Journal articles on the topic 'Student movements Burma History'
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1
Foxeus, Niklas. "Esoteric Theravada Buddhism in Burma/Myanmar." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 25 (January 1, 2013): 55–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67433.
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The achievement of independence in 1948 was in many ways a watershed in Burma’s history. At this time, a variety of Buddhist movements emerged that were part not only of a ‘Burmese Buddhist revival’, in which even the government was involved, but also a general re-enchantment of Asia. In the period following World War II, projects of nation-building and further modernization were implemented in many newly independent Asian nation states. The theories of modernization adopted by the rulers had presupposed that a new, rationalized and secularized order that had set them on the path of ‘progress’ would entail a decline of religion. However, instead there was a widespread resurgence of religion, and a variety of new, eclectic religious movements emerged in Southeast Asia. In the thriving religious field of postcolonial Burma, two lay Buddhist movements associated with two different meditation techniques emerged, viz.; the insight meditation movement and the concentration meditation movement. The latter consisted of a variety of esoteric congregations combining concentration meditation with esoteric lore, and some of these were characterized by fundamentalist trends. At the same time, the supermundane form of Buddhism became increasingly influential in the entire field of religion. The aim of the present article is to discuss how this supermundane dimension has reshaped the complex religious field in Burma, with particular emphasis on the esoteric congregations; to present the Burmese form of esoteric Theravāda Buddhism, and to situate the fundamentalist trends which are present in these contexts.
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Turner, Alicia. "Pali Scholarship “in Its Truest Sense” in Burma: The Multiple Trajectories in Colonial Deployments of Religion." Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 1 (January 10, 2018): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911817001292.
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Why are histories of colonialism and religious transformation in Southeast Asia so often told as inextricably interrelated? Why were Buddhist movements identified as both the locus for resistance to colonialism and the central means of constructing colonial modernity? Part of the reason lies in how religion served as both a European technique of colonial governmentality and a local repository of techniques for comprehending and responding to change. More than this, religion seems to have offered a multivalent medium for a variety of innovations. Pali examinations were central to Buddhist reform in colonial Burma at the turn of the twentieth century but also fomented conflicts between the colonial state and monastic factions over the purpose of language study. However, beyond such conflicts, Pali examinations proved fertile grounds for Buddhist laypeople to experiment with multiple interpretations of what Buddhist modernity might mean in Burma.
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Foxeus, Niklas. "“I am the Buddha, the Buddha is Me”: Concentration Meditation and Esoteric Modern Buddhism in Burma/Myanmar." Numen 63, no. 4 (June 15, 2016): 411–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341393.
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In postcolonial Burma, two trends within lay Buddhism — largely in tension with one another — developed into large-scale movements. They focused upon different meditation practices, insight meditation and concentration meditation, with the latter also including esoteric lore. An impetus largely shared by the movements was to define an “authentic” Buddhism to serve as the primary vehicle of the quest for individual, local, and national identity. While insight meditation was generally considered Buddhist meditationpar excellence, concentration meditation was ascribed a more dubious Buddhist identity. Given this ambiguity, it could be considered rather paradoxical that concentration meditation could be viewed as a source of “authentic” Buddhism.The aim of this article is to investigate the issue of identity and the paradox of authenticity by examining the concentration meditation practices of one large esoteric congregation and tentatively comparing its practices with those of the insight meditation movement. It will be argued that the movements represented two varieties of so-called modern Buddhism (rationalist modern Buddhism and esoteric modern Buddhism) drawing on different Buddhist imaginaries and representing two main trends that are largely diametrically opposed to one another. They therefore represent two ways of constructing an individual, local, and national identity.
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Lewis, Su Lin. "“We Are Not Copyists”: Socialist Networks and Non-alignment from Below in A. Philip Randolph’s Asian Journey." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 402–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz101.
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Abstract In 1952, A. Philip Randolph, the head of America’s largest black union and a prominent civil rights campaigner, traveled to Japan and Burma funded by the American Committee for Cultural Freedom. In Asia, he encountered socialists and trade unionists struggling to negotiate the fractious divides between communism and capitalism within postwar states. In Burma, in particular, Western powers, the Soviet bloc, and powerful Asian neighbors used propaganda, aid missions, and subsidized travel to offer competing visions of development while accusing each other of new forms of imperialism and foreign interference. In such an environment, a battle for hearts and minds within Asian labor movements constituted the front lines of the early years of the Cold War. Randolph’s journey shows us how Asian socialists and trade unionists responded to powerful foreign interests by articulating an early sense of non-alignment, forged in part through emerging Asian socialist networks, well before this was an official strategy. The Asian actors with whom Randolph interacted in Japan and Burma mirrored his own struggles as a socialist, a trade unionist, and a “railway man” while furthering his campaign for civil rights at home. This article uses Randolph’s journey to examine parallels and divergences between African-American and Asian socialists and trade unionists during the early Cold War, an age characterized by deepening splits in the politics of the Left.
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Baumgartner, Kabria. "“Be Your Own Man”: Student Activism and the Birth of Black Studies at Amherst College, 1965–1972." New England Quarterly 89, no. 2 (June 2016): 286–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00531.
