Journal articles on the topic 'Student activists'
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Taha, Diane, Sally O. Hastings, and Elizabeth M. Minei. "Shaping Student Activists: Discursive Sensemaking of Activism and Participation Research." Journal of the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning 15, no. 6 (December 27, 2015): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/josotl.v15i6.13820.
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As social media becomes a more potent force in society, particularly for younger generations, the role in activism has been contested. This qualitative study examines 35 interviews with students regarding their perceptions of the use of social media in social change, their perceptions of activists, and their level of self-identification as an activist. Data suggest that students use media to engage in offline participation in activist causes, because offline presents a “safe” place to begin their involvement. Findings also point to the unified pejorative connotations of the term “activist”, yet also demonstrate ways that students transform the negative stereotype of activists in a way that creates a more positive image of activists. Most participants in the study were able to see sufficient positive characteristics in behaviors they associated with activism to prompt the students to identify themselves as “activists” or “aspiring activists”. We offer 3 practical recommendations for teachers who seek to increase service learning vis a vis activism in their classrooms.
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Mawardi, Kholid. "TINGKAT PROKRASTINASI AKADEMIK DALAM MENYELESAIKAN SKRIPSI PADA MAHASISWA AKTIVIS." INSANIA : Jurnal Pemikiran Alternatif Kependidikan 24, no. 1 (June 3, 2019): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/insania.v24i1.2801.
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Abstract: This thesis is a required scientific work as part of academic requirements at the University. All students must take thesis courses because the thesis is used as one of the prerequisites for students to obtain a bachelor's degree. Generally, students are given time to complete a thesis within one semester or approximately six months. In fact, many students need more than six months to work on their thesis. The research subjects were students who were members or activists of UKM. The cause of student procrastination is the lack of enthusiasm for working on the thesis, difficulty in getting the main book and supporting books, the fear of meeting the lecturers when they want to consult, being embarrassed to ask questions, and lazy to do it. Even among UKM activist students at IAIN Purwokerto (which is now called IAIN Purwokerto) prioritize activities in UKM rather than completing thesis. The results showed that UKM activist students in all majors had moderate procrastination rates based on the following academic procrastination categories: 13% were at very high levels, 20% were at high levels, 57% were at moderate levels, 10% were at low levels, and only 0% of student UKM activists in all majors have low procrastination rates. From these results it can be seen that on average students do procrastination.
Keywords: Procrastination, Students, Thesis, Ukm Activists
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Lund, Darren, and Rae Ann Van Beers. "Unintentional Consequences: Facing the Risks of Being a Youth Activist." in education 26, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2020.v26i1.479.
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Students involved in social justice activist groups and activities encounter several potentially negative consequences in advocating for issues that are important to them. Through duoethnographic interviews with scholar-activists, former youth activists describe the barriers they experienced as socially engaged young people, including dealing with pushback from their cultural, school, and even activist communities. Without adult allies to help mentor them through these processes, the negative emotions associated with these encounters can lead youth to burn out and leave activism altogether. The findings of this study remind educators that they have an important role to play in providing meaningful activist training, apprenticeship opportunities, and supports for youth who are passionately engaged in progressive social and political action.
Keywords: social justice activism; youth; duoethnography; student movements
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Christensen, M. Candace, and Alexis V. Arczynski. "Fostering Student Activism: Barriers, Sharing, and Dialectics." World Journal of Social Science Research 1, no. 2 (January 2, 2015): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v1n2p151.
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The present study was an exploratory investigation of interviews with six college students who participated in the development and implementation of a theatre-based sexual assault prevention intervention. We investigated how these students experienced their involvement in activism within the context of developing and presenting a sexual assault prevention program. The research revealed common themes: each student experienced fears about participating in activism or identifying as an activist, had strong desires to share knowledge about sexual assault prevention with their community, and viewed their individual activist identities within a complex understanding of what it meant to be activists. These themes helped us to develop implications for future research and educational practices to support activist identity development.
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Philip, Thomas M. "Experience as College Student Activists." Urban Education 48, no. 1 (October 22, 2012): 44–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085912461509.
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Ara, Shawkat, Md Abul Kashem Mir, Syeda Shahria Samad, and Rasel Ahmed. "A comparative study on violent and aggressive attitudes and activism among students and non-students." Rajshahi University Journal of Life & Earth and Agricultural Sciences 40 (January 15, 2015): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/rujleas.v40i0.21610.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the violent and aggressive attitudes for student activists, non-student activists and student non-activists of different educational institutions within the framework of socio-cultural background. The study has been developed under the theoretical interpretation of biological theory of aggression and violence, and social learning theory of aggression and violence. It uses a multidimensional co relational approach with a criterion group design.The study was conducted into two phases. In the first phase criterion groups of student activists, non student activists and student non activists were selected on the basis of an activism criteria questionnaire. To achieve the goal 360 respondents was equally taken from student activists, non-student activists and student non-activists. Each sample group was sub-divided into upper middle and lower middle SES background. The violent and aggressive attitudes composed of five dimensions such as political violence, social violence, institutional violence, administrative violence and sex violence in the violence - nonviolence continuum. The main objective of the present investigation was to make a comparative study of the pattern of the attitudes of student activists, non-student activists and studentnon-activists. In this Study it was hypothesized that student activists would score higher on the attitudinal variables of violent and aggressive attitudes as compared to non-student activists and student non-activists respectively. The data were analyzed to obtain Mean, SD & t-test to test hypothesis. The result revealed that student activists were found to possess higher score on the attitudinal variable of violent and aggressive attitudes as compared to non-student activists and student non-activists respectively.
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Ruiz, Berenice Andaluz, Kai-Wei Cheng, B. Cheree Copeland Terrell, Kevin A. Lewis, Maxwell C. Mattern, and Anthony M. Wright. "For us, by us: Exploring constructions of student activism and university support." Higher Education Politics & Economics 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/hepe.v3i2.11.
