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1
Cannon, John William. "The rise of democratic student movements in Thailand and Burma." Thesis, [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13465442.
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Holbrook, Joseph. "Catholic Student Movements in Latin America: Cuba and Brazil, 1920s to 1960s." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1013.
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This dissertation examines the ideological development of the Catholic University Student (JUC) movements in Cuba and Brazil during the Cold War and their organizational predecessors and intellectual influences in interwar Europe. Transnational Catholicism prioritized the attempt to influence youth and in particular, university students, within the context of Catholic nations within Atlantic civilization in the middle of the twentieth century. This dissertation argues that the Catholic university movements achieved a relatively high level of social and political influence in a number of countries in Latin America and that the experience of the Catholic student activists led them to experience ideological conflict and in some cases, rupture, with the conservative ideology of the Catholic hierarchy. Catholic student movements flourished after World War II in the context of an emerging youth culture. The proliferation of student organizations became part of the ideological battlefield of the Cold War. Catholic university students also played key roles in the Cuban Revolution (1957-1959) and in the attempted political and social reforms in Brazil under President João Goulart (1961-1964).
The JUC, under the guidance of the Church hierarchy, attempted to avoid aligning itself with either ideological camp in the Cold War, but rather to chart a Third Way between materialistic capitalism and atheistic socialism. Thousands of students in over 70 nations were intensively trained to think critically about pressing social issues. This paper will to place the Catholic Student movement in Cuba in the larger context of transnational Catholic university movements using archival evidence, newspaper accounts and secondary sources. Despite the hierarchy’s attempt to utilize students as a tool of influence, the actual lived experience of students equipped them to think critically about social issues, and helped lay a foundation for the progressive student politics of the late 1960s and the rise of liberation theology in the1970s.
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Thomas, Julia. "Buses, But Not Spaces For All: Histories of Mass Resistance & Student Power on Public Transportation in Mexico & The United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1068.
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Public spaces—particularly buses, which often carry a larger proportion of low-income to middle class individuals and people of color—serve as shared places for recreation, travel, and labor, and are theoretically created with the intention of being an “omnibus,” or a public resource for all. While buses have been the sites of intense state control and segregation across the world, they have also been places in which groups have organized bus boycotts, commandeered control of transportation, ridden across state lines, and taken over spaces that allow them to express power by occupying a significant area. Buses have become spaces of exchange and power for the people who have, in some cases, been marginalized by ruling private interests and institutionalized racism to ride in masses on particular routes. From the turn of twentieth century to 1968 in Mexico, the Civil Rights movement in the mid twentieth century United States, to the contemporary era in the U.S. and Mexico, public spaces have been historically reclaimed as key instruments in social movements. By analyzing these moments, this thesis explores the complex relations over power on buses for riders—university students in in Mexico, and African Americans in the U.S.—and show how they have been both key vehicles in mobilization and resistance against state oppression and the sites of targeted violence and racism.
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Leisinger, Laura A. "The Other Earthquake: Janil Lwijis, Student Social Movements, and the Politics of Memory in Haiti." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6533.
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Among increased calls for "new narratives" of Haiti, this thesis seeks to honor Haitian traditions of intellectualism and resistance, centering on the life and legacy of martyred professor Janil Lwijis in post-earthquake student social movements. Based on oral histories with student activists at the State University of Haiti (UEH), this work explores student protest in Haiti through the voices, often at odds, of those en lutte; it explores how Janil is invoked and remembered, and argues that oral history can contribute to activist research and pose a challenge to dominant narratives. A legacy that is contested, differential claims to Janil's memory are infused with politics and history. This work seeks to understand contested claims to his memory through Marxist political economy, arguing that an interpretation of Haiti’s political economy is crucial to understanding the emergence of critical consciousness and social movements, political demands, and the symbols and meanings that characterize them.
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Summerlin, Heidi Robin. ""'We Will Not be Moved!': The 1968 Student Occupation of Columbia University and Its Influence on Protest Movements Around the Western World"." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1407711838.
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Deters, Matthew J. "Preventing Violent Unrest: Student Protest at the University of Toledo, 1965-1972." Toledo, Ohio : University of Toledo, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1270585177.
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Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Toledo, 2010.Typescript. "Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Education Degree in Higher Education." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Title from title page of PDF document. Bibliography: p. 96-109.
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Zhao, Dingxin. "Reform and discontent : the causes of the 1989 Chinese student movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28972.
