international students engage in the labour market during their studies. These rules restrict the hours in which international students can engage in paid work during semester, and if breached can result in the international students being deported from the host country. This has the effect of limiting the job market for international students, increasing the power of employers and reducing the likelihood international students will report exploitative work. Instead of strict work hour limits and deportation for breach, governments should rely on other regulatory mechanisms for ensuring international students are present in the host country for the purpose of education rather than work.
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Seminikhyna, N. "BUILDING LEADERSHIP COMPETENCE WHILE TRAINING MASTERS OF EDUCATION IN UNIVERSITIES OF AUSTRALIA." Aesthetics and Ethics of Pedagogical Action, no. 22 (December 27, 2020): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2226-4051.2020.22.222018.
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Academic leadership plays a crucial role in promoting teaching and learning in higher education. In today's changing world future teachers should play a leading role in professional development. One of the main tasks of master's student training is innovative improvement of university education, which provides gradual and continuous development of general (universal) competencies, competitiveness in the foreign labor market, creating favorable conditions for professional development and development of leadership competence. The aim of our article is to identify and analyze the organizational and pedagogical features of leadership qualities in training masters of education at Australian universities. Leadership plays an important role in every aspect of students' lives, as they go through many stages of career development, where they need leadership skills, primarily related to employment issues and conflicts between what is desired and useful. Therefore, it is important that the teacher learns to navigate the models and styles of leadership, understand the impact of leadership on the personality development, gain the basics of leadership ethics and, as a result, create their own philosophy of leadership.Over the last four decades, Australia's higher education system has undergone significant changes. This was facilitated by social, economic and demographic changes in society and the country. It is they who have led to government reforms in Australia's education policy that promote quality and affordable higher education that builds, including leadership competence. Leadership skills help to overcome challenges, solve problems and analyze career choices. Therefore, it is important that leaders of leaders, i.e research and teaching staff, develop leadership skills in students. Higher education in Australia is responding quickly to the demands and needs of educational circles, expanding opportunities for educators to improve the quality of their training, in particular through postgraduate leadership programs, which are characterized by their flexibility and diversity. They have the opportunity to get a holistic view of pedagogical activities not only from the position of a teacher who implements educational policy, formed externally, but also from the position of the subject of educational policy of the state.It has been found that Australian universities offer teachers postgraduate leadership programs, including master's programs, leadership certification programs as an additional specialization, and leadership programs at the education specialist level. Leadership education is an integral part of leadership development and requires a structured and formal educational environment, which allows through specially organized training to form and improve the leadership qualities of future teachers. The cognitive component is an important component of leadership education.
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Trilokekar, Roopa Desai. "IMAGINE: Canada as a leader in international education. How can Canada benefit from the Australian experience?" Canadian Journal of Higher Education 43, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v43i2.2103.
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Hosting international students has long been admired as one of the hallmarks of internationalization. The two major formative strands of internationalization in Canadian universities are development cooperation and international students. With reduced public funding for higher education, institutions are aggressively recruiting international students to generate additional revenue. Canada is equally interested in offering incentives for international students to stay in the country as immigrants after completing their studies. In its 2011 budget, the Canadian federal government earmarked funding for an international education strategy and, in 2010, funded Edu-Canada—the marketing unit within the Department of Education and Foreign Affairs (DFAIT)—to develop an official Canadian brand to boost educational marketing, IMAGINE: Education in/au Canada. This model emulates the Australian one, which rapidly capitalized on the recruitment of international students and became an international success story. Given current Canadian higher education policy trends, this paper will address the cautionary lessons that can be drawn from the Australian case.
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Stokes, Anthony, and Sarah Wright. "The Impact Of A Demand-Driven Higher Education Policy In Australia." Journal of International Education Research (JIER) 8, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 441–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jier.v8i4.7292.
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In 2012, the Australian government introduced a demand-driven entitlement system for domestic higher education students in which recognised higher education providers are free to enrol as many eligible students as they wish in eligible higher education courses and receive corresponding government subsidies for those students. This paper examines the impact that already has occurred as a result of this decision and the likely long-term effects that this will have on higher education in Australia.
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Farneubun, Petrus K. "China’s Rise and its Implications for Australian Foreign Policy." Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 2, no. 2 (August 7, 2022): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2234.
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This article places a particular emphasis on the rise of China and its implications for Australian foreign policy. It qualitatively examines the perceptions of China’s rise, its intentions, and the Australian responses, based on government and international organisation reports, and secondary sources such as books, journals, and media articles. Using realism as a theoretical lens, this article argues that Australia’s foreign policy still reflects an ambiguity, as a result of, on the one hand, the economic opportunities China creates, and on the other hand, uncertainty regarding China’s intentions, whether offensive or defensive, peaceful or aggressive. Facing this condition, this article demonstrates that Australia adopts several important policy strategies. First, it maintains a hedging strategy to balance its economic interests and its security concern. Second, Australia continues to rely on the protection of the US. In the long-term, however, this reliance may be changed. For this reason, Australia needs to increase its own military capability. This article concludes that Australian foreign policy will likely remain ambivalent in its response to the rise of China.KEYWORDSAustralia; China’s Rise; Foreign Policy; Military Capability; Power Shift
8
Bloomfield, Alan. "Australia, and ASEAN at Fifty." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i2.85.
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In its early documents related to Asianist orientation, Australia looked at engaging its immediate neighbourhood through institution such as ASEAN. ASEAN which was created to bring about synergies within the region and also engage important stakeholders as dialogue partners. Australia has been involved in Vietnam as part of its alliance obligations with US in 1970s and subsequently also. Australia has looked into ASEAN as a vehicle for cooperation, development and building better relations with Indonesia. The author argues that while Australia has aligned itself with the concept of the ASEAN way, there has not been any tectonic shift in the way Australia conducts its foreign policy. Even though Australia was one of the earliest dialogue partner in ASEAN, it has calibrated its policy depending on the national government priorities and the international interests of the country. The article also outlines the narrative from Australian perspective and situates ASEAN in the larger foreign policy discourse in Australia.