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Across the country, identity-based activist movements have impacted the mobilization of student activists on college campuses. This article focuses on students’ construction of activism and their perceptions of support from administration, faculty, and staff. The researchers employed a constructivist framework and revealed four domains highlighting student’s experiences with activism on campus. Our recommendations describe ways campus stakeholders can better support student efforts for social change.
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Cole, Rose M., and Walter F. Heinecke. "Higher education after neoliberalism: Student activism as a guiding light." Policy Futures in Education 18, no. 1 (May 24, 2018): 90–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210318767459.
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Contemporary college student activism has been particularly visible and effective in the past few years at US institutions of higher education and is projected only to grow in future years. Almost all of these protests and demands, while explicitly linked to social and racial justice, are sites of resistance to the neoliberalization of the academy. These activists are imagining a post-neoliberal society, and are building their demands around these potential new social imaginaries. Based on a discourse analysis of contemporary college student activist demands, to examine more closely the ways that student activists understand, resist, critique, and offer new alternatives to current (neoliberal) structures in higher education, it is suggested that student activists might be one key to understanding what’s next for higher education in a post-neoliberal context. The activists’ critiques of the structure of higher education reveal a sophisticated understanding of the current socio-political, cultural, and economic realities. Their demands show an optimistic, creative imagination that could serve educators well as we grapple with our first steps down a new road. Using their critiques and demands as a jumping-off point, this paper offers the blueprint for a new social imaginary in higher education, one that is focused on community and justice.
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Evans, Meg E., and Alex C. Lange. "Supporting Student Activists: An Appreciative Inquiry." New Directions for Student Leadership 2019, no. 161 (February 6, 2019): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/yd.20321.
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Tyszka, Juliusz. "Student Theatre in Poland: Vehicles of Revolt, 1954–57 and 1968–71." New Theatre Quarterly 26, no. 2 (May 2010): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x10000291.
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Polish student theatre was a unique artistic movement in the Soviet post-war empire, with a liberty of expression unparalleled elsewhere in the Soviet bloc. As in every political system, in any country, its creators and its public were students and young intellectuals. These theatre-makers used the umbrella of the Polish Students' Union – a surprisingly democratic institution in a totalitarian political order – and all attempts at their repression were usually appeased by the activists of the student organization, often the friends and supporters of the theatre-makers. After the creation of the Socialist Union of Polish Students these activists became more dependent on the Communist Party, but the Party establishment decided, in the period of the ‘thaw’ (1954–57), that the student artistic movement would be maintained as a kind of artistic kindergarten for avant-gardists and supporters of artistic and political revolt, to let them manifest their beliefs within the well-guarded, limited territory of student cultural centres. However, the young rebels overcame these restrictions and created a focus of artistic opposition which had a wide social and artistic influence, especially during subsequent periods of political crisis. Juliusz Tyszka was himself an activist in the student theatre movement in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Now an NTQ advisory editor, he is head of the Unit of Performance Studies, Institute of Cultural Studies, Adam Mickiewicz University at Poznań, Poland.
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Dube, Bekithemba, and Baldwin Hove. "What Now for the Zimbabwean Student Demonstrator? Online Activism and Its Challenges for University Students in A COVID-19 Lockdown." International Journal of Higher Education 11, no. 2 (October 8, 2021): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v11n2p100.
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University student activism is generally characterized by protests and demonstrations by students who are reacting to social, political, and economic challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic revolutionized university student activism, and closed the geographical space for protests and demonstrations. The pandemic locked students out of the university campus, thus, rendering the traditional strategies of mass protests and demonstrations impossible. The COVID-19-induced lockdowns made it difficult, if not impossible, to mobilise for on-campus demonstrations and protests. It seems the pandemic is the last nail in the coffin of on-campus student protests. This theoretical paper uses a collective behaviour framework to explain the evolution of student activism in Zimbabwe, from the traditional on-campus politics to virtual activism. It discusses the challenges associated with cybernetic activism. The paper argues that, despite challenges, Zimbabwean university student activists need to migrate to a new world of digital technology and online activism. In the migration to online activism, students activists face a plethora of challenges. On top of the already existing obstacles, activists face new operational challenges related to trying to mobilise a constituency that has relocated to cyberspace. Student activists utilize the existing digital infrastructure to advance their politics, in spite of a hostile state security system and harsh economic environment, and other operational challenges.
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Rapatsa, Mashele. "Student Activists or Student Anarchists? South Africa’s Contemporary Student Protests Reviewed." European Review Of Applied Sociology 10, no. 15 (December 1, 2017): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eras-2017-0005.
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AbstractJust over twenty-three years ago, the right to strike or protest received an explicit constitutional entrenchment and thus, legal protection. This would progressively empower citizens, including students, to protest against any infringement or deprivation of their rights or entitlements, and poor service delivery by any stakeholder in the institutions of learning, the government or private sector even. Today, South Africa is inundated with multiplicity of nationwide protests, most of which have been accompanied by appalling levels of violence, anarchy and criminality. Unexpectedly, students have had their share in such protests, and it could be argued, they have been an inspiration to various communities. Hence, this article proffers a critical reflection of the conduct of students during protests at the institutions of higher learning. The article seeks to understand and or explain variables that motivate students to vandalise property or antagonise those that opt to be passive or non-participants of such protests. In comparison to variables identified concerning the 1976 student protests, which were ideologically well grounded, the article attempts to describe contemporary students’ thinking towards protests and why vandalism and anarchism have become, not only conventional, but so intensely socialised. The article adopts content analysis method, and employs crowd theory and collective behaviour approach as tools of analysis. It is asserted that lack of ideological strategy underpinning South Africa’s unending revolution, which is needed to inform students’ struggles, is responsible for pervasive tendencies of vandalism and destruction of property during student protests.