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Historians have examined how social movements influenced African American student activism in mid-to-late twentieth century America. This essay extends the scholarship by telling the story of African American male student activists who led the fight for curricular reform at Amherst College, then an all-male liberal arts college in Massachusetts. This local story reveals that African American student activism was driven by social movements as well as the distinctive mission of the liberal arts college.
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Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (March 2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.
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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the ‘frontier’, this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state.
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Raotes, C. A. "The Development of Radical Student Movements and Their Sequelae." Australian Journal of Politics & History 34, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1988.tb01173.x.
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Hetemi, Atdhe. "Student movements in Kosova (1981): academic or nationalist?" Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (July 2018): 685–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1371683.
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The 1980s caught Albanians in Kosova in interesting social, political, and psychological circumstances. Two diametrically opposed dogmatic dilemmas took shape: “illegal groups” – considerably supported by students – demanded the proclamation of the Republic of Kosova and/or Kosova's unification with Albania. On the other side of the spectrum, “modernists” – gathering, among others, the political and academic elites – pushed for the improvement of rights of Kosovars guaranteed under the “brotherhood and unity” concept advocated within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). This paper outlines the nature of demonstrations that took place in March and April 1981 and the corresponding responses of political and academic elites. Stretching beyond symbolic academic reasons – demands for better food and dormitory conditions – the study points to the intense commitment of the students to their demands, often articulated in nationalistic terms. Was it inevitable that the structure of the SFRY would lead to those living in Kosova as a non-Slavic majority in a federation of “Southern Slavs” to articulate demands for national self-rule? It is necessary to highlight these political and social complexities through analytical approaches in order to track the students' goals and to reexamine assumptions behind the “modernist” agenda. In that vein, the paper analyzes the conceptual connections and differences between student reactions and modernists' positions during the historical period under discussion here.
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Bowie, Katherine A. "The historical vicissitudes of theVessantara Jatakain mainland Southeast Asia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (January 16, 2018): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463417000674.
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Across the Theravada Buddhist countries of Southeast Asia, theVessantara Jatakahas long been the most famous of the stories (jatakas) of the previous lives of the Buddha. However, little attention has been paid to the jataka's historical vicissitudes. Drawing on comparisons with neighbouring Thailand, this essay suggests there have been significant differences in the jataka's performances and interpretations in Burma (Myanmar), Cambodia and Laos. This essay seeks to historicise understandings of theVessantara Jataka, showing how social movements, state policies and global pressures have shaped understandings of the jataka differently in each country.
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Womack, Deanna Ferree. "“To Promote the Cause of Christ's Kingdom”: International Student Associations and the “Revival” of Middle Eastern Christianity." Church History 88, no. 1 (March 2019): 150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719000556.
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This article traces the presence in the Arab world of international Christian student organizations like the World Student Christian Federation (WSCF) and its intercollegiate branches of the YMCA and YWCA associated with the Protestant missionary movement in nineteenth-century Beirut. There, an American-affiliated branch of the YMCA emerged at Syrian Protestant College in the 1890s, and the Christian women's student movement formed in the early twentieth century after a visit from WSCF secretaries John Mott and Ruth Rouse. As such, student movements took on lives of their own, and they developed in directions that Western missionary leaders never anticipated. By attending to the ways in which the WSCF and YMCA/YWCA drew Arabs into the global ecumenical movement, this study examines the shifting aims of Christian student associations in twentieth-century Syria and Lebanon, from missionary-supported notions of evangelical revival to ecumenical renewal and interreligious movements for national reform.
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Turan, Ömer. "The ’68 Movements around the World and in Turkey: One Movement or Many?" Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10022.
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Abstract The student movement of ’68 was both a major source of inspiration and subject of research for the social movement scholars. One persistent disagreement about studying ’68 lies between the world-system theory—Wallerstein views the movement as “a single revolution”—and the contentious politics approach—McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly refuse to consider ’68 “one grand movement.” Expanding this theoretical debate, this article overviews Turkey’s ’68 movement and discusses its divergence from the global movement. Wallerstein summarizes “the single revolution” of ’68 with five points: challenging US hegemony, working-class solidarity, demanding education reform, counter-culture, and challenging the old left. This article revisits these points and cross-reads them with insights of the contentious politics approach to evaluate Turkey’s ’68 movement. It then focuses on mobilizing structures, framing processes, and repertoires of contention that have shaped student activism.
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Soldatenko, Michael. "Mexican Student Movements in Los Angeles and Mexico City, 1968." Latino Studies 1, no. 2 (July 2003): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.lst.8600021.
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Escobar, Samuel. "Recruitment of Students; for Mission." Missiology: An International Review 15, no. 4 (October 1987): 529–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968701500409.
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Students have always been deeply involved in world mission. This came to a focus particularly in the history of the Student Volunteer Movement and in the current work of the Intervarsity Christian Fellowship. Three other international student movements are examined to assess their contribution to this worldwide task. Finally, an effort is made to evaluate how the vision of these several movements is related to the task of recruiting students for world missions.
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Mazumdar, Surajit. "The post-independence history of student movements in India and the ongoing protests." Postcolonial Studies 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2019.1568166.
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Chaudhuri, Supriya. "On making noise: Hokkolorob and its place in Indian student movements." Postcolonial Studies 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2019.1568168.
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HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.
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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.
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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.
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Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.