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The central argument of this thesis is that a series of China's state policies, before and during the reform era, were conducive to the rise of the 1989 Chinese Student Movement (CSM). The most important of these were (1) leftist policies during Mao's era which fostered the formation of pro-democratic yet impractical intellectuals and created a university ecology that was remarkably conducive to student movements, and (2) the state-led reform which over produced students on the one hand, and blocked upward mobility channels for intellectuals and students on the other hand. These and other conducive factors to the rise of the 1989 CSM were not simply state mistakes. To a large extent, they were characteristic of the regime.The thesis does not reject non-state centered factors such as anomic feelings toward uncertainties brought by the reform, the conflict between reformers and hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the rise of civil society during the eighties, the impact of Western ideologies following the open door policy or the intrinsic character of Chinese culture, that have all been hitherto proposed to explain the rise of the CSM. Rather, it incorporates these explanations under a state-centered paradigm in light of a general model (the DSSI model) that I am proposing to explain the general causes, and to a lesser extent, the dynamics of large scale social movements.
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Jackson, Brian D. "Island of Tranquility: Rhetoric and Identification at Brigham Young University During the Vietnam Era." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2003. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4819.
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The author argues that beyond religious beliefs and conservative politics, rhetorical identification played an important role in the relative calmness of the BYU campus during the turbulent Sixties. Using Bitzer's rhetorical situation theory and Burke's identification theory, the author shows that BYU's calm campus can be explained as a result of communal identification with a conservative ethos. He also shows that apparent epistemological shortcomings of Bitzer's model can be resolved by considering the power of identification to create salience and knowledge in rhetorical situations. During the Sixties, BYU administration developed policies on physical appearance that invited students to take on a conservative identity, and therefore a conservative behavior. Relationships of power and hierarchy at BYU can be understood not as quantitative and oppressive matrices, but as rhetorical choices of students to identify with the character of school president, Ernest Wilkinson, and the administration. Power, then, is as Foucault envisioned it—as a field wherein identity and discourse are negotiated. This thesis argues for a more broad understanding of identification, ethos, and power for explaining rhetorical behavior in communal situations.
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Gilliam-Smith, Rhonda. "FREEDOM ACTS: A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE STUDENT NON-VIOLENT COORDINATION COMMITTEE AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THEATRE OF THE OPPRESSED." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218820340.
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d'Elena, Grisel. "The Gender Problem of Buddhist Nationalism in Myanmar: The 969 Movement and Theravada Nuns." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2463.
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This thesis uses transnational and Black feminist frameworks to analyze Buddhist nationalist discourses of gender and violence against religious and ethnic minorities in Myanmar. Burmese Buddhist nationalists’ marginalization of the Muslim Rohingya ethnic minority is inextricably linked to their attempts to control Buddhist women. Research includes interviews with U Ashin Wirathu, the leader of the monastic-led nationalist group, the 969 Movement, and with other monks of the organization, as well as with non-nationalist monks, nuns and laywomen. I also analyze Theravada textual discourse as read by my subjects in light of the history of Myanmar to understand the ways the local Theravada tradition has marginalized women and non-Buddhists. By connecting the lack of bhikkhuni ordination and laws hindering Buddhist women from marrying non-Buddhist men with the portrayal of the Rohingya as a threat to the nation, I show how Buddhist nationalists attempt to consolidate power and forestall the democratization process.
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"廣州學生運動(1945年-1949年)." 林玫芳], 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5895698.
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林玫芳.論文(碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部, 1996.
參考文献 : leaves 164-171.
Lin Meifang.