9
Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
10
Clark, Andrew. "Your Asia-Pacific Network: The use of Radio Australia by the Australian Government." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.758.
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This article examines the use of Radio Australia by the Australian Government. It examines the extent that the Australian Government's foreign policy goals are reflected in the charter and programming of Radio Australia. The paper begins with a brief historical look at Radio Australia followed by description and analysis of the role of an intermediary between the government and the station, which, in this case, is the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), the parent company of Radio Australia; the programme philosophy of, and programming offered by Radio Australia, and criticisms of Radio Australia from within the Pacific.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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Switky, Bob. "Simulating a Foreign Policy Dilemma: Considering US Humanitarian Intervention." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 03 (June 19, 2014): 682–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514000833.
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ABSTRACTThe humanitarian impulse in the United States routinely clashes with isolationist sentiment, with appeals to the national interest, and with apathy in and out of government. This class exercise encourages students to explore the contours of the debate over humanitarian intervention with a crisis unfolding in Belagua, a fictitious Latin American country. As the crisis deteriorates, students increasingly feel the tension between wanting to help the at-risk civilian population and avoiding a messy conflict from which the United States could have trouble extracting itself. The project requires students to address key questions about the US role in the Belagua case and to consider what the United States could or should have done in actual situations, such as Rwanda and Syria. Because these crises are likely to occur in the decades to come, this exercise initiates students to the challenges that the United States, as well as the international community, undoubtedly will face.
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Hobbs, Heidi H., and Dario V. Moreno. "“Bureaucratic Bargaining”: An American Foreign Policy Simulation." Political Science Teacher 1, no. 1 (1988): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000052.
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The complexities of the governmental machinery and personal perceptions involved in the formulation of American foreign policy are difficult for students to comprehend from the confines of the classroom. Beginning students often enter the study of international relations/political science with a simplistic view of policy making. They tend to accept a priori what Graham Allison (1971) calls the “rational actor model” in which students “package the activities of various officials of a national government as action chosen by a unified actor, strongly analogous to an individual human being.” Students often believe that foreign policy is set by a cohesive group of individuals who share common goals and preferences. The additional tendency to anthropomorphize the state leads undergraduates to write papers in which nation-states are portrayed with such diverse human qualities as sympathy, cruelty, greed, and aggression.Modern scholarship on decision making has expanded beyond this traditional view to encompass differing variables. There is an ongoing debate in the discipline as to what is the most potent variable in American foreign policy. One group of scholars contends that the bureaucratic or role variable is more important. While agreeing that role is a powerful restriction, particularly at the lower levels of the bureaucracy, other scholars argue that the individual perceptions and beliefs of policy makers are more important in the decision-making process.Given the complicated nature of this debate, a creative way to expose beginning students to American foreign policy decision making is through a simulation. Simulations are useful for the study of the decision-making process because the standard lecture-discussion format, which provides a linear overview of the subject, does not adequately communicate the complex structure and multiplicity of factors in operation.
15
Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
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Greenstock, Jeremy. "Reorienting Foreign Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R34—R39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000115.
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Executive SummaryAfter Brexit, the UK must show that it has a voice. It will need to re-earn international respect, and in particular establish the concept of a ‘global Britain’ on the basis of performance, not rhetoric. That means re-establishing a strong network of relationships around the world in support of its security and economic health, but also continuing to play a leading role in support of the international rules-based order. For example, it should make the most of its continuing status as a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council to act as a problem-solver and system-enhancer in the collective interest.An early, first-order priority will be establishing a new, mutually beneficial partnership with the European Union, which continues to form our economic and political neighbourhood. Reconstructing a modern relationship with the United States is not secondary to that, but cannot substitute for it and must be undertaken in recognition of the differing interests and instincts of the two sides. A further challenge is building the right relationship with China based on mutual interest in trade, peace, and international respect and on confronting expansionist or opportunistic practices. With Russia, too, it is possible to design a predictable set of behaviours on either side, and with both countries good communication channels will need to be maintained.Brexit gives the UK the scope to construct a more deliberate diplomatic approach to the rest of the English-speaking world than was explicitly possible as an EU member – notably in working with Canada, Australia and New Zealand to promote the international rules-based order. But this should be complemented by more effective outreach to non-English-speaking countries, notably in support of trade and investment opportunities with emerging nations. But with them as with all the UK's interlocutors, the need to earn its place, and to show that it realises that, will be vital.In defence and security, the UK will continue in its commitment to the strength of NATO as its essential alliance under US leadership, while also liaising carefully with EU Member States as they seek to improve their own capacities to contribute to European security. But it cannot simply rely on old institutional structures. It needs to lead, for example by playing a stronger role in the control of non-military forms of aggression, such as cyber warfare, economic sanctions, rivalry in space, and commercial espionage.A strategy for realising the UK's interests in the international arena will require the Prime Minister's constant attention, but also a specific mandate for a very senior minister to supervise the interlinked policy areas of foreign affairs, international development, and international trade within a single government department.
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Donetskaya, S. S., and Yan Zhan. "Internationalization of Higher Education in China: Modern Trends." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 28, no. 6 (July 16, 2019): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2019-28-6-63-74.
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The article analyzes the processes of internationalization of higher education in China at the beginning of the 21st century. Based on data from the Ministry of Education of China, legislation and publications that are publicly available on the Chinese Internet, it is shown how the number of students visiting China, their preferences in choosing universities and educational programs changed from 2000 to 2016. Information on government activities to support international students is provided.The internationalization of higher education plays an important role in the foreign-policy activities of modern China. Foreign students teaching and expanding of Chinese language teaching in foreign countries can be considered as the “soft power” of influence of Chinese national culture. Such actions from the point of view of the Chinese government should contribute to the formation of an attractive image of China, reduce the level of external threats, increase stability and economic prosperity of the country. Therefore, the government aims to attract as many foreign students as possible, especially from neighboring countries, and spends a lot of money on these purposes. The policy of internationalization of education has achieved significant results over the past 15 years. Today, students from all over the world obtain higher educationin China. The number of foreign students increased in 2016 compared to 2000 by 8.4 times, reaching almost 450 thousand people. The possibilities for foreign students to choose profession and university have expanded. Now they come to China not only to learn Chinese, but also to obtain qualifications in engineering, economics, management and Western medicine.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.