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Arifin, Ridwan, Riska Alkadri, Dewi Puspa Sari, Lilies Resthiningsih, and Amarru Muftie Holish. "Improving Law Student Ability on Legal Writing through Critical and Logical Thinking by IRAC Method." Indonesian Journal of Advocacy and Legal Services 1, no. 1 (September 10, 2019): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijals.v1i1.33706.
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The lack of good stigma is attached to student activists, ranging from the unsatisfactory level of academic quality, graduating on time, not responsive and very reactive, hard and opposing views, to demonstrations that are colored by violence. The stigma is only in a few cases, not all activists face such conditions, but this stigma seems to have been far attached. The development of student activists today demands that activists must also have three literacy abilities: data literacy, humanitarian literacy, and technological literacy. However, based on the preliminary results of this activity, 90 percent of UNNES Law School student activists agreed that activists must have a critical attitude and critical writing skills, but only about 10 percent of activists who had taken it seriously (thought publications in various forms). This activity is aimed at developing the critical abilities of student activists through increased publications in various media. This activity also aims to establish a critical writing community for student activists and present a concrete forum for channeling ideas and solutions for student activists in writing that can be read by many people. This activity is carried out through a critical thinking approach in legal studies using the IRAC (Issue, Rule, Application, Conclusion) method which is commonly used in analyzing various cases in legal study thinking.
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Dhingra, Neil, and Joel D. Miller. "Dependent Rational Activists: Disability, Student Activism, and Special Education." Research Articles 28, no. 2 (October 25, 2021): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1082919ar.
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Historians of student activism have rarely focused on students with disabilities, while educational historians who study students with disabilities have focused on legal reforms, not activism. We present a philosophical argument for an inclusive definition of student activism that can take place within legal and bureaucratic processes in which students act collaboratively with parents or guardians. Drawing on the new disability history and critical disability studies, we first argue that such activism is necessary because those processes routinely involve the conceptual objectification, silencing, and invisibilization of disabled people. Further, we argue that activism is necessary to shift individualized education plan (IEP) meetings from bargaining to collective deliberations for the common good. Finally, following Alasdair MacIntyre, we argue that activism, legal and otherwise, may involve families acting collaboratively, because parents and others can become attentive to the rational reflections of those with disabilities.
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Horwitz, Wendy. "Environmental Dilemmas: The Resolutions of Student Activists." Ethics & Behavior 10, no. 3 (July 2000): 281–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327019eb1003_6.
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Linder, Chris. "Strategies for Supporting Student Activists as Leaders." New Directions for Student Leadership 2019, no. 161 (February 6, 2019): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/yd.20323.
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Brulé, Elizabeth. "Voices From the Margins: The Regulation of Student Activism in the New Corporate University." Studies in Social Justice 9, no. 2 (March 19, 2016): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v9i2.1154.
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This article critically examines recent revisions to student codes of conduct in Ontario’s universities, by focusing specifically on York University. It illustrates how these policy changes have been informed by a new rights and responsibility discourse designed to reduce political conflict on campuses. Couched in terms of promoting student inclusion, fairness, and campus safety, this discourse works with managerial technologies to increase the surveillance and regulation of student political advocacy work. I argue that these changes to student codes of conduct obfuscate the ways in which corporate-service sector relations operate to depoliticize student dissent and silence marginalized student voices, especially voices that raise controversial issues of oppression and challenge the status quo. In developing this argument I also discuss the contradictory and uneven ways that student activists respond to these discourses, and the effects of this new regime on the social organization and social relations of students’ political activist work.
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Niravita, Aprila, Benny Sumardiana, Bayangsari Wedhatami, Syukron Salam, Ubaidillah Kamal, Batari Laskarwati, and Iqbal Syariefudin. "How Law Student Prepare Their Life to Survive?" Indonesian Journal of Advocacy and Legal Services 2, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijals.v2i1.36764.
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Character education is an important element in the effort to prepare superior Indonesian human resources, it is of particular concern to be applied especially among students, there is a need for character education because the attitudes and behavior of the people and people of Indonesia now tend to ignore the noble values of Pancasila which are highly respected and should be rooted in everyday attitudes and behaviors, values such as honesty, politeness, togetherness and religious, gradually eroded by foreign cultures that tend to be hedonistic, materialistic, and individualistic, so that the noble character values are ignored in the future if students and young people are not equipped with character education. Law students have their own challenges, especially in the era of globalization. This paper analyzes and illustrates the character strengthening program for law student activists in Semarang State University through several programs, namely public speaking, strengthening student idealism, strengthening advocacy capacitation and human rights assistance and self-motivation. This research is a field research with the object of research as activists of law students who are members of student organizations. This research confirms that the programs for strengthening the character of students experience several obstacles, one of which is the model used and a relatively short time. However, character education for student activists helps students to survive in real life as part of community members.
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Thorkelson, Eli. "Two Failures of Left Internationalism." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360309.
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After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies. One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May 2011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international summits was incompatible with activists’ temporal, representational, and reflexive needs.
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Rosa, Alessandra. "Student activists’ affective strategies during the 2010-2011 siege of the University of Puerto Rico." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 11/12 (October 10, 2016): 824–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2015-0149.