Chapter 第一部 --- 份抗日戰爭後國共在廣州的佈署 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.1
Chapter 第一節： --- 研究動機 --- p.1
Chapter 第二節： --- 研究回顧及參考資料 --- p.3
Chapter 第三節： --- 内戰時期廣州學生運動的基本特色 --- p.6
Chapter 第二章 --- 戰後國共的關係 --- p.9
Chapter 第一節： --- 對待日本投降問題 --- p.9
Chapter 第二節： --- 由和談至破裂 --- p.12
Chapter 第三章 --- 凱旋聲中的廣州 --- p.18
Chapter 第一節： --- 廣州受降經過 --- p.18
Chapter 第二節： --- 光復後廣州的情況 --- p.20
Chapter 第四章 --- 内戰時期中共在廣州的活動 --- p.27
Chapter 第一節： --- 日本投降後中共在廣州的政策 --- p.27
Chapter 第二節： --- 中共在廣州的黨組織 --- p.33
Chapter 第二部 --- 份廣州學生運動（1946 - 1947年） --- p.37
Chapter 第五章 --- 「一 ´Ø三〇」運動 --- p.37
Chapter 第一節： --- 一.三〇運動的背景 --- p.37
Chapter 第二節： --- 運動的醞釀 --- p.44
Chapter 第三節： --- 運動的經過 --- p.48
Chapter 第四節： --- 一.三〇運動的迴響 --- p.50
Chapter 第六章 --- 反美抗暴運動 --- p.76
Chapter 第一節： --- 運動的醞釀 --- p.76
Chapter 第二節： --- 遊行的經過 --- p.79
Chapter 第三節： --- 反美抗暴運動的迴響 --- p.81
Chapter 第七章 --- 「五´Ø卅一」運動 --- p.85
Chapter 第一節： --- 運動的醞釀 --- p.85
Chapter 第二節： --- 運動的經過 --- p.95
Chapter 第三節： --- 五.卅一運動的迴響 --- p.98
Chapter 第八章 --- 從廣州學生運動看國共的學運政策 --- p.112
Chapter 第一節： --- 中共在廣州的學生運動政策 --- p.112
Chapter 第二節： --- 國民黨在廣州的學生運動政策 --- p.126
Chapter 第三部 --- 份結論 --- p.141
Chapter 第九章 --- 廣州學生運動與國共的關係 --- p.141
附錄一至十六 --- p.148
參考資料、書目及論著 --- p.164
圖片 --- p.172
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Zen-chieh, Lin, and 林仁傑. "A cross-decade story: research on history of Taiwan student movements." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/64682369333783642875.
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碩士國立臺灣師範大學
教育研究所
92
The purpose of this thesis aims at exploring development of student movements from Japanese ruling period(1920) to the revocation of martial law(1994). The method used in this thesis are documental analysis, writing this history with historical materials, and adding my opinion to criticize. The definition of ‘student movements’ analyzed with Lin Yu-tee’s opinion about three kinds of students’ offensive objectivities is generalized in the last chapter that the term formed needs four assumptions: First of all, students should have their subjectivity. Secondly, how many students participate in this student movement? Thirdly, how great influence does this student movement have on school and society? Fourthly, this student movement’s solving ways and level. The purposes of this research are as follows: First of all, defensing ‘Are there any student movements occurred in Taiwan?’ by analyzing students’ offensive actions in school and society from 1920 to 1994. Secondly, trying to construct ‘history of Taiwan student movements’ by historical materials including 1920, 1940, 1970, 1980-1990 decades. Thirdly, comparing Taiwan student movements with foreign ones in the same period. Fourthly, checking the level, representation, and meaning of student movements in the process with Lin Yu-tee’s opinion. Finally, generalizing three discourses of ‘nationalism’, ‘left thinking’, ‘social power’ to analyze the background and developmental direction of student movements.
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"社會運動與群體動員: 以八十年代台灣學生運動為例." 劉雲龍], 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5888710.
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劉雲龍.論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治及公共行政學部, 1996.
參考文献 : leaves 161-176.
Liu Yunlong.
引言
Chapter 一、 --- 社會運動理論的盲點 --- p.1
Chapter 二、 --- 社會運動的定義 --- p.3
Chapter 三、 --- 領袖「啓蒙」與理性選擇 --- p.5
Chapter 四、 --- 菁英主義以外的理論補充 --- p.7
Chapter 第一章 --- 理論探討
Chapter 一、 --- 哲學和政治學的理性假設傳統 --- p.12
Chapter 二、 --- 理性人爲何要參與集體行動?----理性選擇 論與搭便車的疑難 --- p.17
Chapter 三、 --- 大團體、小團體和組織 --- p.24
Chapter 四、 --- 利益群體的四度空間 --- p.30
Chapter 五、 --- 資源動員理論 --- p.37
Chapter 六、 --- 新社會運動論 --- p.43
Chapter 七、 --- 小結 --- p.46
Chapter 第二章 --- 群眾參與、動員與組織
Chapter 一、 --- 積極參與和消極參與 --- p.49
Chapter 二、 --- 核心動員、組織動員、群體動員 --- p.52
Chapter 三、 --- 組織的群體界定功能 --- p.55
Chapter 四、 --- 群體動員的非理性因素 --- p.58
Chapter 第三章 --- 八十年代台灣學運外觀
Chapter 一、 --- 台灣學者對社會運動的研究及分期方式 --- p.62
Chapter 二、 --- 組織由寡到多、由小而大 --- p.68
Chapter 三、 --- 「走出校園」與學運組織的串連 --- p.73
Chapter 四、 --- 校園、社會、政治三大改造方向 --- p.79
Chapter 第四章 --- 台灣學運的動員規模
Chapter 一、 --- 核心動員和組織動員 --- p.87
組織特徵 --- p.87
抗爭議題及群體界定 --- p.96
Chapter 二、 --- 群體動員一野百合學運 --- p.103
校際組織及九二八大遊行 --- p.103
野百合學運 --- p.108
組織核心與群眾關係 --- p.117
Chapter 三、 --- 小結 --- p.123
總結 --- p.127
Chapter 一、 --- 組織在群體動員上處於次要角色 --- p.128
Chapter 二、 --- 台灣學生運動的「動員」與「不動員」 --- p.130
Chapter 三、 --- 進一步的硏究方向 --- p.134
註釋 --- p.137
參考書目 --- p.161
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Harrington, Nan Katherine. "Student activism and university reform in England, France, and Germany, 1960's- 1970's." Thesis, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3116322.