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Axelrod, Paul. "Student Life in Canadian Universities: The Lessons of History." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 20, no. 3 (December 31, 1990): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v20i3.183083.
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This article explores the relationship between the history of the student experience and contemporary student life. It identifies enduring patterns in three areas: the social origins of students, student culture and activism, and the perceived academic quality of students. Reflecting their predominantly middle class backgrounds, university students have craved social status and feared the prospect of downward mobility, particularly in hard economic times. They have forged a student culture which serves to relieve academic tensions and strengthen their claim to social distinctiveness. Sexist outbursts by male students, past and present, speak to fundamental feelings of insecurity in the face of feminist movements. Political activism among a sizable minority of students, which predated the 1960s, now shows signs of re-emergence at a time when students sense that their long term goals may be frustrated. Finally, the professorial contention that students are academically less competent than ever has been heard before. A historical perspective, brought to this and other issues, should deepen understanding of the nature of student life.
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Sinha, Soumodip. "Politicization of Universities in a Postcolonial Context: A Historical Sketch of Student Political Activism in India." Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 29, no. 51 (September 1, 2022): 232–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2022.e84909.
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This paper examines the nature and historical trajectories of student politics in India. In doing so, it seeks to centrally carry forward the argument that students represent a powerful and informed political agency, motivated along the axes of either ushering large scale changes or in addressing minor campus issues. It also seeks to lay out the background and dissects the factors that have led to the beginnings, decline and resurgence of student movements in postcolonial societies, particularly in India wherein the contribution of youth or students towards nation-building via activism or participation in mainstream politics can hardly be discounted. While the 1960s did give rise to student movements globally, this paper centrally argues that it has been an intrinsic feature in the Indian context for almost a century now, both before and after Independence from colonial rule and thereby concludes with the idea that universities have been integral to such developments within such a milieu.
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Sharp, Emily. "Research Perspectives on Students in Britain and Ireland, 1800-1945." CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 25, no. 1 (June 7, 2022): 122–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2022.6995.
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Historians of Britain and Ireland have long been interested in universities and students. They have acknowledged the importance of these institutions and individuals within the history of elites, the history of the state, intellectual history, the history of science, of social movements and of politics and political thought. Yet, for many years much of this research has centred around higher education institutions themselves rather than the student body that they cater for. Following the expansion of the higher education sector and the growth of the student movement in the 1960s the quantity and quality of literature on British and Irish students, rather than the institutions that they studied at, has grown substantially and has become a burgeoning historical field. This article surveys the development of this historiography and the key research perspectives on students in Britain and Ireland from 1800-1945, focusing on five thematic areas: student culture, student representation and politics, student life during war, students race and empire, and student women - to track the progress, development and connections between the different strands of this historiography over the past fifty years and to offer insights into potential avenues for further research.
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Ovetz, Robert. "Turning Resistance into Rebellion: Student Movements and the Entrepreneurialization of the Universities." Capital & Class 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 113–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689605800106.
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LEE, RALPH. "‘Modernism’ and the Ethiopian Orthodox Sunday School Movement: Indigenous Movements and their International Connections." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 73, no. 1 (November 18, 2021): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046921001391.
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This article traces the history of twentieth-century Ethiopian Orthodox student movements formed in response to modernity, especially the influential Maḫbärä Qəddusan, ‘Association of Saints’, established in 1991 when Ethiopia's Communist regime fell. It explores parallels in Egyptian and Indian miaphysite Churches; balances the prevailing narrative of explosive Pentecostal growth which has obscured the influence of such movements; provides insight into networks that have stimulated renewal and responses to contemporary challenges through strong engagement with traditional literary and intellectual heritage; and explores training and publications promoting contemporary reflection on this heritage, the revival of important religious practices and the targeting of influential ecclesiastical and public positions.
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NELSON, MATTHEW J. "Embracing the Ummah: Student Politics beyond State Power in Pakistan." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (April 28, 2011): 565–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000242.
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AbstractStudies of student politics in Pakistan often focus on the competition between ‘secular’ and ‘religious’ student groups—for example, the leftward-leaning National Students Federation, regional parties with a broadly secular orientation like the Pakhtun Students Federation, the Islami Jamiat-e-Tuleba (Islamic Students Association), and sectarian groups like the (Shi'a) Imamia Students Organization. This paper describes the emergence of an increasingly violent stalemate between and amongst these groups since the 1960s. It then argues that for a growing number of students this stalemate produced a certain disenchantment with exclusionary efforts to control the ‘state-based Muslim nationalism’ that lay behind the formation of Pakistan itself. Seeking alternatives, these disenchanted students developed an interest in non-state-based forms of Muslim solidarity—forms that rejected the constraints of territorial Muslim nationalism in favour of transnational movements focused on the revitalization of Muslim solidarity on a truly global scale—movements like the (Deobandi) Tablighi Jama'at and the (Barelwi) Da'wat-e-Islami. Tracing this development, this paper takes up one application of Talal Asad's argument that alternative expressions of religion (and religious solidarity) are ‘produced’ by specific political circumstances. It also examines this formulation in the light of other theories that take an interest in the effects—indeed the potentially ‘democratizing’ effects—of protracted political stalemates.
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Ferhat, Ismail. "Did Youth Destabilize Politics? Western European Social Democracies and Student Movements in «the Long Sixties»." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.269.