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Purpose On December 14, 2010, University of Puerto Rico (UPR) student activists initiated the second wave of their strike at a disadvantage. The presence of the police force inside the campus raised the stakes for the student movement. No longer did student activists have the “legal rights” or control of the university as a physical public space to hold their assemblies and coordinate their different events. As a result, student activists had to improvise and (re)construct their spaces of resistance by using emotional narratives, organizing non-violent civil disobedience acts at public places, fomenting lobbying groups, disseminating online petitions, and developing alternative proposals to the compulsory fee. This second wave continued until March 2011, when it came to a halt after an incident that involved physical harassment to the Chancellor, Ana Guadalupe, during one of the student demonstrations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Building on Ron Eyerman’s (2005, p. 53) analysis on “the role of emotions in social movements with the aid of performance theory,” the author center this paper on examining student activists’ tactics and strategies in the development and maintenance of their emotional narratives and internet activism. By adapting Joshua Atkinson’s (2010) concept of resistance performance, the author argues that student activists’ resistance performances assisted them in (re)framing their collective identities by (re)constructing spaces of resistance and contention while immersed in violent confrontations with the police. Findings Ever since the establishment of the university as an institution, student activism has played a key role in shaping the political policies and history of many countries; “today, student actions continue to have direct effects on educational institutions and on national and international politics” (Edelman, 2001, p. 3). Consequently, and especially in times of economic and political crisis, student activism has occupied and constructed spaces of resistance and contention to protest and reveal the existing repressions of neoliberal governments serving as a (re)emergence of an international social movement to guarantee the accessibility to a public higher education of excellence. Thus, it is important to remember that the 2010-2011 UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but rather by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of social networks that have continued to create resistance and change in the island. Originality/value As of yet there is no thorough published analysis of the 2010-2011 UPR student strike, its implications, and how the university community currently perceives it. By elaborating on the concept of resistance performance, the author’s study illustrates how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism can develop, maintain, adjust, or change the students’ collective identity(ies). The author’s work not only makes Puerto Rico visible in the research concerning social movements, student activism, and internet activism; in addition, it provides resistance performance as a concept to describe various degrees of participation in current social movements.
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Fadillah, Farid, and Suharno Suharno. "The role of student activists in strengthening nationalist characters in the industrial revolution 4.0 era." Jurnal Civics: Media Kajian Kewarganegaraan 18, no. 2 (October 31, 2021): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jc.v18i2.40476.
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This study aims to (1) identify roles, (2) describe the challenges and (3) the efforts of BEM UNY activist students in strengthening the nationalist character in the era of the industrial revolution 4.0. This type of research is descriptive with a qualitative approach. The data collection techniques of this research were interviews and documentation. The subjects of this study were seven student activists from BEM UNY for the period 2020 who were determined by purposive technique. This research data analysis using qualitative analysis which consists of data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions. The results of this study are as follows. (1) Student activists from BEM UNY play a role in strengthening the nationalist character in the era of the industrial revolution 4.0, as agents of change, social control, iron stocks. (2) The challenges faced are the “ups and downs” of enthusiasm within oneself, participation in every activity, adaptation of technological sophistication, and people who have radical views. (3) Efforts are made, namely creating attractive work programs by integrating technological sophistication, creating movements or communities as alternatives, adapting, making oneself a good example, and taking a personal approach.
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Cini, Lorenzo. "Successful student activism in contemporary Italian universities." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 47, no. 3 (June 5, 2017): 337–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.12.
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This article assesses the strategies that the Italian student activists adopted in order to influence the revision process of the governance structure of their universities in 2011. Which kind of strategy has enabled these activists to influence more successfully this process? I argue that the joint pressure of insiders and outsiders allows student activists to get their voice more effectively heard from the university leaders than when one of the two forms of pressure is absent. The ‘power of the streets’ exerted by the ‘outsiders’, combined with the institutional power of the ‘insiders’, produces a significant amplifying effect in the governing bodies. University leaders fear this kind of alliance, as they perceive that insiders with a strong tie with other actors are the expression of a collective voice that is difficult to neutralize. On the other hand, the outsiders are also aware that their collective strength is more likely to be translated into institutional power and action from their allies and/or representatives. To empirically probe this proposition, I have singled out three Italian universities (University of Turin, Sapienza of Rome, and Federico II of Naples), which witnessed high levels of student mobilization in the past years (2008–13), and where student activists and their organizations adopted the most different array of strategies. More specifically, while at the University of Turin the student activists were able to deploy simultaneously both forms of pressure, at the Federico II of Naples and Sapienza of Rome one of the two forms was lacking.
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Polletta, Francesca. "How Participatory Democracy Became White: Culture and Organizational Choice." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.2.96746725j1312512.
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Why do activists choose the organizational forms they do? Social movement scholars have tended to focus on activists' instrumental assessments of organizational forms' costs and benefits or on activists' efforts to balance instrumental calculations with a commitment to ideological consistency. Neither explanation is adequate. Organizational forms, like strategies, tactics, and targets, are often appealing for their symbolic associations, and especially, their association with particular social groups. The article fleshes out this dynamic through a case study of the rise and fall of participatory democracy in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Contrary to standard explanations for SNCC activists' repudiation of consensus-based and nonhierarchical decision making in the mid-1960s, I show that participatory democracy was abandoned when it came to be seen as ideological, oriented to personal self-transformation, and—no coincidence—as white. That was not the case earlier on, when participatory democracy was seen as practical, political, and black, and I account for that shift. Once established, however, participatory democracy's social associations shaped subsequent activist generations' view of the form's strengths and liabilities.
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Fernández, Jesica Siham, Jasmyne Y. Gaston, Madeline Nguyen, Jaia Rovaris, Rhyann L. Robinson, and Danielle N. Aguilar. "Documenting sociopolitical development via participatory action research (PAR) with women of color student activists in the neoliberal university." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 6, no. 2 (December 21, 2018): 591–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v6i2.900.
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Political activism attests to the sociopolitical development and agency of young people. Yet the literature sparingly engages the intersectional subjectivities that inform the sociopolitical development of young people, especially women of color. Important questions remain in the theorizing of sociopolitical development among youth engaged in political activism within higher education settings. Thus, we focus on the following question: What experiences informed or catalyzed the sociopolitical development of women of color student activists within a racialized neoliberal university in the United States? In addressing this question we demonstrate how student-led participatory action research (PAR) within the neoliberal university can facilitate and support sociopolitical development. Of most value, this paper demonstrates how PAR can be used as a tool to support the intersectional sociopolitical development of student activists organizing within racialized neoliberal settings of higher education that threaten the academic thriving and overall wellbeing of students of color, specifically women of color. Sociopolitical development theorizing must engage elements of relational healing as a dimension of wellbeing. Therefore, our work contributes to these conversations by centering the experiences of women of color student activists.
