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Journal articles on the topic "Students, Foreign Government policy Australia"
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Caruso, Marinella, and Josh Brown. "Continuity in foreign language education in Australia." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 40, no. 3 (December 31, 2017): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.17029.car.
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Abstract This article discusses the validity of the bonus for languages other than English (known as the Language Bonus) established in Australia to boost participation in language education. In subjecting this incentive plan to empirical investigation, we not only address a gap in the literature, but also continue the discussion on how to ensure that the efforts made by governments, schools, education agencies and teachers to support language study in schooling can have long-term success. Using data from a large-scale investigation, we consider the significance of the Language Bonus in influencing students’ decisions to study a language at school and at university. While this paper has a local focus – an English-speaking country in which language study is not compulsory – it engages with questions from the broader agenda of providing incentives for learning languages. It will be relevant especially for language policy in English speaking countries.
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Long, Kyle, and Carly O’Connell. "Public Discourse and Public Policy on Foreign Interference in Higher Education." Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 14, no. 5 (December 9, 2022): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v14i5.4650.
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In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims’ concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China’s exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment long-standing assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.
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Howe, Joanna. "A Legally Constructed Underclass of Workers? The Deportability and Limited Work Rights of International Students in Australia and the United Kingdom." Industrial Law Journal 48, no. 3 (October 24, 2018): 416–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwy021.
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Abstract International students have not traditionally been the focus of labour law scholarship, in part because their central purpose in a foreign country is to study rather than work. It is also generally accepted that there is no special reason to focus on international students as a distinct category of workers. This article attests to the particular vulnerability of international students in domestic labour markets, drawing on a comparative study of government policy and practice in relation to international students in Australia and the UK. Immigration rules in both jurisdictions frame the manner in which international students engage in the labour market during their studies. These rules restrict the hours in which international students can engage in paid work during semester, and if breached can result in the international students being deported from the host country. This has the effect of limiting the job market for international students, increasing the power of employers and reducing the likelihood international students will report exploitative work. Instead of strict work hour limits and deportation for breach, governments should rely on other regulatory mechanisms for ensuring international students are present in the host country for the purpose of education rather than work.
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Seminikhyna, N. "BUILDING LEADERSHIP COMPETENCE WHILE TRAINING MASTERS OF EDUCATION IN UNIVERSITIES OF AUSTRALIA." Aesthetics and Ethics of Pedagogical Action, no. 22 (December 27, 2020): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2226-4051.2020.22.222018.
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Academic leadership plays a crucial role in promoting teaching and learning in higher education. In today's changing world future teachers should play a leading role in professional development. One of the main tasks of master's student training is innovative improvement of university education, which provides gradual and continuous development of general (universal) competencies, competitiveness in the foreign labor market, creating favorable conditions for professional development and development of leadership competence. The aim of our article is to identify and analyze the organizational and pedagogical features of leadership qualities in training masters of education at Australian universities. Leadership plays an important role in every aspect of students' lives, as they go through many stages of career development, where they need leadership skills, primarily related to employment issues and conflicts between what is desired and useful. Therefore, it is important that the teacher learns to navigate the models and styles of leadership, understand the impact of leadership on the personality development, gain the basics of leadership ethics and, as a result, create their own philosophy of leadership.Over the last four decades, Australia's higher education system has undergone significant changes. This was facilitated by social, economic and demographic changes in society and the country. It is they who have led to government reforms in Australia's education policy that promote quality and affordable higher education that builds, including leadership competence. Leadership skills help to overcome challenges, solve problems and analyze career choices. Therefore, it is important that leaders of leaders, i.e research and teaching staff, develop leadership skills in students. Higher education in Australia is responding quickly to the demands and needs of educational circles, expanding opportunities for educators to improve the quality of their training, in particular through postgraduate leadership programs, which are characterized by their flexibility and diversity. They have the opportunity to get a holistic view of pedagogical activities not only from the position of a teacher who implements educational policy, formed externally, but also from the position of the subject of educational policy of the state.It has been found that Australian universities offer teachers postgraduate leadership programs, including master's programs, leadership certification programs as an additional specialization, and leadership programs at the education specialist level. Leadership education is an integral part of leadership development and requires a structured and formal educational environment, which allows through specially organized training to form and improve the leadership qualities of future teachers. The cognitive component is an important component of leadership education.