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Student movements during «the Long Sixties» had a profound impact on Western politics and societies. One of the major political families in Western Europe, the social-democratic parties, were particularly affected. A major governmental force in a majority of Western European democracies, their post-war views on education, founded on optimistic and careful prospects (democratization of schools, progressive reforms) were destabilized by student protests and radicalism. How did social democrats react to the strong criticism of the universities, pedagogies and hierarchies in educational institutions that they had helped to build? This article is based on archives, documents and publications from the Socialist International, kept at the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam), and on documents held by several national archives and libraries. It uses a transnational and interdisciplinary approach, linking political history and educational studies.
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Ghazal, Amal N. "TENSIONS OF NATIONALISM: THE MZABI STUDENT MISSIONS IN TUNIS AND THE POLITICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001445.
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AbstractThis article examines the significant yet largely overlooked role of the Mzabis, a community from the northern edges of the Algerian desert, in Algerian and Tunisian anticolonialism and nationalism. In so doing, it pursues two aims: first, to shed light on the importance of Tunis to the politicization of the Mzabis in the 1920s and to their induction into local and regional anticolonial and national movements; and second, to highlight the tensions of subsuming regional identities into overarching national identities by focusing on Mzabi political activists’ negotiation of the relationship between the Mzab and Algeria as a national project. The article also explores the spectrum of political possibilities and alternatives envisioned by Mzabis as they participated in religious reform, anticolonial, and nationalist movements. This spectrum, I argue, conveys the fluid relationship between local, national, and regional identities, thus undermining teleological readings of national identity formation.
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Palacios-Valladares, Indira. "Southern Cone Student Movements and Capitalist Development in The Late 1800s and Early 1900s: A "New Social Movement Theory" Approach." Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 29, no. 51 (September 1, 2022): 210–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2022.e85087.
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This paper explores the “new social movement” features of the Argentinean, Chilean, and Uruguayan student movements of the late 1800s and early 1900s. In doing so, it wrestles with two questions. First, why do such features, widely associated with post-industrial societies, appear at this relatively early stage of capitalist development? Second, what does their presence at that time suggest about the explanatory power of new social movement theory? The paper agrees with new social movement theorists’ contention that capitalism shapes the character of social movements but argues that the focus of the analysis should not be on development stages but rather on the impact of rapid global market integration processes, which have occurred at different times since the rise of capitalism. Such an approach illuminates why capitalist development may yield similar collective action patterns across different historical periods.
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Meade, Teresa. "Speaking of flowers: student movements and the making and remembering of 1968 in military Brazil." Sixties 6, no. 2 (December 2013): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2014.898511.
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Hodgkinson, Dan. "Nationalists with no nation: oral history, ZANU(PF) and the meanings of Rhodesian student activism in Zimbabwe." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S40—S64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000906.
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AbstractIn Zimbabwe after 2000, ZANU(PF) leaders’ past experiences of student activism in Rhodesia were celebrated by the state-owned media as personifications of anti-colonial, nationalist leadership in the struggle to liberate the country. This article examines the history behind this narrative by exploring the entangled realities of student activism in Rhodesia throughout the 1960s and 1970s and its role as a mechanism of elite formation in ZANU(PF). Building on the historiography of African student movements, I show how the persistence of nationalist anti-colonial organizing and liberal traditions on campus made student activism in Rhodesia distinct from that in South Africa and independent African countries to its north. The article then examines how and why three former activists, who took up elite political careers in the party that they subsequently left, contested the ruling party's anti-colonial, ‘patriotic’ rendering of these experiences. These three men's stories invoked imagined and older forms of nationalism or institutional ethic that had been abandoned by the party as it turned to more authoritarian rule. Stories of Rhodesian student activism thus provided space for justifying alternative political possibilities of nationalism, which implicitly critiqued the ruling party's ‘patriotic’ narrative, as well as for nostalgic anecdotes of life on campus, their journeys into adulthood, and the excitement of being part of a dynamic, transformational political project.
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Manduchi, Patrizia. "Students and Dissent in Egypt." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (August 7, 2015): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340078.
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This essay aims to describe the Egyptian university movement from the birth of University in Egypt (1908) until the end of Nasser period (1970). A particular focus is provided on the political and social role that students’ opposition movements assumed during all the national events, both in the liberal-monarchic age and under the Nasser presidency. A special attention has been payed to the evolution of Islamic student organizations inside Egyptian universities. The ultimate goal is to stress, with an historical perspective, the relations between the history of universities and students movements as a part of the past and recent history of Egypt. The analysis of the history of thought, the progressive evolution of civil society, the complex articulation of political discourse, the authoritarian and repressive regimes, the censorship, is relevant to better understand the actual political Egyptian context.
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de Bustamante, Celeste Gonzáález. "1968 Olympic Dreams and Tlatelolco Nightmares: Imagining and Imaging Modernity on Television." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 26, no. 1 (2010): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2010.26.1.1.
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Juxtaposing televised news coverage of the 1968 student movements and Olympics in Mexico City, the author examines the mass media's role during this politically volatile year for the country and the world. Through an analysis of news scripts located in Televisa's news archive, the article demonstrates that news executives and government officials pursued a similar goal——to portray the country as modern, orderly, and peaceful. At the same time, through the use of alternative sources of media, students delivered their messages to the public, telling a much different story.