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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Mulyadi, Martin Surya, Maya Safira Dewi, Yunita Anwar, and Hanggoro Pamungkas. "Indonesian And Australian Tax Policy Implementation In Food And Agriculture Industry." International Journal of Finance & Banking Studies (2147-4486) 3, no. 1 (January 21, 2014): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijfbs.v3i2.170.
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Tax policy is one of the most important policy in consideration of investment development in certain industry. Research by Newlon (1987), Swenson (1994) and Hines (1996) concluded that tax rate is one of the most important thing considered by investors in a foreign direct investment. One of tax policy could be used to attract foreign direct investment is income tax incentives. The attractiveness of income tax incentives to a foreign direct investment is as much as the attractiveness to a domestic investment (Anwar and Mulyadi, 2012).
In this paper, we have conducted a study of income tax incentives in food and agriculture industry; where we conduct a thorough study of income tax incentives and corporate performance in Indonesian and Australian food and agriculture industry. Our research show that there is a significant influence of income tax incentives to corporate performance. Based on our study, we conclude that the significant influence of income tax incentives to Indonesian corporate performance somewhat in a higher degree than the Australian peers. We have also concluded that Indonesian government provide a relatively more interesting income tax incentives compare to Australian government. However, an average method of net income –a method applied in Australia– could be considered by Indonesian government to avoid a market price fluctuation in this industry.
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Karp, Basil. "Teaching the International Dimension of American National Government." Political Science Teacher 2, no. 1 (1989): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000519.
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Despite enormous changes in the global circumstances that impinge on American government and despite a growing recognition that the undergraduate curriculum must be internationalized, relatively little has been done to incorporate a global perspective in the one place where political science teachers can reach very large numbers of undergraduate students—the introductory American national government course. The internationalization of the American economy, the developing interdependence between the United States and other countries, the growth of local-international links—these phenomena have scarcely touched the bedrock political science course.Textbooks for the introductory American government course reflect this neglect of the international dimension. They typically allude to the international factor briefly in the context of the president's powers in conducting foreign relations and discuss it more extensively in a chapter on “Foreign Policy” or “Foreign and Defense Policy.” As a practical matter, however, this chapter is usually near or at the very end of the book, which many teachers and students probably never reach. A perusal of various current textbooks confirms the conclusion made by a 1981 survey of 50 leading textbooks that very few of the books recognize the interdependence phenomenon or the importance of global circumstances. Apart from textbooks, learning packages designed for the American government course on such topics are rare.To expose students to the international dimension of American national government, the writer conducted a special project in two sections of his American national government course during the spring 1988 semester. The following instruction sheet was given to the students.
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MOSOLOVA, Olga V. "DEMOGRAPHICS SITUATION IN AUSTRALIA: REALITY AND FORECASTS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 3(56) (2022): 194–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-3-3-56-194-203.
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Demographics situation in Australia determinates by internal and foreign migration floods, as well by natural increment of population. Australia is a multinational country, therefore the solution of demographics problem is important part of the government policy. Before the pandemic COVID-19 the growth rates of Australian population was higher than in the most developed countries. The main factor of population growth in the years before the pandemic was foreign migration. The population of Australia is the association of the people with rich variety in culture, linguistics and religious attitudes. The most of Australians is the immigrants or the posterity of the immigrants. Introduction of international frontier restrictions in times of pandemic led to the reduction of migrant’s flow, as well to the deceleration of Australian population growth rates. Like this, results of pandemic to a great extent changed demographics situation in the country. As far as to further demographics development of Australia, forecasts shows, that in a future population growth rates must restore, since together with the opening of international frontiers starts the return of provisional and constant migrates. In opinion of experts, in a future migration questions also will be important element of Australian demographics policy.
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Lam, Michelle. "Effects of Canada’s Increasing Linguistic and Cultural Diversity on Educational Policy, Programming and Pedagogy." Journal of Contemporary Issues in Education 14, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20355/jcie29370.
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In Canada, 22.9% of people report a “mother tongue” that is not English or French (Government of Canada, 2017) and most of them are newcomers. Within Canadian primary and secondary school, there were 4.75 million students enrolled in the 2015/2016 school year (Statista, 2018), and 2.2 million children under age 15 who were foreign-born or who had at least one foreign-born parent (Government of Canada, 2017). Thirty-seven and a half percent of all Canadian children have an immigrant background (Government of Canada, 2017). These statistics point towards large numbers of students in Canadian schools who have a depth of linguistic resources and repertoire. This diversity has implications on educational policy, programming, and pedagogy. In order to ensure that the education provided to students in Canadian classrooms is relevant, future-focused, and honouring to the depth of linguistic and cultural resources represented within the classroom it is necessary for teachers and policy-makers to have a strong understanding of how English as an additional language (EAL) students learn language and literacy, and how they enrich the learning environment of the classroom as a whole. This article describes the effects of Canada’s increasing diversity on educational policy, programing and pedagogy.
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Mulyadi, Martin Surya, Maya Safira Dewi, Yunita Anwar, and Hanggoro Pamungkas. "Indonesian And Australian Tax Policy Implementation In Food And Agriculture Industry." International Journal of Finance & Banking Studies (2147-4486) 3, no. 1 (January 19, 2016): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijfbs.v3i1.170.