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Lee, Namhee. "Making minjung subjectivity : crisis of subjectivity and rewriting history, 1960-1988 /." 2001. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3006523.
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Shames, David. "History reborn: neoliberalism, utopia, and Mexico's student movements in the work of Roberto Bolaño, Eduardo Ruiz Sosa, and Alonso Ruizpalacios." Thesis, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/42047.
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This dissertation examines how three contemporary Mexican intellectuals confront the cultural milieu and political economy of the neoliberal era by revising the utopian imaginaries of Mexico’s major 20th century student movements. Building on recent scholarship on Mexican history and geography, urban studies, and political theory, I analyze the cities and politics that Mexican intellectuals have imagined to challenge the neoliberal cultural injunction against alternative forms of utopian thinking. The principal works studied in this dissertation are Roberto Bolaño’s novels Amuleto (1999), Los detectives salvajes (1998), and El espíritu de la ciencia-ficción (2016); Eduardo Ruiz Sosa’s novel Anatomía de la memoria (2014); and Alonso Ruizpalacios’ film Güeros (2014). The first chapter examines Roberto Bolaño’s treatments of the 1968 student movement and the Tlatelolco massacre within his broader Mexico City works. Bolaño uses metaphors derived from horror film to critique traditional historiographies of ’68 that are colored by morbid fascination with the violence, while positing science fiction as a utopian method for rethinking the relationship between the past and the future. The second chapter analyzes how Eduardo Ruiz Sosa’s novel Anatomía de la memoria conjures the specters of the 1970s student guerilla uprising in Sinaloa to shed light on the present struggles against the contemporary violence plaguing cities like Culiacán. I approach Ruiz Sosa’s novel as a study of the ruins of revolutionary Third Worldism which politicizes individual and collective processes of mourning and reaffirms a future open to possibilities beyond narco-neoliberal sovereignty. The third chapter unpacks the utopian resonances of Alonso Ruizpalacios’ film Güeros about the 1999-2000 National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) student strike against the neoliberal effort to privatize higher education. I read the portrayal of the student occupation of the UNAM campus as an exploration of the dialectical utopian tensions between the needs for access to urban resources and poetic encounters with the unexpected in city life. By studying these intellectuals as critics of neoliberalism and as visual and textual philosophers of the utopian, my dissertation conceives of utopia as a strategy of finding potentialities within historical narratives to restore a sense of possibility to contemporary political landscapes.
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Schieder, Chelsea Szendi. "Coed Revolution: The Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8V69GSC.
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Violent events involving female students symbolized the rise and fall of the New Left in Japan, from the death of Kanba Michiko in a mass demonstration of 1960 to the 1972 deaths ordered by Nagata Hiroko in a sectarian purge. This study traces how shifting definitions of violence associated with the student movement map onto changes in popular representations of the female student activist, with broad implications for the role women could play in postwar politics and society.
In considering how gender and violence figured in the formation and dissolution of the New Left in Japan, I trace three phases of the postwar Japanese student movement. The first (1957-1960), which I treat in chapters one and two, was one of idealism, witnessing the emergence of the New Left in 1957 and, within only a few years, some of its largest public demonstrations. Young women became new political actors in the postwar period, their enfranchisement commonly represented as a break from and a bulwark against "male" wartime violence. Chapter two traces the processes by which Kanba Michiko became an icon of New Left sacrifice and the fragility of postwar democracy. It introduces Kanba's own writings to underscore the ironic discrepancy between her public significance as a "maiden sacrifice" and her personal relationship to radical politics.