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Mintrop, Heinrich. "The Old and New Face of Civic Education: Expert, Teacher, and Student Views." European Educational Research Journal 2, no. 3 (September 2003): 446–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2003.2.3.9.
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Using the representative database of the Second International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) Civic Education Study, this article takes a look at civic education through the lens of expert scholars, teachers, and students. The data reveals that, as some of the experts reported, political interest is not pervasive among students and classrooms are not places where a culture of debate, controversy, and critical thinking flourishes for students. But things have changed if civic education was primarily an imparting of facts about national history and the workings of the political system. As for teachers, now the discourse of rights and the social movements associated with it top the list of curricular concerns. Large majorities of teachers share with national scholars a conceptualization of civic education as critical thinking and value education, repudiating knowledge transformation as ideal, and they recognize the wide gulf that exists between these ideals and reality. As for many students, political disinterest notwithstanding, forms of participation born out of social movements and community organizing are the preferred channels of political activity. And yet, it seems the experts have a point: the field is not where it should be.
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Adi, Hakim. "African Student Movements - The Role of African Student Movements in the Political and Social Evolution of Africa from 1900 to 1975. The General History of Africa: Studies and Documents, Volume 12. Paris: UNESCO Publishing, 1994. Pp. 210. No price given, paperback (ISBN 92-3-102804-9)." Journal of African History 36, no. 3 (November 1995): 523–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034691.
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Abăseacă, Raluca. "Collective memory and social movements in times of crisis: the case of Romania." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (July 2018): 671–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1379007.
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Social movements are not completely spontaneous. On the contrary, they depend on past events and experiences and are rooted in specific contexts. By focusing on three case studies – the student mobilizations of 2011 and 2013, the anti-government mobilizations of 2012, and the protests against the Rosia Montana Gold Corporation project of 2013 – this article aims to investigate the role of collective memory in post-2011 movements in Romania. The legacy of the past is reflected not only in a return to the symbols and frames of the anti-Communist mobilizations of 1989 and 1990, but also in the difficulties of the protesters to delimit themselves from nationalist actors, to develop global claims, and to target austerity and neoliberalism. Therefore, even in difficult economic conditions, Romanian movements found it hard to align their efforts with those of the Indignados/Occupy movements. More generally, the case of Romania proves that activism remains rooted in the local and national context, reflecting the memories, experiences, and fears of the mobilized actors, in spite of the spread of a repertoire of action from Western and southern Europe.
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Melchiorre, Luke. "Creating a ‘monster’: the National Youth Service pre-university training programme, student activism and the Kenyan state, 1978–90." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S65—S89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000918.
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AbstractIn May 1984, the Kenyan government of Daniel arap Moi introduced a National Youth Service pre-university training programme (NYSPUT) for prospective university students. The programme was designed to instil discipline in Kenyan university students and inculcate them with a sense of loyalty and commitment to the Moi regime prior to their arrival on campus. This article argues that, in practice, however, the scheme had unintended consequences: it served to alienate student recruits from the ruling party and helped radicalize a small but vocal group of student activists, who, when they arrived on campus, confronted the Moi state with some of its most defiant political challenges of the 1980s. Relying on extensive interviews with former student recruits and archival research, this article highlights the key role that the NYSPUT played in shaping Kenya's young generation of 1980s student activists, who represented one of the most united and militant student movements in the country's history.
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Chutkyi, Аndrii. "Student Academic Union of Kyiv Commercial Institute of the beginning at the 20th century." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 1 (November 15, 2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200104.
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The aim of the article is to explore the reasons and the essence of pro-government sympathies in the student surrounding in the Ukrainian lands at the beginning of the 20th century, when they were a part of the Russian Empire. The article is based on the analysis of the statute and biographies of the members of the student Academic Union in Kyiv Commercial Institute; to identify factual material to supplement the reconstruction of the history of students in Ukraine in the early XX century, in particular the daily life of students and their corporate consciousness. Research methods are synthesis of general scientific (analysis, objectivity, synthesis, generalization) and special scientific (historical-genetic, historical-systemic, comparative, prosopographical) methods. The main result is the introduction of a set of archival documents related to the student Academic Union and its members to the scientific circulation. This allowed to characterize the representatives of the youth of that time, who were included into the academic movement, and to analyze their paths in the student years. In particular, it was found that representatives of the titular ethnic group of the empire were mainly included into the academic movements. But other nationalities, who were active, also were involved in it. The vast majority of participants of the academic movement were characterized as those who had high ambitions and unsatisfactory financial situation. Accordingly, they joined this movement with purely pragmatic purpose, and it was testified by the circumstances of World War I, when the vast majority of such individuals used all possibilities to avoid mobilization. This discrepancy between the number and the real percentage of sincere adherents of the imperial power in pro-government organizations in general partly explains the latter's inflated calculations on the impossibility of the emergence of powerful internal protest movements. The other reason is ignoring the thought of the masses by the Russian Empire government. The practical importance is to create a scheme for further research of pro-government movements in modern Ukraine. Also, it can help to develop approaches to detect appropriate manipulations in information space and fight with them effectively. The originality is due to the intensification of the theme of the fifth column in national history. The type of article is empirical.