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<p>Tax policy is one of the most important policy in consideration of investment development in certain industry. Research by Newlon (1987), Swenson (1994) and Hines (1996) concluded that tax rate is one of the most important thing considered by investors in a foreign direct investment. One of tax policy could be used to attract foreign direct investment is income tax incentives. The attractiveness of income tax incentives to a foreign direct investment is as much as the attractiveness to a domestic investment (Anwar and Mulyadi, 2012). In this paper, we have conducted a study of income tax incentives in food and agriculture industry; where we conduct a thorough study of income tax incentives and corporate performance in Indonesian and Australian food and agriculture industry. Our research show that there is a significant influence of income tax incentives to corporate performance. Based on our study, we conclude that the significant influence of income tax incentives to Indonesian corporate performance somewhat in a higher degree than the Australian peers. We have also concluded that Indonesian government provide a relatively more interesting income tax incentives compare to Australian government. However, an average method of net income –a method applied in Australia– could be considered by Indonesian government to avoid a market price fluctuation in this industry.</p>
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Latimer, Paul. "Anti-bribery laws – compliance issues in Australia." Journal of Financial Crime 24, no. 1 (January 3, 2017): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-03-2016-0015.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the scope of the legal responses to bribery and particularly foreign bribery in the global context. It identifies the corrosive effect of bribery and its negative effect on the economy, before turning to Australia’s mixed response to foreign bribery. Design/methodology/approach The paper is theoretical in nature as a review of policy, and the literature has been the main method used for analysis. Given the increasingly transnational and organised nature of foreign bribery, this paper adopts a comparative approach using Australia as the home base with some comparisons with the UK and the USA. Findings This paper finds that Australia’s response to foreign bribery is improving from a low base, and that this is recognised by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. Further improvement could be expected if there were strong government leadership and coordination of law enforcement authorities, including the police, corporate regulators and corruption authorities at the Commonwealth, state and territory levels. This paper acknowledges the work of Australia’s unfinished Senate Foreign Bribery Inquiry, which is due to report by 30 June 2017. Practical implications This paper revisits the debate on bribery and the response of law enforcement, highlighting the importance of effective and coordinated law enforcement. The paper will provide background for those analysing the issues with foreign bribery and the solutions for law enforcement. Originality/value The paper enables the reader to gain insights into the problems and causes and effects of foreign bribery. It is hoped that this paper will contribute to, and facilitate, further analysis of the most effective way to deal with bribery and the legal response.
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Qiao, Xiaoyong. "The Empirical Research on Macro Decision-Making Factors of Implementing Countervailing Policy." Journal of Systems Science and Information 1, no. 1 (February 25, 2013): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jssi-2013-0060.
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AbstractAt present, with the rapid development of foreign trade, trade friction of China has transformed from the microcosmic aspects of enterprise to the macroscopical aspects of government. Countervailing policy as a trade policy has a profound effect on many aspects. Based on constructing Binary Choice Model of the influencing factors of macro decision-making, this paper tries to carry out an empirical study on the influencing factors of macro decision-making form foreign countries against China with the data of the 38 countervailing files initiated by the United States, Canada, Australia, South Africa and India from 2004 to 2009. This paper makes contributions to provide reference to China’s macro decision-making sectors.
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Ester Lengkong, Melly Sabina. "THE ANALYSIS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY, “LOOK EAST POLICY” ON ASEAN INDIA STUDENTS EXCHANGE PROGRAMME PERIOD 2011-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 1 (June 20, 2019): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i1.1458.
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This journal analyzes the implementation of India’s foreign policy ‘Look East Policy’ in ASEAN through ASEAN-India Students Exchange Programme (AISEP) in the period 2011-2016. AISEP program is a form of India’s Public Diplomacy in ASEAN. The objective of this research is to explore India’s goals from the AISEP concerning its foreign policy interests. All the explanations would be associated with the theory of diplomacy and the concept of Foreign policy, Regionalism, and Public Diplomacy. This research implies the qualitative methodology referring to data sources from library research, documentaries, and online. According to data shows that the AISEP program toward disseminating India’s modernity in the 21st century ever since its Look East Policy (1992) implemented. The progressive development of India’s economy has a positive effect on its foreign policy, which is a matter of interest to Southeast Asian countries, particularly ASEAN. Hence, this research describes the highly economic motivation referring to its dominated industrial visits. Another social and political visits to universities and government institutions were disseminating its growing economy also came from the high quality of its human resources and democracy.
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Subandi, Yeyen. "Hubungan Internasional tentang Kerjasama Kemanusiaan Negara Utara dan Negara Selatan (Indonesia dan Australia)." Jurnal Dinamika Global 1, no. 02 (December 1, 2016): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v1i02.22.
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The southern states can be regarded as a developing country views of the average income is low, infrastructure that can be said is still relatively underdeveloped, and also the human development index which is less than the northern countries as the developed countries. Here the exception of Australia and New Zealand, despite being located in the southern part, but both countries have been classified into developed countries. Relation to humanitarian cooperation between Australia and Indonesia has been going on for a long time, and this partnership is experiencing bright and dim influenced by the political situation and international relations between the two countries. Leadership change affect the existing cooperation, because both countries still need each other in bilateral relations, although sometimes intervention. The purpose of this study was to see whether the assistance provided by Australia solely for humanitarian or any other purpose. In this article will use qualitative methods and results can be informed or to sharing for students, non-governmental organizations (NGO) and government who have been getting foreign aid from Australia in humanitarian issues, until now the Indonesian government still expect and rely on the Australian government about assistance or cooperation in humanitarian issues.
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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.
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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.
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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.
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Moore, Gregory J., and Christopher B. Primiano. "Audience Costs and China’s South China Sea Policy." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020962635.