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Trilokekar, Roopa Desai. "IMAGINE: Canada as a leader in international education. How can Canada benefit from the Australian experience?" Canadian Journal of Higher Education 43, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v43i2.2103.
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Hosting international students has long been admired as one of the hallmarks of internationalization. The two major formative strands of internationalization in Canadian universities are development cooperation and international students. With reduced public funding for higher education, institutions are aggressively recruiting international students to generate additional revenue. Canada is equally interested in offering incentives for international students to stay in the country as immigrants after completing their studies. In its 2011 budget, the Canadian federal government earmarked funding for an international education strategy and, in 2010, funded Edu-Canada—the marketing unit within the Department of Education and Foreign Affairs (DFAIT)—to develop an official Canadian brand to boost educational marketing, IMAGINE: Education in/au Canada. This model emulates the Australian one, which rapidly capitalized on the recruitment of international students and became an international success story. Given current Canadian higher education policy trends, this paper will address the cautionary lessons that can be drawn from the Australian case.
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Stokes, Anthony, and Sarah Wright. "The Impact Of A Demand-Driven Higher Education Policy In Australia." Journal of International Education Research (JIER) 8, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 441–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jier.v8i4.7292.
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In 2012, the Australian government introduced a demand-driven entitlement system for domestic higher education students in which recognised higher education providers are free to enrol as many eligible students as they wish in eligible higher education courses and receive corresponding government subsidies for those students. This paper examines the impact that already has occurred as a result of this decision and the likely long-term effects that this will have on higher education in Australia.
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Farneubun, Petrus K. "China’s Rise and its Implications for Australian Foreign Policy." Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 2, no. 2 (August 7, 2022): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2234.
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This article places a particular emphasis on the rise of China and its implications for Australian foreign policy. It qualitatively examines the perceptions of China’s rise, its intentions, and the Australian responses, based on government and international organisation reports, and secondary sources such as books, journals, and media articles. Using realism as a theoretical lens, this article argues that Australia’s foreign policy still reflects an ambiguity, as a result of, on the one hand, the economic opportunities China creates, and on the other hand, uncertainty regarding China’s intentions, whether offensive or defensive, peaceful or aggressive. Facing this condition, this article demonstrates that Australia adopts several important policy strategies. First, it maintains a hedging strategy to balance its economic interests and its security concern. Second, Australia continues to rely on the protection of the US. In the long-term, however, this reliance may be changed. For this reason, Australia needs to increase its own military capability. This article concludes that Australian foreign policy will likely remain ambivalent in its response to the rise of China.KEYWORDSAustralia; China’s Rise; Foreign Policy; Military Capability; Power Shift
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Bloomfield, Alan. "Australia, and ASEAN at Fifty." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i2.85.
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In its early documents related to Asianist orientation, Australia looked at engaging its immediate neighbourhood through institution such as ASEAN. ASEAN which was created to bring about synergies within the region and also engage important stakeholders as dialogue partners. Australia has been involved in Vietnam as part of its alliance obligations with US in 1970s and subsequently also. Australia has looked into ASEAN as a vehicle for cooperation, development and building better relations with Indonesia. The author argues that while Australia has aligned itself with the concept of the ASEAN way, there has not been any tectonic shift in the way Australia conducts its foreign policy. Even though Australia was one of the earliest dialogue partner in ASEAN, it has calibrated its policy depending on the national government priorities and the international interests of the country. The article also outlines the narrative from Australian perspective and situates ASEAN in the larger foreign policy discourse in Australia.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Clark, Andrew. "Your Asia-Pacific Network: The use of Radio Australia by the Australian Government." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.758.