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Braghini, Katya Zuquim. "«Imagined Communities»: Student and Revolutionary Movements in the Headlines of Mass Media Newspapers and Magazines During the Brazilian Dictatorship." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.255.
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Brazilian historiography emphasises student political practice as the main action of those students who were against the authoritarian and conservative regime. To explain the student movement through its political activity or subversion towards the established social patterns became commonplace when discussing the behaviour of much of 1960s youth. Even though such aspects are import, they take little account of other peculiarities of these students’ history. This article explores Anderson’s (2008) hypothesis on «imagined communities» – i.e. when people in a group establish synchronic identification through references given by daily communication – in this context. This highlights the emotional pandemic of the youth coalition of the 1960s, which spread to general political movements. From this perspective, the student movement is understood as an interaction among subjects of a similar age, mobilized by their identification with shared images, mainly on printed documents. This analysis reveals that in Brazil: 1) the students identified with the revolutionary youngsters in the magazines who would later become icons, such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara; 2) The reports and «hearsay» of youth action, recorded in the articles and stimulated and amplified by street demonstrations, schematic readings, impromptu rallies, graffiti and slogans, etc. We discuss synchronicity as an aspect of this period of history that was associated with the sensory stimuli involved in demonstrations, as well as the creation of stereotypes and representations of youth.
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Wolfe, Joel. "Speaking of Flowers: Student Movements and the Making and Remembering of 1968 in Military Brazil by Victoria LanglandSpeaking of Flowers: Student Movements and the Making and Remembering of 1968 in Military Brazil by Victoria Langland. Durham, Duke University Press, 2013. xviii, 326 pp. $99.95 US (cloth), $27.95 US (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 52, no. 2 (July 2017): 394–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.ach.52.2.rev34.
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Rosa, Alessandra. "Student activists’ affective strategies during the 2010-2011 siege of the University of Puerto Rico." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 11/12 (October 10, 2016): 824–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2015-0149.
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Purpose On December 14, 2010, University of Puerto Rico (UPR) student activists initiated the second wave of their strike at a disadvantage. The presence of the police force inside the campus raised the stakes for the student movement. No longer did student activists have the “legal rights” or control of the university as a physical public space to hold their assemblies and coordinate their different events. As a result, student activists had to improvise and (re)construct their spaces of resistance by using emotional narratives, organizing non-violent civil disobedience acts at public places, fomenting lobbying groups, disseminating online petitions, and developing alternative proposals to the compulsory fee. This second wave continued until March 2011, when it came to a halt after an incident that involved physical harassment to the Chancellor, Ana Guadalupe, during one of the student demonstrations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Building on Ron Eyerman’s (2005, p. 53) analysis on “the role of emotions in social movements with the aid of performance theory,” the author center this paper on examining student activists’ tactics and strategies in the development and maintenance of their emotional narratives and internet activism. By adapting Joshua Atkinson’s (2010) concept of resistance performance, the author argues that student activists’ resistance performances assisted them in (re)framing their collective identities by (re)constructing spaces of resistance and contention while immersed in violent confrontations with the police. Findings Ever since the establishment of the university as an institution, student activism has played a key role in shaping the political policies and history of many countries; “today, student actions continue to have direct effects on educational institutions and on national and international politics” (Edelman, 2001, p. 3). Consequently, and especially in times of economic and political crisis, student activism has occupied and constructed spaces of resistance and contention to protest and reveal the existing repressions of neoliberal governments serving as a (re)emergence of an international social movement to guarantee the accessibility to a public higher education of excellence. Thus, it is important to remember that the 2010-2011 UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but rather by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of social networks that have continued to create resistance and change in the island. Originality/value As of yet there is no thorough published analysis of the 2010-2011 UPR student strike, its implications, and how the university community currently perceives it. By elaborating on the concept of resistance performance, the author’s study illustrates how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism can develop, maintain, adjust, or change the students’ collective identity(ies). The author’s work not only makes Puerto Rico visible in the research concerning social movements, student activism, and internet activism; in addition, it provides resistance performance as a concept to describe various degrees of participation in current social movements.
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Kearney, James. "La Movida Madrileña and ‘Paris Maquis’: A comparative history of Madrilenian and Parisian punk." Punk & Post Punk 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00069_1.
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As a cultural phenomenon, punk has had a global impact. Recent scholarship has expanded upon this by exploring examples of punk within different countries around the world. However, not enough attention has been given to these instances in a comparative context, especially with regards to European punk. This article will attempt to ameliorate this by comparing the first waves of both Madrilenian (Spanish) and Parisian (French) punk in terms of origins, ideologies and elements of representation in their contemporary contexts. Punk arrived in these countries at transformative periods in their nations’ histories. Spanish punk, as La Movida Madrileña, began almost immediately after the death of Francisco Franco in 1975, whereas French punk came after the fallout of the May 1968 student protests. However, despite these politically volatile backgrounds, punk in these countries greatly varied in terms of cultural impact. Using these comparative contexts, this piece will illustrate how social, political and cultural differences vastly influence the success and development of punk movements and youth cultures in general. In doing so, this article aims to inspire other researchers to consider the comparative method when looking at punk movements, thereby interrogating how punk develops and how historical backgrounds can influence its development.
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Stein, Marc. "Teaching and Researching the History of Sexual Politics at San Francisco State, 1969–1970." California History 98, no. 4 (2021): 2–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2021.98.4.2.