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China’s island building in the South China Sea has received considerable attention from scholars, the media and policy-related officials in recent years. In this article, we conduct a survey to assess the opinions of Chinese university students as it regards their views of any moves by the Chinese government to retreat from its island building and the South China Sea claims due to international pressure. Since China has laid claim to much of the South China Sea via its ‘nine-dash line’, if it were to reverse course and retreat from its man-made islands or remove military installations, how would that play out domestically? Would the Chinese government incur audience costs for doing so? We hypothesise that it would. More specifically, we find it likely that Chinese university students would seek to hold their government accountable for claims to the South China Sea that it has made recently, making it more difficult for the government to retreat from or otherwise adopt a more flexible policy on the South China Sea if it chose to do so. The findings are significant for the audience costs literature, Chinese foreign policy, and South China Sea territoriality studies, in addition to having important policy implications.
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Short, Stephanie Doris, Hyo-Young Lee, Mi-Joung Lee, Eunok Park, and Farah Purwaningrum. "The Case for a Reciprocal Health Care Agreement between Australia and South Korea." Asia Pacific Journal of Health Management 16, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24083/apjhm.v16i1.505.
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Objectives: This study presents the case for a reciprocal health care agreement (RHCA) between Australia and South Korea. Design and Setting: The research utilised a qualitative social scientific methodology. Document analysis was conducted on government reports, official statistics and media articles in English and Korean. Main outcomes: In Australia, the Health Insurance Act 1973 enables health care agreements with 11 nations, however, Korea has no similar legislation in place. Therefore, Korea would need to build a broader consensus on the need for a RHCA in full, based on the precedent of Australia's agreements with other nations, as well as on the Korean Pension Act, which has enabled reciprocal (equal treatment among the countries) pension agreements with 28 nations through an exceptive clause. Results: The active government commitment and involvement of the Ministry of Health and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia, and of the Ministry of Health & Welfare and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in South Korea, would be essential for a successful RHCA process to come to fruition. Conclusions: While a potential health care agreement between Australia and Korea would constitute a significant step forward in strengthening people-to-people links between these two significant trading partners in the spirit of health diplomacy, the feasibility at the current time is very low indeed.
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Sidhu, Ravinder, and Sandra Taylor. "Educational provision for refugee youth in Australia: left to chance?" Journal of Sociology 43, no. 3 (September 2007): 283–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783307080107.
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This article investigates how education bureaucracies in Australia use languages of categorization and promote community partnerships to construct and govern the refugee subject. We use a framework of governmentality to analyse education policies and statements emerging from two levels of government — Commonwealth and state. Drawing on web-based materials, policy statements and accounts of parliamentary debates, the article documents the ways in which refugee education continues to be subsumed within broader education policies and programmes concerned with social justice, multiculturalism and English language provision. Such categorizations are premised on an undifferentiated ethnoscape that ignores the significantly different learning needs and sociocultural adjustments faced by refugee students compared with migrants and international students. At the same time, educational programmes of inclusion that are concerned with utilizing community organizations to deliver services and enhance participation, point to the emergence of `government through community partnerships' — a mode of governance increasingly associated with advanced liberal societies.
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Hosogaya, Nobuko. "Migrant workers in Japan: socio-economic conditions and policy." Asian Education and Development Studies 10, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2019-0032.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to ascertain the major characteristics of contemporary migrant workers in Japan. In order to illustrate their actual situations in relation to the socio-economic conditions and government policies, data have been gathered from relevant government sources and several surveys conducted by Japanese researchers.Design/methodology/approach The paper discusses social background, socio-economic factors and the public response to migrant workers in Japan. The focus is placed upon Japanese policy context and recent trend which demonstrates an increase in foreign workers. The main method is statistical analyses of the government macro data. In addition, some data from the relevant research outcomes are systematised.FindingsThe inflow of migrant workers has consistently augmented, and this has fostered the public debate. Some observers indicate that government deceitfully accepts migrant workers through the “backdoor” and the “side doors”. There has been some criticism, relating to the fact that increasing numbers of foreign employees include many workers with no formal qualifications, such as technical internships and international students who take on part-time jobs.Originality/valueThis article provides some factors for certain migration patterns, featuring contemporary Japan's migration issues. In conclusion, some uniqueness of contemporary migrant workers in Japanese community has been depicted, and the implications of these findings can contribute to prospective research, Japan's policy and practice in this field.
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Juita, Dewi Nawar Sri, and Baiq L. S. W. Wardhani. "Bantuan Australia kepada Kiribati melalui Program Kiribati Australia Nursing Initiative (KANI)." Insignia: Journal of International Relations 8, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.1.3486.
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Kiribati merupakan salah satu negara yang terletak di Kepulauan Pasifik yang rentan dengan banjir karena kenaikan permukaan air laut dan diperkirakan akan tenggelam pada tahun 2050. Selain itu, Kiribati juga dihadapkan oleh permasalahan domestik, seperti pengangguran dan kemiskinan. Untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut, pemerintah Kiribati berupaya untuk membentuk kebijakan yang dikenal dengan “migration with dignity” dengan meningkatkan program pendidikan dan keterampilan. Untuk mendukung kebijakan tersebut, pemerintah Australia sebagai negara tetangga Kiribati, memberikan bantuan berupa beasiswa kepada masyarakat Kiribati dalam bentuk program beasiswa pendidikan geratis di bidang keperawatan dan memberikan kesempatan bagi masyarakat Kiribati yang telah lulus program tersebut untuk bekerja langsung di Australia. Bantuan beasiswa ini dikenal dengan Kiribati Australia Nursing Initiative (KANI). Penelitian ini menjawab pertanyaan faktor-faktor yang menjadi motif Australia dalam membantu Kiribati. Penelitian ini berupa studi kepustakaan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, mengumpulkan data dari buku, internet, dan artikel ilmiah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa KANI merupakan program beasiswa yang tidak saja menguntungkan Kiribati sebagai negara penerima, tetapi juga menguntungkan Australia sebagai negara pemberi bantuan luar negeri. Self-interest Australia yang dominan dalam program KANI adalah kebutuhannya pada kekurangan tenaga kerja pada sektor kesehatan akibat terbatasnya sumber daya manusia dalam memenuhi kebutuhan tersebut, sekaligus untuk memenuhi tugas regional Australia sebagai ‘big brother’ di Pasifik.