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Renn, Kristen A. "LGBT Student Leaders and Queer Activists: Identities of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer Identified College Student Leaders and Activists." Journal of College Student Development 48, no. 3 (2007): 311–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csd.2007.0029.
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Husein, Fatimah. "JERUSALEM AND THE JEWS: THE VIEWS OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM STUDENT ACTIVISTS." JERUSALEM: RELIGIONS AND POLITICS 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0502197h.
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Jerusalem is a city of controversy. This paper attempts to describe the views of Indonesian Muslim student activists, who are studying in two different categories of university, namely secular and religious-based, on Jerusalem and the Jews. The choice of students of different organizations and universities is meant to give a more comprehensive perspective, and is based on the assumption that the students from the Islamic university will have different perspectives on these issues compared to those of secular universities. Five students from each category were interviewed. The interviews were not recorded but transcribed so that the interviewees could speak freely. These interviews however do not reflect the opinions of student organizations and the universities. It reflects the students’ own perspectives.
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Render, Brandon James. "“We Want a Quota!”." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 8, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23784253.8.1.02.
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Abstract During the Black Student Movement of the late 1960s and ‘70s, campus activists organized to demand, among other requests, a racial quota system. In response, university administrators often developed race-neutral scholarship programs and recruitment strategies to enroll more students of color without setting quotas. The quota controversy at the University of Texas at Austin reveals important elements of race-conscious and colorblind admissions programs. After the Afro-Americans for Black Liberation demanded the first quota system in 1969, Black students engaged in a decade-long battle with administrators over strategies to increase Black student enrollment. To alleviate the pressure from Black student organizations, University of Texas administrators established scholarships, affirmative action policies, and information-sharing programs to recruit and retain students of color. The struggle between Black students and white administrators is representative of Black student activists’ ideological shift from colorblind policies to race-conscious remedies during the era of civil rights and Black Power. While administrators used colorblind, or race-neutral, policies to diversify the campus community, Black students fought for a race-conscious quota system that would result in a minimum number of accepted students of color each year. Administrators, weary of antiwhite “reverse discrimination,” used race-neutral admissions policies and programs to subvert race-conscious demands for a quota system. In fact, evidence shows that Black student activists’ persistence in setting quotas worked to the benefit of white students, particularly those that did not meet the university's general admissions standards. Overall, the issue of Black student recruitment at the University of Texas uncovers the process by which administrators adopted colorblind logic in reaction to Black student demands, maintained the racial status quo at a predominately white institution, and widened racial inequality.
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Melchiorre, Luke. "Creating a ‘monster’: the National Youth Service pre-university training programme, student activism and the Kenyan state, 1978–90." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S65—S89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000918.
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AbstractIn May 1984, the Kenyan government of Daniel arap Moi introduced a National Youth Service pre-university training programme (NYSPUT) for prospective university students. The programme was designed to instil discipline in Kenyan university students and inculcate them with a sense of loyalty and commitment to the Moi regime prior to their arrival on campus. This article argues that, in practice, however, the scheme had unintended consequences: it served to alienate student recruits from the ruling party and helped radicalize a small but vocal group of student activists, who, when they arrived on campus, confronted the Moi state with some of its most defiant political challenges of the 1980s. Relying on extensive interviews with former student recruits and archival research, this article highlights the key role that the NYSPUT played in shaping Kenya's young generation of 1980s student activists, who represented one of the most united and militant student movements in the country's history.
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Briedis, Tim. "“The NOSCA Mafia”: overseas student activism in Australia, 1985–1994." History of Education Review 49, no. 2 (March 18, 2020): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-08-2019-0030.
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PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to explore and analyse the history of the predominantly Malaysian Network of Overseas Students Collectives in Australia (NOSCA), that existed from 1985–1994.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is based on extensive archival research in the State Library of New South Wales, the National Library of Australia and the University of New South Wales (UNSW) Archives. It makes particular use of the UNSW student newspaper Tharunka and the NOSCA publications Truganini and Default. It also draws upon nine oral history interviews with former members of NOSCA.FindingsThe NOSCA was particularly prominent at the UNSW, building a base there and engaging substantially in the student union. Informed by anarchism, its activists were interested in an array of issues–especially opposition to student fees and in solidarity with struggles for democracy and national liberation in Southeast Asia, especially around East Timor. Moreover, the group would serve as a training ground for a layer of activists, dissidents and opposition politicians throughout Southeast Asia, with a milieu of ex-NOSCA figures sometimes disparagingly referred to as “the NOSCA Mafia.”Originality/valueWhile there has been much research on overseas students, there has been far less on overseas students as protestors and activists. This paper is the first case study to specifically hone in on NOSCA, one of the most substantial and left wing overseas student groups. Tracing the group's history helps us to reframe and rethink the landscape of student activism in Australia, as less white, less middle class and less privileged.
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von der Goltz, Anna. "Other ’68ers in West Berlin: Christian Democratic Students and the Cold War City." Central European History 50, no. 1 (March 2017): 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000024.