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This article examines the use of Radio Australia by the Australian Government. It examines the extent that the Australian Government's foreign policy goals are reflected in the charter and programming of Radio Australia. The paper begins with a brief historical look at Radio Australia followed by description and analysis of the role of an intermediary between the government and the station, which, in this case, is the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), the parent company of Radio Australia; the programme philosophy of, and programming offered by Radio Australia, and criticisms of Radio Australia from within the Pacific.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Students, Foreign Government policy Australia"
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Leung, Yuen-ting, and 梁菀婷. "Immigration policy on non-local students in Hong Kong: a study of policy dynamics." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50255472.
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This dissertation seeks to enhance the understanding of the agenda setting process of Hong Kong government by analysis of the immigration policy on non-local students in the post-colonial era. With the government’s determination for developing Hong Kong to become a regional education hub, a general relaxation of immigration policy on non-local students is observed since 2004. By adopting John Kingdon’s policy streams theory as analytical framework, mixed with Cohen et al’s garbage can model and Lindblom’s incrementalism theory, the influential factor on the problem, policy and political streams are identified and the findings suggest that events in political streams, such as the change in national mood and change in administration have great impacts on the agenda whilst the problem and policy streams remain relatively stable. The impact of the policy entrepreneur is also discussed during the course of research.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Master
Master of Public Administration
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Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
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Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia." 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia / Paul Chapman." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21758.
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Pokarier, Christopher James. "Politics of foreign direct investment in Australia, 1960-96." Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110001.
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Foreign direct investment has played an important role in the Australian economy
yet despite frequent public controversy there is still no general study of the politics
of inward FDI in Australia. This thesis seeks to explain why Australia turned away
from a long-established 'open door' policy towards FDI in the late 1960s only to
liberalise policy again from the mid-1980s and why policy openness varied across
sectors. In doing so the thesis tests the explanatory power of both private and public
interest theories of FDI policy. Both accounts are grounded in a theory of political
markets characterised by information shortages and political entrepreneurialism.
This thesis concludes that Australia's FDI policy during 1960-96 principally
reflected government attempts to make politically optimal compromises between
competing conceptions of the public interest in relation to FDI. Yet rent seeking
was rife and, to some degree, influenced popular and elite perceptions of the public
interest. Liberal business constituencies and the imperative of growth-oriented
policy strategies usually outweighed private interest suppliers of restrictive FDI
policy although periodically the latter did find some influence. Private interests
seeking restrictive policy were helped by shortages of information about the real
costs and benefits of FDI, in the case of the mining industry in particular, and by
popular concern about the cultural consequences of FDI in the case of the mass
media. The public interest politics of FDI policy also proved to be inseparable from
the use of restrictions on FDI as a second best solution to poor regulatory design,
tariff policy and mismanagement of national resources. These findings about the
politics of FDI in Australia suggest that when confronted by a weak economy most
governments will deliver quite liberal policy in practice for all but the most
politically sensitive sectors. The economic costs of economic nationalism may
engender their own political momentum for the liberalisation of FDI policy. Yet the
Australian experience also suggests that governments will be very hesitant to give
up discretionary controls on FDI, such as the Foreign Investment Review Board.
This is because they provide a mechanism for managing politically resilient
economic nationalist sentiment in the electorate and for providing the odd favour to
an influential private interest.
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Broadbent, Stephen J. "Australia's defence export policy." Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145187.
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Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
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MacCallion, Gregory John. "Defining human and national security in military interventions : Australia and Canada in Somalia and Afghanistan." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155775.