Kata kunci: Australia, bantuan luar negeri, KANI, Kiribati
Kiribati is a nation in the Pacific Island that is exposed to flooding due to rising sea levels and is expected to sink by 2050. In addition, Kiribati is also faced domestic problems such as unemployment and poverty. To solve the problems, Kiribati government seeks to establish a policy known as "migration with dignity" by improving education and skills programs. To support this policy, Australian government as a neighboring country of Kiribati, provides scholarship assistance to the Kiribati community in the form of free education scholarship programs in the field of nursing and provides opportunities for kiribati citizen who have passed the program to work directly in Australia. This scholarship assistance is known as Kiribati Australia Nursing Initiative (KANI). This study answers the question of Australia's motive in helping Kiribati. This research is in the form of literature studies using qualitative methods, collecting data from books, the internet, journals and scientific articles. The result showed that KANI is a scholarship program that not only benefits Kiribati as a receiving country, but also benefits Australa as a foreign aid provider. Australia's dominant self-interest in KANI program is its need for workforce shortages in the health sector due to limited human resources in meeting those needs, as well as to fulfill Australia's regional duty as a 'big brother' in the Pacific.
Keywords: Australia, foreign aid, KANI, Kiribati
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Gunawan, Sandra, and Haris Saputra. "PROBLEMS AND TEACHING SOLUTIONS FOR STUDENTS’ IN LEARNING ENGLISH." PROJECT (Professional Journal of English Education) 3, no. 1 (January 26, 2020): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22460/project.v3i1.p59-64.
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ABSTRACTThe Indonesian government has recognized the importance of English by including it in the education system for five decades. English has been integrated into secondary school for a long time. English exerts a stronger influence in the modern world and has become an international language. There are also advantages to introducing foreign languages to young students. Therefore, the Indonesian government made a policy to introduce English starting, elementary, middle and high school. At Katapang 1 Junior High School, this policy is optional. That depends on the demands of the school and the community. Schools and communities are responsible for providing teachers, curriculum and facilities. The teacher is one of the most important parts of the educational discourse and teaching and learning process in school. The two research questions formulated are: 1) what problems are faced by teachers in teaching? 2) how they find out the solutions? These questions urged the study to conduct a research at Katapang 1 junior high school. Three English teachers were chosen as respondents. In qualitative descriptive method, the interview was implemented to collect the data. As a result the teachers believe that providing good teaching materials can increase positive outcomes for student, the implementation program for teaching English at Katapang 1 Junior High School was very good as a stage of introducing foreign languages before they continued to higher education. Keywords: English teaching, problems, solutions
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Capling, Ann, and Kim Richard Nossal. "Parliament and the Democratization of Foreign Policy: The Case of Australia's Joint Standing Committee on Treaties." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (September 2003): 835–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778883.
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There is little agreement about the degree to which parliamentary institutions can help overcome the democratic deficit in global governance. While much of the literature on the European Union's democratic deficit focuses on reforming parliament, most commentary on the subject in global governance and foreign policy holds out little hope that national parliaments could be used to mitigate the effects of the internationalization of public policy. This article examines the case of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties (JSCOT), established by the Australian government in 1996 in an explicit attempt to use parliamentary reform to address the democratic deficit. Although JSCOT was highly active, it did not significantly change the way in which Australian national positions in international negotiations were arrived at; the democratic deficit created in Australia by increasing internationalization has not been mitigated by the creation of this committee. While the JSCOT initiatives might have been motivated by the concerns of the government of John Howard to overcome the democratic deficit, the way in which JSCOT actually evolved departed considerably from those original intentions. Ironically, JSCOT evolved in ways not dissimilar to the evolution of NGO consultation in Canada in the 1990s: as a tool of political management, a means by which the government could channel protest, deflect opposition, and in essence legitimize its own policy preferences.
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Van Hoa, Tran, Lindsay Turner, and Jo Vu. "Economic impact of Chinese tourism on Australia." Tourism Economics 24, no. 6 (April 23, 2018): 677–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816618769077.
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China’s trade, tourism and limited foreign direct investment (FDI) to Australia have been regarded as playing an important part in Australia’s growth and prosperity in recent years. In spite of the fact that these activities are the three principal growth determinants in modern economic integration theory, growth studies based on this theory’s structural framework, while highly appropriate, have hardly been undertaken. This article proposes to fill the gap by formally developing an endogenous causal model of simultaneous growth and tourism for policy analysis. In this model, trade, FDI and tourism are specified as the main contributing factors to growth. Simultaneously, gravity theory (including growth) and the Ironmonger–Lancaster new consumer demand theory determine tourism, while ‘economic conditionality’ potentially affecting both growth and tourism in the sense of Johansen is recognized and incorporated. The model is then applied to Australian and Chinese data for the important post-Japanese tourist boom period 1992–2015, to provide substantive findings on three questions: the impact of Chinese tourism to Australia, Chinese tourism determination and the effects of Chinese trade and key macroeconomic indicators on Australian economic growth. Significant policy implications are then developed for use by government tourism planners and policymakers.
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Routh, Richard O. "The Strelley Community School Nyangumarta Language and Cultural Maintenance Program." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 25, no. 2 (October 1997): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132601110000274x.
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The Strelley Community School is an Aboriginal Independent Community School — the first one established in Western Australia in 1976 and remains the oldest continually operational school of its kind in Australia. The Nomads Charitable and Educational Foundation is the school authority responsible for articulating school policy and administration.There are now 13 Aboriginal Independent Community Schools in Western Australia and twenty three nationally (Mack,1995). They share a common philosophy of being non-government school systems created and administered by the community. Parents and students have a proactive role in determining school policies.
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Buttery, Alan, and Rick Tamaschke. "Marketing Decision Support Systems and Australian Businesses: A Queensland Case Study and Implications Towards 2000." Journal of Management & Organization 3, no. 1 (January 1997): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s183336720000599x.