A phase of backlash (1960-1967) followed the explosive rise of Japan's New Left. Chapter three introduces some key tabloid debates that suggested female presence in social institutions such as universities held the potential to "ruin the nation." The powerful influence of these frequently sarcastic but damaging debates, echoed in government policies re-linking young women to domestic labor, confirmed mass media's importance in interpreting the social role of the female student. Although the student movement imagined itself as immune to the logic of the state and the mass media, the practices of the late-1960s campus-based student movement, examined in chapter four, illustrate how larger societal assumptions about gender roles undergirded the gendered hierarchy of labor that emerged in the barricades.
The final phase (1969-1972) of the student New Left was dominated by two imaginary rather than real female figures, and is best emblematized by the notion of "Gewalt." I use the German term for violence, Gewalt, because of its peculiar resonances within the student movement of the late 1960s. Japanese students employed a transliteration--gebaruto--to distinguish their "counter-violence" from the violence employed by the state. However, the mass media soon picked up on the term and reversed its polarities in order to disparage the students' actions. It was in this late-1960s moment that women, once considered particularly vulnerable to violence, became deeply associated with active incitement to violence. I explore this dynamic, and the New Left's culture of masculinity, in chapters five and six.
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Mayorga, Camus Luis Rodrigo. "Between hope and hopelessness. Citizenship education and student mobilization in a Chilean public high school." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-77am-kf04.
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During the last decade, Chilean high school students have exploded into the international spotlight for social organizing. They also have managed to achieve significant changes in some of the major educational policies governing their schools. In this work I examine how student political mobilization affects the ways in which these young people learn to be citizens inside and outside of public high schools. I also explore the implications of these processes for democratic citizenship education.
Drawing on a year of ethnographic fieldwork in a public high school located in Chile’s capital city of Santiago, I analyze the main citizenship education practices in which these high school students engaged. I examine these practices as they occur within schools – namely, those related with the national curriculum for citizenship education and the varied ways in which it is implemented, appropriated and resisted – as well as in the streets – specifically, practices in which these young people engage in the course of their participation in student movements. I also focus on the different ways in which Chilean students make use of history in order to learn new ways of enacting their citizenship, exploring how these high schoolers’ relationships with the past and the future are significant for educational and political processes.
This work reaches three main conclusions, all of them significant for researchers and educators interested in citizenship education. First, civic engagement takes varied forms and discourses of youth apathy obscure several of these forms as well as the material obstacles that hinder youth civic engagement. Second, high school students actively participate in the constant production of the state, not only as participants in social movements, but also in their everyday lives within their high schools. Third, that one of the main ways in which students participate of this production is by making use of the past and imagining the future while enacting their citizenship.
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McKay, Clare Elizabeth Anne. "A history of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), 1956-1970." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20088.
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The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union.
The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters.
Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS.History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Harrison, Alisa. ""Ain’t gonna let nobody turn me round" -- the Southwest Georgia freedom movement and the politics of empowerment." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/11742.
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In the early 1960s, African-American residents of southwest Georgia cooperated with
organizers from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to launch a freedom
movement that would attempt to battle white supremacy and bring all Americans closer to their
country's democratic ideals. Movement participants tried to overcome the fear ingrained in them
by daily life in the Jim Crow South, and to reconstruct American society from within. Working
within a tradition of black insurgency, participants attempted to understand the origins of the
intimidation and powerlessness that they often felt, and to form a strong community based on
mutual respect, equality, and trust. Black women played fundamental roles in shaping this
movement and African-American resistance patterns more generally, and struggles such as the
southwest Georgia movement reveal the ways in which black people have identified themselves
as American citizens, equated citizenship with political participation, and reinterpreted American
democratic traditions along more just and inclusive lines.
This thesis begins with a narrative of the movement. It then moves on to discuss SNCC's
efforts to build community solidarity and empower African-American residents of southwest
Georgia, and to consider the notion that SNCC owed its success to the activism of local women
and girls. Next, it proposes that in the southwest Georgia movement there was no clear
distinction between public and private space and work, and it suggests that activism in the
movement emerged from traditional African-American patterns of family and community
organization. Finally, this thesis asserts that the mass jail-ins for which the movement became
famous redefined and empowered the movement community.
This analysis reconsiders the analytical categories with which scholars generally study
social movements. Instead of employing a linear narrative structure that emphasizes formal
political activity and specific tactical victories, this thesis suggests that political participation
takes diverse forms and it highlights the cycles of community building and individual
empowerment that characterize grassroots organizing. It underscores the sheer difficulty of
initiating and sustaining a mass struggle, and argues that the prerequisite to forming an insurgent
movement is the ability of individuals to envision alternative social and cultural possibilities.