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Since the introduction of the concept of human security in 1994, debates have raged regarding the definition and applicability of the concept. Proponents of human security have sought to define the concept so that it may be utilised, whereas critics of human security have argued that the concept is too broad and amorphous to be adopted or utilised by states in international relations. This thesis examines two states; Australia, which has never utilised the term, 'human security,' in its declaratory policies; and Canada, a state that, for a time, was one of the most vocal proponents of the concept in its foreign policy statements. The research examines the two countries' military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995 - prior to the introduction of human security as a concept) and Afghanistan (2001-2013 - after the concept's introduction) to establish if, and to what extent, human security featured in and/or shaped their missions. Drawing upon an analysis of Australia's and Canada's declaratory policies and implementation approaches for each mission, this thesis presents a unique analytical framework that assesses the degree of norm internalisation of human security by the two states. It argues that human security is both co-opted and adapted by states in military interventions when the limitation of traditional national security approaches is recognised and when such actions are in alignment with national values. This thesis finds that the core concept of human security can be, and has been, operationalised at the implementation level, regardless of whether the state has a clearly defined declaratory policy of human security or not. Further, states now perceive the core concept of human security as a necessary condition for mission success in military interventions; military security, alone, is no longer enough. The thesis concludes with the argument that, for states, the concept of human security works better in practice (implementation) than it does in theory (declaratory policies). Indeed, when it comes to incorporating the fundamental elements of human security in military interventions, this thesis argues, it is the practices of human security that drives, and helps create, policies based on human security.
Books on the topic "Students, Foreign Government policy Australia"
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G, Jarret F., ed. Educating overseas students in Australia: Who benefits? Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1990.
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Throsby, C. D. Trade and aid in Australian post-secondary education. [Canberra, A.C.T.]: Development Studies Centre, Australian National University, 1985.
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Copley, Brent. Foreign students in Canada: A neglected foreign policy issue. Ottawa, Ont: North-South Institute, 1985.
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Foreign students and government policy: Britain, France and Germany. Washington, D.C: American Council on Education, 1985.
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Graycar, Adam. Racism and the tertiary student experience in Australia: Policy discussion paper. Canberra, ACT: Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia, 2010.
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A, Mediansky F., ed. Australian foreign policy: Into the new millennium. South Melbourne: Macmillan Education Australia, 1997.
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Smart, Don. A comprehensive bibliography: Export of education services and Australia full-fee policy for overseas students. [Murdoch, W.A: Asia Research Centre, Murdoch University, 1992.
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Okada, Akito, and Shunʼichi Nishimura. Shogaikoku no gaikokujin gakkō seisaku. Koganei-shi: Tōkyō Gakugei Daigaku Kokusai Kyōiku Sentā, 2004.
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Australia in international politics: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. 3rd ed. Crows Nest, N.S.W: Allen & Unwin, 2011.
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Iredale, Robyn R. Health professionals in multicultural Australia. Wollongong NSW, Australia: Centre for Multicultural Studies, University of Wollongong, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Students, Foreign Government policy Australia"
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Thomson, Sue. "Australia: PISA Australia—Excellence and Equity?" In Improving a Country’s Education, 25–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59031-4_2.
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AbstractAustralia’s education system reflects its history of federalism. State and territory governments are responsible for administering education within their jurisdiction and across the sector comprising government (public), Catholic systemic and other independent schooling systems. They collaborate on education policy with the federal government. Over the past two decades the federal government has taken a greater role in funding across the education sector, and as a result of this involvement and the priorities of federal governments of the day, Australia now has one of the highest rates of non-government schooling in the OECD. Funding equity across the sectors has become a prominent issue. Concerns have been compounded by evidence of declining student performance since Australia’s initial participation in PISA in 2000, and the increasing gap between our high achievers and low achievers. This chapter explores Australia’s PISA 2018 results and what they reveal about the impact of socioeconomic level on student achievement. It also considers the role of school funding and the need to direct support to those schools that are attempting to educate the greater proportion of an increasingly diverse student population including students facing multiple layers of disadvantage.
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Garner, Alice, and Diane Kirkby. "Education, or ‘part of our foreign policy’?: At war in Vietnam." In Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies, 109–29. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526128973.003.0007.
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By the early 1960s the original Fulbright Agreement had expired and a new one was negotiated, as a binational agreement with the Australian government providing equal funding. This was signed in 1964, in the context of increasing miliitary intervention in the war in Vietnam by both the US and Australia. Under the ANZUS and SEATO treaties, signed the previous decade, Australia was a keen ally of the US in Vietnam. The Fulbright program and the Australia-US Alliance were pursued simultaneously by the Australian government. Senator Fulbright visited Australia, criticised the Alliance and became a leading dissenter to the Vietnam War. Academics on educational exchange also became active in the anti-war movement.