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AbstractMany of the most iconic moments of Germany's “1968” took place in the walled confines of West Berlin, the emblematic Cold War city often referred to as the “capital of the revolt.” Most accounts portray the events in West Berlin as having been characterized by confrontations between the leftist student movement, on the one hand, and a conservative press and generally hostile, older, urban population, on the other. This article rethinks and refines existing historiographical narratives of the 1968 student movement in West Berlin, as well as of West Berlin's place in the student movement. It examines the actions and experiences of student activists in West Berlin, who rarely feature in the familiar narrative—namely, Christian Democratic activists, particularly those from the Association of Christian Democratic Students (RCDS). Using oral history interviews, memoirs, and a wide array of archival sources from German and US archives, the article sheds light on the background of some of the most important conservative players and discusses the manifold ways in which they engaged with the goals of the revolutionary left in the city. The analysis pays special attention to the effects that German division and life in West Berlin had on Christian Democratic activists, to the sources of their anti-Communism, and to their views about the US-led war in Vietnam, a major Cold War conflict that carried special resonance in the divided city. The article concludes that there were important (yet shifting and often porous) dividing lines in West Berlin's “1968” other than those that separated politicized students from an older and more conservative city leadership and population, a conclusion that calls for a modification of the familiar storyline that simply pits Rudi Dutschke and others on the left against the city's “establishment.” The article suggests that this has repercussions for interpretations of the student movement that center on generation. It argues, in short, that Christian Democratic students—activists who were, in effect, other ’68ers—helped to shape and were, in turn, shaped by the events that took place in West Berlin in 1968.
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Finn, Sarah. "Broadening the Scope of Community Engagement." Pedagogy 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15314200-8692754.
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This article explored a community-engaged, first-year writing course that partnered students with student activist groups on campus at Northeastern University in Boston. Their placement with peers connected them with the campus network and illuminated the ways that they could advocate for social justice in their new community. Students wrote in multiple genres as they attended the meetings and events of different groups involved with environmentalism, food justice, adjunct rights, and more. As students connected their social-change work to the classroom, they learned more about different genres of writing, from scholarly inquiries to multi-modal “deliverables” supporting their student groups. These final “deliverables” included posters, videos, prezis, banners, and even original music to be played at meetings or events. The fact that student worked with peers alleviated some common challenges of community-engaged learning, such as a sense of saviorhood. Instead, students felt a sense of civic investment and developed rhetorical flexibility that they implemented in the classroom and with their groups. Students found the course meaningful and valued the opportunity to get involved with campus activism. As they developed as activists and writers, students felt that the classroom and community spheres overlapped and informed each other.
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Gofur, Abdul, and Sunarso Sunarso. "Pengaruh Literasi Media Massa Online Terhadap Civic Engagement Politik Aktivis Mahasiswa." Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan 4, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um019v4i2p215-220.
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The purpose of writing this article is to describe the effect of online mass media literacy on civic engagement of student activists in the political field. This type of survey research with a quantitative approach. The population was 651 students and a sample of 90 students. Data analysis uses descriptive statistical analysis and simple regression. Online mass media literacy has a significant and positive influence on civic engagement in politics. The results of data analysis show the value of t-count is greater than the t-table (10,332>1,986). The significance value is smaller than alpha (0,000 <0.05). The contribution of Mass Media Online Literacy to Civic Engagement in politics in student activists was 54.8%, while the rest was influenced by other factors.
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Nur, Mahmudah. "The Reception Of Islamic Religious Activists (Rohis) On Religious Reading Materials In Sman 48 East Jakarta And Sma Labschool East Jakarta." Analisa 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v22i1.146.
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<p><em>This paper is motivated by some studies that suggest that the majority of students in Jakarta have a narrow and exclusive religious understanding, and tend to agree in a violent action to resolve the problem of religion and morals. This research is a descriptive research that more emphasis on qualitative data analysis and using reception approach. Reception analysis is used in order to describe a religious reading material within religious extra-organization activists, and describes the reception of student activists on the reading material that focuses on interpretation and the motivation of students in selection of reading materials. This research suggests that ROHIS activist</em><em> in </em><em>SMAN</em><em> 48 </em><em>East </em><em>Jakarta</em><em> And SMA Labschool</em><em> East </em><em>Jakart</em><em>a</em><em> </em><em>prefers to read some books that the genre were Islamic novels and the books about women, which had simple language, easily understanding, and communicative. Student motivation in choosing reading material is more to support their worship activities, either obligatory or sunnah, that relate to their daily activities.</em><em></em></p>
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Moore, Clive. "Greg Weir." Queensland Review 14, no. 2 (July 2007): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600006620.
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How do political activists begin? What is their motivation? For quiet Greg Weir, just graduated as a trainee school teacher from Kelvin Grove College of Advanced Education in 1976, it was being refused employment by the Queensland government because he was a spokesperson for a gay student support group. Minister for Education Val Bird said in Parliament that ‘student teachers who participated in homosexual and lesbian groups should not assume they would be employed by the Education Department on graduation’. With his future as a teacher destroyed, Greg became one of Queensland's best-known political activists. His cause was taken up by the Australian Union of Students and he became a catalyst in developing awareness of gay and lesbian issues all over Australia. Greg was then employed as a staff member in the office of Senator George Georges and later Senator Bryant Burns, and became a Labor Party activist, influential in the peace, anti-nuclear, education and civil liberties movements in the 1970s and 1980s. He also helped set up HIV/AIDS awareness groups in the 1980s, and went on to become one of the central organisers of the campaign for gay law reform in 1989–90, which culminated in the decriminalisation of male homosexuality in 1990. In 1991 Greg was involved in campaigns to include homosexuality as a category in new antidiscrimination legislation.
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Lee, Elizabeth M. "Low-socioeconomic Status Students Organizing around Class on Campus." Social Currents 5, no. 6 (June 22, 2018): 512–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496518781354.
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While scholars have developed stronger understandings of challenges facing low-socioeconomic status (SES) students, there has been very little examination of students’ advocacy on their own behalves. The last 10 years have seen a substantial and rapid increase in low-SES students organizing campus groups to provide safe space, activism, and/or education around class inequality at selective and highly selective colleges and universities. By utilizing literature on other student activist movements, I make two contributions. First, I extend the existing work on student activism to include a contemporary and growing movement around socioeconomic inequality that is—unlike many previous campus movements—largely operating independently of a broader, noncampus social movement. Second, I detail the challenges students face in seeking changes on their own campuses, which I argue are both specific to their roles as activists and also exacerbated, in many cases, by their positions as low-SES students. These findings, therefore, help to further illuminate the ways that socioeconomic inequality is maintained on college campuses over time and also to highlight a growing campus-based social movement.