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AbstractLittle is known about the extent to which the Marketing Decision Support System (MDSS) technology is currently used in Australia, or about the scope for the technology in Australia towards the year 2000. This paper reports the results of recent survey research into MDSS in Queensland by industry sector (agriculture and mining, manufacturing, construction, and services). The results suggest that there is an urgent need to boost the pace of MDSS development in all industry sectors, and that this should be given a high priority in government policy initiatives to enhance Australia's competitive advantage. It is possible, otherwise, that the present gap in information usage between Australia and its competitors will widen, with consequent negative implications for the nation's current account deficit, foreign debt and unemployment.
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Buttery, Alan, and Rick Tamaschke. "Marketing Decision Support Systems and Australian Businesses: A Queensland Case Study and Implications Towards 2000." Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management 3, no. 1 (January 1997): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/jmo.1997.3.1.51.
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AbstractLittle is known about the extent to which the Marketing Decision Support System (MDSS) technology is currently used in Australia, or about the scope for the technology in Australia towards the year 2000. This paper reports the results of recent survey research into MDSS in Queensland by industry sector (agriculture and mining, manufacturing, construction, and services). The results suggest that there is an urgent need to boost the pace of MDSS development in all industry sectors, and that this should be given a high priority in government policy initiatives to enhance Australia's competitive advantage. It is possible, otherwise, that the present gap in information usage between Australia and its competitors will widen, with consequent negative implications for the nation's current account deficit, foreign debt and unemployment.
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Nathania, Christina, and Megahnanda Alidyan K. "An Analysis of Australia’s Foreign Policy through its Domestic Factors to Combat Child Sex Tourism in Project Childhood." ARISTO 11, no. 1 (July 11, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ars.v11i1.5318.
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2010 was the year Australia initiated and signed Project Childhood, a grant and partnership to protect children from sexual exploitation due to travel and tourism. Four countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, are in a sub-region where child sex tourism occurs a lot. The phenomenon of transnational borders will involve sending country as the country of traveling child sex offenders, and receiving country for victims coordinates to make serious law enforcement regarding this issue. In formulating foreign policy, domestic factors are one way of looking at why Australia provides funding, assistance, and initiate international cooperation to combat child sex tourism in GMS. Through this research, the authors will explain the domestic factors that influence Australia in initiating Project Childhood as its foreign policy, using domestic determinants as the level of analysis. Then, it will be divided into 3 sub-determinants, they are; highly stable, demonstrating an Australian responsibility for TCSO originating in the country. This is related to one of the demographic components that cause migration problems. Moderately stable, in relation to the domestic reforms that are actively being carried out in the context of enforcing the extraterritoriality. The last, unstable, the factor of public opinion which also has played an important role so that the government gives attention to this phenomenon
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Fida, Dr Bashir. "Towards Economic diversification by Enhancing Inflow of International Students to Oman." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 10, no. 05 (May 12, 2022): 3399–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v10i5.em04.
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The higher education in the GCC region in general and Oman in particular has shown tremendous growth in internationalization of higher education since late 1990s as private universities and colleges were permitted to establish affiliation with foreign universities and higher education institutions (HEIs). The government has been proactively investing in improvising its human capital through higher education. Furthermore, the country enjoys many advantages over other GCC countries with respect to foreign policy, political stability, global competitiveness index and global peace index. Despite its established advantages, the rate of inflow of foreign students is not encouraging. This paper overviews the globalization of higher education in terms of inbound and outbound ratios in the GCC region and attempts to provide an outline for enhancing the inflow of international students to Oman. The inflow of international students will contribute to the economic growth of Oman economy as well.
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Sung, Yu-Hsien, and Hsien-Ming Lin. "Taiwanese Students’ Considering Factors and Practical Suggestions Toward Studying Abroad in New Southbound Policy Countries." Asian Social Science 14, no. 10 (September 28, 2018): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n10p75.
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In 2017, Taiwanese government started to implement New Southbound Policy. For this policy, strengthening the cultivation and exchange of skilled people, or “talent,” between Taiwan and the southbound countries (NSPC) is the most important purpose. Notably, current data revealed that students of NSPC are more likely to study abroad in Taiwan; moreover, previous studies have explored this phenomenon called as ‘Global South to Global North’, which means the experience of students from developing countries studying in developed countries. However, compared to students of NSPC, the number of Taiwanese students studying abroad in NSPC is relatively less. To our understanding, no studies have explored what the causes for the above are. Therefore, this is a pioneer study to explore the perspectives of the students from developed countries toward studying abroad in developing countries, so that we can understand what are the main factors which may be considered when Taiwanese students consider studying abroad to NSPC (except for Singapore, Australia, and New Zealand). The mixed methods design was adopted in this study. 147 Taiwanese students accepted the questionnaire survey, 8 Taiwanese students were interviewed. The results indicated that, the following three factors are mainly taken into consideration by Taiwanese students when considering studying abroad to NSPC: academic, economic, and personal factor. Moreover, the results also echoed with the perspective of rational choice theory, which means the above three factors will be considered by students rationally, thereby influencing their decision-making on studying abroad. Furthermore, three suggestions were proposed for promoting Taiwanese students to study abroad in new southbound countries: first, Taiwanese government could assist public to broaden their understanding of these countries; second, Taiwanese government could provide students more necessary information such as the prominent academic subjects and its development in these countries, thereby helping them make decision on studying abroad in NSPC. Third, Taiwanese government could create more working opportunities for these Taiwanese students who graduate from NSPC.
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Trimmer, Karen, Graeme Gower, and Graeme Lock. "Reinventing Another Unaipon: Indigenous Science Leaders for the Future." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 47, no. 2 (July 17, 2017): 216–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jie.2017.14.
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The education of Indigenous and Torres Strait Islander students in Australian universities has received considerable attention in both the literature and government policy in the 21st century. The participation and graduation rates for Indigenous and Torres Strait Islander students in higher education Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) programs have remained low and are becoming a particular focus in universities across Australia. This paper reflects on the life and contribution of David Unaipon, the enrolment data from a small sample of universities across Australia and the literature to discuss potential strategies for improving the access to, participation in and graduation from higher education STEM courses.