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Aszkielowicz, Dean. "Japan and Australia, 1944–1946." In The Australian Pursuit of Japanese War Criminals, 1943-1957. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390724.003.0002.
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When the Second World War ended, the Australian government sought to establish the country as a major player in regional diplomacy. An early focus of Australia’s new and energetic foreign policy agenda was regional security, and in particular, bringing Japan to account for the war. After some early frustrations with its major allies, the Australian government was given several key roles in the Occupation of Japan. The Occupation began with the goals of democratizing and reforming Japan, and prosecuting war criminals was a key part of this early agenda. Meanwhile in Australia, the public demanded the government begin a resolute process of bringing war criminals to justice.
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Dale, Peter, and John McLaughlin. "Policy Issues in Land Administration." In Land Administration. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233909.003.0014.
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Land administration strategies and processes need to be structured within a broad policy framework, the shape of which will depend on the jurisdiction concerned. A common thread between systems will be the promotion of economic development, social justice and equity, political stability, and environmentally sustainable development. The processes of re-engineering, total quality management, and other management reforms discussed in Chapter 9 were originally designed for use in the private sector so that organizations could respond better to the demands of the market place. More recently, they have increasingly been adopted by public sector administrators who have been forced to respond to the market oriented approach and hence have been required to upgrade land administration systems. In the United States the processes of re-engineering have been packaged under such labels as ‘entrepreneurial government’ and ‘reinventing government’ and were addressed in the National Performance Review (known as the Gore Commission) which had a mandate to ‘re-invent and to reinvigorate the entire national government’. The ideas were picked up by many other governments—from Australia to the UK (Butler 1994), the Netherlands to New Zealand, and Singapore to Sweden-regardless of party or ideology. Although reinventing government means different things to different people, it has generally entailed: 1. restructuring the way government services are organized; 2. developing new strategies and processes for managing government services (for instance, simplifying administrative programmes); 3. empowering the recipients of public services. As with the private sector, a crucial component of reinventing government has been the effective use of information technology (IT). Governments in general have only recently begun to review their national information strategies and to develop new ways in which they deliver services to citizens and businesses. Over the past few years, IT has changed the way that many people live through the creation of new products and services. Examples include the use of credit and debit cards, the ability to withdraw cash from a ‘hole in the wall’ even in a foreign country, the mobile phone and fax machine, and access to information on the Internet. Information technology now makes it possible for citizens and businesses to deal directly with government agencies if they so wish (UK Government 1996).
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Ali, Muhammad Mahboob. "Bilateral Cooperation Between Australia and Bangladesh in Diverse Areas." In Strategic Cooperation and Partnerships Between Australia and South Asia, 117–45. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-8657-0.ch006.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter discussed the multi- sectoral bilateral cooperation between Australia and Bangladesh during and post-COVID-19-related to interregional trade, foreign investment, ready-made-garments export, education, blue economy, microfinance, tourism, renewable energy, and finally, fulfillment of targets of SDGs. How do diverse areas of bilateral cooperation between Bangladesh and Australia become more efficient and effective in resource utilization and bring socio-economic benefits? Advancement in economic cooperation in both the countries may be improved from trade and investment, enhancement of education using Australian model, improvement and enhancement in energy, blue economy, education, health, and RMG sector. Australian partnership will be helpful for government agencies, policy makers, and associated stakeholders of Bangladesh for future improvements and development interventions in diverse multisector areas. Emphasis needs to be given to ecofriendly sustainability as suggested by the author to meet the climate change and sustainability goals.
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Stronge, James H., Xianxuan Xu, Leslie W. Grant, Yanping Mo, and Ke Huang. "Conceptions of Teacher Effectiveness and Its Implications for Educational Policy and Practice in the United States." In Advances in Educational Marketing, Administration, and Leadership, 245–74. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7908-4.ch010.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter provides an overview of the educational system from the founding of the country to today. Like Australia and Canada, the governmental structure involves the national government with smaller units in the form of the 50 states and the District of Columbia. This structure means variation of educational systems across governmental units. The authors provide an overview of the influence of conceptions of teaching effectiveness including the development of professional organization standards, passing of national legislation aimed at defining teacher effectiveness in terms of student outcomes, and standards-based teacher evaluation systems. Unique features of the United States perspective include a focus on differentiation to include getting to know the needs of individual students and meeting those individual needs. The authors describe the cultural basis for these unique features.