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This essay summarizes the methods and results of a collaborative student-faculty research project on the history of sexual politics at San Francisco State University. The collaborators collected and analyzed 160 mainstream, alternative, student, and LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans) media stories. After describing the project parameters and process, the essay discusses six themes: (1) LGBT history; (2) the Third World Liberation Front strike; (3) feminist sexual politics; (4) the history of heterosexuality; (5) sex businesses, commerce, and entrepreneurship; and (6) sexual arts and culture. The conclusion discusses project ethics and collaborative authorship. The essay’s most significant contributions are pedagogical, providing a model for history teachers interested in working with their students on research skills, digital methodologies, and collaborative projects. The essay also makes original contributions to historical scholarship, most notably in relation to the Third World Liberation Front strike. More generally, the essay provides examples of the growing visibility of LGBT activism, the intersectional character of race, gender, and sexual politics, the complicated nature of gender and sexual politics in the “movement of movements,” the commercialization of sex, and the construction of normative and transgressive heterosexualities in this period.
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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
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Perdana, Yusuf, Djono Djono, and Suyo Ediyono. "The Implementation of Multicultural Education in History Learning At SMAN 3 Surakarta." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 5, no. 3 (June 1, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v5i3.135.
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The rise of issues related to multicultural issues such as tribal wars, separatism and other movements that have the potential to cause national disintegration are urgent and require appropriate solutions. In the Indonesian context, the younger generation (student) becomes a potential subject to break the multicultural conflict. In relation to the issue, one potential form of solution is multicultural education especially through historical learning because of its potential to build a sense of tolerance and mutual respect. Therefore, this article will focus on the discussion of the implementation of multicultural education in history learning at SMAN 3 Surakarta. The methodology used is the Case Study with the design of Robert K. Yin. The results of the study indicate that the strategies used by history teachers in applying multicultural education in learning history is Cooperative Learning with the form of discussion, group work and presentation. The strategy is considered suitable because it is able to figure out the Affective, Cognitive and Psychomotor aspects of students. Obstacles experienced are very diverse include student saturation, dissatisfaction with the group of teachers to the limitations of the cost of learning outside the classroom in the historical site observation activities that match historical learning materials so that the majority of learning done in the class using photo and video media
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Useem, Bert, and Jack A. Goldstone. "The paradox of victory: social movement fields, adverse outcomes, and social movement success." Theory and Society 51, no. 1 (October 2, 2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09460-2.
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AbstractRecent work on social movement fields has expanded our view of the dynamics of social movements; it should also expand our thinking about social movement success. Such a broader view reveals a paradox: social movements often snatch defeat from the jaws of victory by narrowly targeting authorities with their actions instead of targeting the broader social movement field. Negative impacts from the wider social movement field can then reverse or overshadow initial victories. We distinguish between a social movement’s victory over the immediate target, and more lasting success that arises from shifting alignments in the broader social movement field. To test the predictive value of the distinction, we compare two very similar student-led social movements, both of which targeted university policies regarding sensitivity to race issues and changes in university personnel. One built a broad coalition of support that extended across its social movement field and was thereby able to institute durable change. The other did not, and despite its clear initial success, this protest movement produced consequences mainly adverse to its preferred outcomes. We demonstrate how pervasive this paradox is with examples from other U.S. protest outcomes and studies of revolutions. The paradox is resolved by focusing on changes in the entire social movement field. We thus argue that achieving, and understanding, lasting social movement success requires attention to the entire social movement field.
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Robertson, R. M. "Sensory adaptation: extracellular recording from locust wing hinge stretch receptor." Advances in Physiology Education 263, no. 6 (December 1992): S7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/advances.1992.263.6.s7.
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Good student laboratory exercises that do not require much manipulative or technical expertise of the student and that have minor equipment demands are hard to find. One experiment that has these desirable characteristics is the description of adaptation of the firing frequency of the locust forewing stretch receptor after elevation of the wing. Unambiguous recordings of the activity of the stretch receptor can be made using a simple monopolar hook electrode inserted into the thoracic cavity of a decapitated locust. Elevation movements of the forewing are simple to perform and measure. The response of the stretch receptor as a function of time and the stimulus history is monitored. Within a relatively short time it is possible to collect enough data to characterize thoroughly the adequate stimulus of a single sensory neuron. There is considerable scope for student innovation, and several important concepts of sensory physiology can be discussed.
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Türkoğlu, Didem. "Student protests and organised labour: Developing a research agenda for mobilisation in late neoliberalism." Current Sociology 67, no. 7 (September 12, 2019): 997–1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119865768.
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Students have a long history of protesting the introduction or rise of tuition fees. However, political parties do not often endorse their demands. Even the centre-left, which is known for its redistributive policies, does not necessarily ally itself with the student opposition to fees. In this article, the author focuses on the impact of social movement–organised labour alliances on the opposition of political parties to government policy. The author argues that such alliances have a unique impact on centre-left parties, especially in relation to non-labour issues. Two examples of this alliance are presented, emerging from the quite different political contexts of Germany and Turkey. In Germany, student movements failed to block the introduction of tuition fees in 2006. However, in 2008–2011, after students established a deeper alliance with organised labour, tuition fees were scrapped. In Turkey, student movements had been protesting tuition fees for a quarter of a century before an alliance with labour gained the support of social democrats in 2011. These case studies suggest that labour–movement alliances are effective in shifting social democratic politics in higher education policy because of labour’s experience and know-how in alliance building with centre-left parties and the student mobilisation’s potential to make tuition fees an electoral issue cross-cutting party allegiances. This finding suggests that scholars need to take the degree of engagement in opposition alliances into account, in addition to union density, in order to more accurately measure the political power of organised labour. This point has implications for analysing a variety of policy outcomes in policy areas exposed to permanent austerity measures.