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Hennessey, Eileen M. "‘…the cheapest thing in Australia is the girls’: Young Women In Townsville 1942–45." Queensland Review 1, no. 1 (June 1994): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000519.
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Australian foreign policy reached a watershed in late 1941/early 1942. As the Japanese continued their rapid advance through Southeast Asia and into New Guinea, apprehensive Australians believed their country could be next. The government also knew their traditional ally Britain would not come to their aid should the Japanese invade Australia, and as most of their own forces were already out of the country, the remainder would have provided a totally inadequate defence. For Prime Minister Curtin and his advisers it was America that had to provide protection for Australia; both for its own sake, and as the base from which the Japanese advance through the Eastern Pacific rim from North to South could be halted.
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Trakman, Leon E. "Investor State Arbitration or Local Courts: Will Australia Set a New Trend?" Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 1 (February 1, 2012): 83–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012004.
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The Australian Government announced in April 2011 that it will no longer include arbitration clauses in its investment treaties but will provide that investment disputes between foreign investors and host states be heard by the domestic courts of those host states instead. This statement reflects doubts by a developed state about the efficiency of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in general and investment arbitration in particular. It also raises the question whether other countries will follow particular strategies to suit their discrete needs. One ramification is that resource wealthy states will make tactical decisions, such as entering into BITs only with capital exporting countries, as South Africa has declared. Another is whether developed states will avoid concluding BITs with developing countries whose domestic court systems are unknown or mistrusted. Yet another issue is how a policy statement, such as enunciated by Australia, will impact on its ability to attract foreign investment while protecting its national interests and also its investors abroad. This article deals with these issues, highlighting the significance of competing dispute resolution options in addressing the issues.
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Blanke, Svenja. "Civic Foreign Policy: Human Rights, Faith-Based Groups and U.S.-Salvadoran Relations in the 1970S." Americas 61, no. 2 (October 2004): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0129.
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El Salvador, the smallest but most densely populated country of Central America, experienced one of Latin America's bloodiest civil wars, accompanied by widespread human rights violations. State repression was especially brutal against opposition groups such as peasant associations, unions, students, and religious people. Twenty-five church people were murdered and many religious workers were persecuted, expelled, or tortured. Several U.S. missionaries were among those murdered or expelled victims. Although the number of religious victims is relatively small in comparison to the tens of thousands of people who were killed in the three civil wars of El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, the murders of religious personnel had a profound impact on the religious community in Central America, and particularly in El Salvador. This impact also reached religious groups in the United States. Given the traditional alliance between the Catholic Church and the political and economic elites throughout most of Salvadoran history, the murders of religious leaders by government or government-linked forces symbolized a remarkable shift.
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Bondarovskaya, Larisa. "Economics of higher education in Russia." SHS Web of Conferences 94 (2021): 01031. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219401031.
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The paper discusses the economic aspect of modern Russian higher education. Education is one of the economic branches. The paper proposes several models of domestic economic policy in the field and some ideas for involving foreign students. The main idea of the paper is that universities have to stop hopping for government resources and act like an economic actor.
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Conway, Stephen. "Bentham versus Pitt: Jeremy Bentham and British Foreign Policy 1789." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 791–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022329.
Full textAbstract:
The successes and failures of British foreign policy from the end of the American war of independence until the outbreak of the conflict with revolutionary France will be familiar, at least in outline, to many students of late-eighteenth-century history. In 1783 Britain was widely regarded as having been reduced to the status of a second-rank power. British ministers, and especially Pitt the Younger and his first foreign secretary, the marquess of Carmarthen, sought a European alliance to end their country's isolation and vulnerability. The Anglo-French commercial treaty of 1786, the product of French rather than British pressure, was of little help in this respect, as it never developed beyond a limited trade agreement. Negotiations for similar reciprocal commercial concessions with other powers all proved fruitless. In 1787 and 1788, however, political and military arrangements were concluded with the Dutch and the Prussians after Prussian troops – with British encouragement and support – had intervened in the United Provinces to secure the position of the house of Orange and to crush the pro-French ‘Patriot’ party. Fortified by this new British – Prussian – Dutch connexion, or Triple Alliance as it was called, Pitt's government was able to exert considerable influence in Europe and farther afield. In 1788, when the Swedes attacked Russia, which was already at war with the Turks, Denmark, in accordance with its treaty obligations to Russia, invaded Sweden. The British and Prussians threatened the Danes and forced them to withdraw. A few months later, in April 1789, renewed Anglo-Prussian pressure compelled Denmark to maintain a strict neutrality in the continuing Russo-Swedish conflict. In 1790 the British were just as successful in a confrontation with Spain over the Nootka Sound in North America. Only when the government backed down during the dispute with Russia over possession of the Turkish fortress of Ochakov on the Black Sea coast, were the limits of British power fully exposed.
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Christensen, Søren. "Higher education and entrepreneurial citizenship in Singapore." Learning and Teaching 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2012.050303.
Full textAbstract:
Focusing on Singapore's 'Global Schoolhouse' project, this article discusses how efforts to transform Singapore into a 'world class' knowledge economy entail changes to the status of citizenship in Singapore. The project of wooing top foreign universities to Singapore is permeated with an entrepreneurial ideal of Singapore as the 'Boston of the East'. Since Singaporeans tend to be viewed by the Singapore government as particularly risk averse compared to Westerners and other Asians, the government has increasingly relied on 'foreign talent' to provide entrepreneurial dynamism to Singapore. The expansion of high-quality university education in Singapore serves as a vehicle of this 'foreign talent' policy as much as it accommodates the needs of local students for higher education. The ensuing questions about citizenship in Singapore's knowledge economy are finally discussed in terms of a differentiated 'entrepreneurial citizenship'.