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Garner, Alice, and Diane Kirkby. "‘Experience is the only teacher’: Academic ambassadors interpret ‘mutual understanding’." In Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies, 130–48. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526128973.003.0008.
Full textAbstract:
The Vietnam War posed significant challenges to academics on educational exchange who were expected under the Fulbright program to be ambassadors as well as researchers. The CIA surveillance of the anti-war movement and political interference in the administration of the Fulbright program from government caused academics in both Australia and America to defend the autonomy of the Program. How did scholars interpret the ambassadorial expectation when they were opposed to their government’s foreign policy? Many also found they could not speak critically of their national government without antagonising their hosts. Living up to the Fulbright program’s ideal of achieving ‘mutual understanding’ was very much a matter of learning by experience, to be interpreted by scholars for whom research was actually the priority.
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Olcott, Don. "Beyond the Boundaries." In Global Challenges and Perspectives in Blended and Distance Learning, 36–54. IGI Global, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-3978-2.ch003.
Full textAbstract:
The rapid increase in internationalism and borderless higher education by public and for-profit universities is changing the face of the global higher education landscape. Today, universities have more opportunities for serving campus-based international students and extending their programs and research on the international stage. Students also have more choices than ever before in navigating their educational future and are becoming active consumers of global HE. Language, culture, and social norms are as critical as any educational strategies used to build and sustain international partnerships. An understanding, tolerance, and humility about the educational process in other countries is a necessity for building successful partnerships. Borderless higher education is highly complex and involves various risks for colleges and universities and the need to justify foreign ventures or adventures to key stakeholders at home. The “new global regionalism” will accelerate HE competition for students, and the global destination choices for students may drive more students to remain in their region than going to traditional destinations such as the US, UK, and Australia. Universities will function more like businesses, and their foreign partnerships and campus international recruitment will be based on leveraging profitable revenues to supplement their composite educational enterprise. This will be accentuated by reduced government funding and the need to temper continuous tuition and fee increases. Quality assurance agencies will exert greater pressure on universities to maintain accountability, program standards, and alignment with their core mission. University chief executives will need to navigate a range of complex issues before leading their universities into unchartered international waters. Indeed, some universities have no business in the business of borderless higher education. This chapter explores borderless higher education.
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Olcott, Don. "Beyond the Boundaries." In Cross-Cultural Interaction, 1604–22. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-4979-8.ch091.
Full textAbstract:
The rapid increase in internationalism and borderless higher education by public and for-profit universities is changing the face of the global higher education landscape. Today, universities have more opportunities for serving campus-based international students and extending their programs and research on the international stage. Students also have more choices than ever before in navigating their educational future and are becoming active consumers of global HE. Language, culture, and social norms are as critical as any educational strategies used to build and sustain international partnerships. An understanding, tolerance, and humility about the educational process in other countries is a necessity for building successful partnerships. Borderless higher education is highly complex and involves various risks for colleges and universities and the need to justify foreign ventures or adventures to key stakeholders at home. The “new global regionalism” will accelerate HE competition for students, and the global destination choices for students may drive more students to remain in their region than going to traditional destinations such as the US, UK, and Australia. Universities will function more like businesses, and their foreign partnerships and campus international recruitment will be based on leveraging profitable revenues to supplement their composite educational enterprise. This will be accentuated by reduced government funding and the need to temper continuous tuition and fee increases. Quality assurance agencies will exert greater pressure on universities to maintain accountability, program standards, and alignment with their core mission. University chief executives will need to navigate a range of complex issues before leading their universities into unchartered international waters. Indeed, some universities have no business in the business of borderless higher education. This chapter explores borderless higher education.