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Buu-Sao, Doris. "Etnografía de una organización de estudiantes indígenas en la amazonía peruana: las ambivalencias de la protesta." Sílex 9, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53870/silex.20199134.
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La etnografía de una organización estudiantil indígena con sede en Iquitos, la ciudad más grande de la Amazonía peruana, permite examinar la experiencia de sus líderes. Sobre la base de las habilidades adquiridas a través del contacto con las escuelas y las organizaciones activistas, estos nuevos líderes se afirman a través de movilizaciones cada vez más visibles. El proceso de politización a través del cual los estudiantes aprenden a exigir sus derechos a causa de una identidad indígena se examina desde el punto de vista de su lugar en espacios urbanos de activismo. Es en tales espacios donde se desarrollan las definiciones de liderazgo indígena. Estos entran en conflicto con otras organizaciones más tradicionales y contribuyen a las tensiones internas dentro del "movimiento de los pueblos indígenas". Las redes de mediación en las que participan los estudiantes indígenas, redes que sirven como conductos para los mensajes que las autoridades locales, los activistas ecológicos y las compañías petroleras desean transmitir a las comunidades indígenas, subrayan la ambivalencia de este movimiento de protesta.
The ethnography of an indigenous student organization based in Iquitos, the largest town in Peruvian Amazonia, allows one to examine the experience ofi ts leaders. On the basis of skills acquired through contact with schools and activist organizations, these new leaders are asserting themselves via ever more visible mobilizations. The process of politicization through which students learn to demand their rights on account of an indigenous identity is examined from the point of view of their place in urban spaces of activism. It is in such spaces that definitions of indigenous leadership are developed. These come into conflict with other, more traditional, organizations and contribute to internal tensions within the “indigenous people’s movement.” The networks of mediation in which indigenous students participate —networks that serve as conduits for the messages that local authorities, ecological activists, and oil companies wish to pass on to indigenous communities— underscore the ambivalence of this protest movement.
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Buu-Sao, Doris. "Etnografía de una organización de estudiantes indígenas en la amazonía peruana: las ambivalencias de la protesta." Sílex 9, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53870/uarm2019.n134.
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La etnografía de una organización estudiantil indígena con sede en Iquitos, la ciudad más grande de la Amazonía peruana, permite examinar la experiencia de sus líderes. Sobre la base de las habilidades adquiridas a través del contacto con las escuelas y las organizaciones activistas, estos nuevos líderes se afirman a través de movilizaciones cada vez más visibles. El proceso de politización a través del cual los estudiantes aprenden a exigir sus derechos a causa de una identidad indígena se examina desde el punto de vista de su lugar en espacios urbanos de activismo. Es en tales espacios donde se desarrollan las definiciones de liderazgo indígena. Estos entran en conflicto con otras organizaciones más tradicionales y contribuyen a las tensiones internas dentro del "movimiento de los pueblos indígenas". Las redes de mediación en las que participan los estudiantes indígenas, redes que sirven como conductos para los mensajes que las autoridades locales, los activistas ecológicos y las compañías petroleras desean transmitir a las comunidades indígenas, subrayan la ambivalencia de este movimiento de protesta.
The ethnography of an indigenous student organization based in Iquitos, the largest town in Peruvian Amazonia, allows one to examine the experience ofi ts leaders. On the basis of skills acquired through contact with schools and activist organizations, these new leaders are asserting themselves via ever more visible mobilizations. The process of politicization through which students learn to demand their rights on account of an indigenous identity is examined from the point of view of their place in urban spaces of activism. It is in such spaces that definitions of indigenous leadership are developed. These come into conflict with other, more traditional, organizations and contribute to internal tensions within the “indigenous people’s movement.” The networks of mediation in which indigenous students participate —networks that serve as conduits for the messages that local authorities, ecological activists, and oil companies wish to pass on to indigenous communities— underscore the ambivalence of this protest movement.
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Claybrook, M. Keith. "Africana Studies, 21st Century Black Student Activism, and High Impact Educational Practices: A Biographical Sketch of David C. Turner, III." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 4 (February 22, 2021): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934721996366.
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This article examines the relationship between academia and activism. It explores the undergraduate experience of veteran 21st century Black student activist, David C. Turner, III, revealing the foundations of his academic and activist career in higher education. Framed in the context of student engagement and high impact educational practices, this paper argues that 21st century Black student activists are motivated by a belief in a society and world free from overt, insidious, and institutional racism. Furthermore, it argues that activism offers academically relevant learning opportunities. The article draws upon informal conversations and interactions, formal interviews, and Turner’s published and unpublished writings. It chronicles Turner’s undergraduate experiences at CSU, Dominguez Hills majoring in Africana Studies, president of the Organization of Africana Studies, and research and conference opportunities revealing the foundations of his pursuit of cultural grounding, academic excellence, and social responsibility. Furthermore, it highlights the links between intellectual and academic work, with activism and organizing.
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Danforth, Scot. "Becoming the Rolling Quads: Disability Politics at the University of California, Berkeley, in the 1960s." History of Education Quarterly 58, no. 4 (October 12, 2018): 506–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2018.29.
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Historical analyses of 1960s university campus activism have focused on activities related to the civil rights movement, Free Speech Movement, and opposition to the Vietnam War. This study supplements the historiography of civil disobedience and political activity on college campuses during that tumultuous era with an account of the initiation of the disability rights movement with the Rolling Quads, a group of disabled student activists at the University of California, Berkeley. This small group, with little political experience and limited connections to campus and community activists, organized to combat the paternalistic managerial practices of the university and the California Department of Rehabilitation. Drawing from the philosophy and strategies of the seething political culture of 1969 Berkeley, the Rolling Quads formed an activist cell that expanded within less than a decade into the most influential disability rights organization in the country.