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Hensby, Alexander. "Millbank tendency: The strengths and limitations of mediated protest ‘events’ in UK student activism cycles." Current Sociology 67, no. 7 (September 12, 2019): 960–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119865761.
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UK students’ desire to create disruptive, media-friendly ‘events’ during the 2010–11 protests against fees and cuts is reflective of wider cycles and processes in student activism history. First, constant cohort turnover restricts students’ ability to convert campaigns into durable movements, necessitating that they must periodically ‘start from scratch’. This informs a second process, namely the need to gain the attention of mainstream media, as this can potentially amplify students’ grievances far beyond their own organizational capacities. Both have shaped student activism over the past 50 years, compelling contemporary students to create protest events that live up to their radical history. These processes were evident in autumn 2010, when an NUS demonstration saw students attack and briefly occupy Conservative Party headquarters at 30 Millbank. The protest’s mass mediation was central to activists’ ‘eventing’ processes, and provided the spark for the radical UK-wide campaign that followed. Yet once the fees bill was passed by Parliament, students’ dependency on mainstream media cycles was quickly exposed. With ‘mediatization’ tendencies having dogged student activism since the 1960s, this article argues that creating ‘events’ epitomizes students’ longstanding strengths and limitations as society’s ‘incipient intelligentsia’.
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Sandler, Edith. "Archival Activism and Social Justice: Spotlight on Americana 2016: A Report." Preservation, Digital Technology & Culture 45, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pdtc-2016-0005.
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AbstractIn March of 2016, the Student Archivists at Maryland (SAM) brought together archives professionals as part of Americana, their annual symposium at the University of Maryland. Americana 2016 “Archival Activism and Social Justice” focused on the intersection of archives and social justice, a topic of increasing importance and debate both in the archival field and in current events. Three speakers related their experiences documenting the experiences of displaced communities and social justice movements. Katharina Hering, Project Archivist for the National Equal Justice Library at the Georgetown Law Library related her work documenting the history of legal aid, indigene defense and the history of poverty. Diane Travis, a doctoral student at the iSchool explained her project at the University of Maryland’s Digital Curation and Innovation Center reuniting the records of Japanese Americans who were interred at the Tule Lake Segregation Center during World War II. The final speaker, Denise D. Meringolo, is Director of Public History at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County and the creator of the Preserve the Baltimore Uprising Project.
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Meyerhoff, Eli. "“This Quiet Revolution”." Cultural Politics 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 315–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-7725465.
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One of the most revolutionary movements in the history of US universities—the Third World students’ strike that shut down San Francisco (SF) State College for five months in 1968–69—had a key precursor in the Experimental College (EC), which supported student-organized courses, including the first Black studies courses, at SF State. The EC offers inspiration for creating infrastructures of radical imagination and study. The EC appropriated resources—including spaces, money, teachers, credits, and technologies—for studying within, against, and beyond the normal university. The EC facilitated courses with revolutionary content, and they fostered modes of study in these courses that were radically alternative to the education-based mode of study. Contributing my concept of “modes of study,” I offer guidance for revolutionary movements on the terrain of universities today. Through analysis of archival materials and interviews with organizers of the EC and Black Student Union, I found that the EC organizers’ potentials for supporting revolutionary study were limited by their romanticizing of education, which was coconstituted with subscriptions to modernist imaginaries. Rejecting the education-based mode of study as bound up with liberal-capitalist modernity/coloniality, organizers today can appropriate their universities’ resources for alternative modes of study and world-making.
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Mello, Brian, and Mark Stein. "Integrative Learning and Simulating Revolution and Protest in the Middle East." Review of Middle East Studies 55, no. 1 (June 2021): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.41.
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AbstractThis essay explores insights from our experiences teaching undergraduates a set of paired history and political science courses on protest and revolution in the Middle East. Working in groups, students developed simulations of key moments of revolution or protest explored during the courses. The simulation assignment was designed to engage students in an active learning setting and as a shared assignment across both courses. The most interesting result of this project, from the teaching perspective, was its unanticipated ability to expose students to the contingency and emotion that scholarship has recently emphasized as critical to understanding social movements, but which so often falls out of the study of history and political science analyses of protest and revolution. In this paper we explore the simulation assignment, how student groups designed the simulations with limited guidance from instructors, how students took on the assigned roles by engaging deeply with the histories of the events, and how the engagement in the simulations complicated the analyses that formed the bedrock of our course readings. In our analysis we draw on two iterations of the paired courses and use both student qualitative assessments of the course and student reflections on the simulations that were included in group papers.
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Thorkelson, Eli. "Two Failures of Left Internationalism." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360309.
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After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies. One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May 2011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international summits was incompatible with activists’ temporal, representational, and reflexive needs.