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Harmi, Hendra. "PENGARUH FANATISME ORGANISASI TERHADAP KEBERHASILAN BELAJAR MAHASISWA PAI IAIN CURUP." Tadrib 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/tadrib.v8i1.11204.
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This research is a survey research and field research with a combined technique. Sequential model design and sequential explanation method. All respondents are active activists, including HMI, PMII, IMM, and KAMMI. Non-probability sampling-purposive sampling is the sampling approach used. This research is a hybrid of survey research and field research. Sequential model design and sequential explaining technique This research is a hybrid of survey research and field research. Sequential model design and techniques explain sequentially. The sample size is 65 PAI IAIN Curup students. This study aims to determine the level of success of student learning achievement. The results of this study indicate that some Islamic student activists prefer to be fanatical to their organizations, both internal and external fanaticism, and organizational fanaticism has a beneficial influence on the performance of PAI students at IAIN Curup.
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Walder, Andrew G. "Beijing Red Guard Factionalism: Social Interpretations Reconsidered." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 2 (May 2002): 437–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700297.
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A generation of research on red guard politics has traced the origins of its debilitating factionalism to social and political divisions that were well established among students on the eve of the Cultural Revolution. These social interpretations impute political motives to student activists according to their positions in the pre-Cultural Revolution status quo. However, a closer examination of events in Beijing during the summer and early autumn of 1966—where the Red Guards and their factional divisions first emerged—suggests a different interpretation. Factions emerged when student activists from similar social backgrounds responded differently to ambiguous and rapidly changing political signals. These initial acts left students on opposite sides of an emerging political divide and exposed them to unforeseen risks as the movement took unpredictable turns. In this interpretation, student divisions are rooted in political interactions in the early phases of the conflict itself. Red Guard factions did not emerge in Beijing as expressions of opposed group interests based on preexisting social divisions, but as struggles to vindicate earlier actions and to avoid the harsh fate of political victims.
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Ahmad Fais and Ira Eko Retnosari. "BUDAYA LITERASI MAHASISWA PENDIDIKAN BAHASA DAN SASTRA INDONESIA UNIVERSITAS PGRI ADI BUANA SURABAYA." Buana Bastra 7, no. 2 (November 20, 2020): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36456/bastra.vol7.no2.a3276.
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This study is based on the habits and lack of interest of students who have not been able to fulfill their duties and responsibilities maximally, especially reading and writing. This is due to the students' habits compared to the culture of literacy, and the characteristics of students with backgrounds of thinkers, workers, organizational activists and mediocre ones. This study aims to reveal the habits of students PBSI in terms of literacy and kelisanan, both to meet the needs of the task as a student or for other purposes such as to fill the spare time. This research uses descriptive qualitative method. This research data is the result of student activity done inside and outside campus. Based on the result of the research, it can be concluded that the student literacy culture of PBSI Unipa Surabaya in this research is still "low", because the result of the research has been done, there are 24, 28, and 35 students reading books in 1 day, 1 month. While There are 25 writing poems, 17 short stories and 19 students who have interest to write articles. Students of PBSI Unipa Surabaya also have different characteristics. They have the character of thinkers, idlers, workers, and organizational activists.
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Rosati, Carli, David J. Nguyen, Rose Troyer, Quan Tran, Zachary Graman, and Joseph Brenckle. "Exploring How Student Activists Experience Marginality and Mattering During Interactions with Student Affairs Professionals." College Student Affairs Journal 37, no. 2 (2019): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csj.2019.0009.
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B Nielsen, Gritt. "Radically democratising education? New student movements, equality and engagement in common, yet plural, worlds." Research in Education 103, no. 1 (May 2019): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034523719842605.
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This article investigates the relation between democracy and education in the context of radical student activism. Drawing upon participant observation and interviews with left-wing student activists in New Zealand in 2012 and 2015, it argues that a one-sided preoccupation with the student activists’ public actions as attempts to unleash disruptive forces of the political risks ignoring the undecidability and profoundly experimental and educative aspects of their activities. By paying attention to the less publicly visible social settings – or ‘free spaces’ – shaped by ideals of flat, horizontal democracy, the article shows how the students continuously mediate their radicality by negotiating and balancing a sense of ‘responsibility to act’ with a sense of ‘responsibility to otherness’. Democratic engagement thereby not only becomes a question of ‘disruptive’ political influence; it also comes to revolve around the continuous creation of spaces for collective self-education and experimentation with the conjuring of a common – yet plural – world.
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Evans, Meg E., and Terah J. Stewart. "Strategies for supervising student and staff activists on college campuses." New Directions for Student Services 2021, no. 175 (September 2021): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ss.20397.
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Lund, Darren E. "Facing the challenges: student antiracist activists counter backlash and stereotyping." Teaching Education 14, no. 3 (December 2003): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1047621032000135177.
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Krause, Kathleen H., Stephanie S. Miedema, Rebecca Woofter, and Kathryn M. Yount. "Feminist Research with Student Activists: Enhancing Campus Sexual Assault Research." Family Relations 66, no. 1 (February 2017): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/fare.12239.
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Ellerman, D. Andrew. "Student activists 12 years later political and personal career paths." Australian Journal of Psychology 40, no. 3 (August 1988): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049538808260046.
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Lee, Philip. "The Case of Dixon v. Alabama: From Civil Rights to Students’ Rights and Back Again." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 116, no. 12 (December 2014): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811411601206.
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Background/Context Legal scholars have cited the Fifth Circuit's ruling in Dixon v. Alabama State Board of Education (1961) as the beginning of a revolution for students’ rights that ended the in loco parentis relationship between colleges and their students. But little has been written about the students’ activism that led to this seminal case. Research Question Students’ rights, in general, benefited from the Dixon precedent. But how did the student activists who brought the case personally benefit? None were able to tell their stories in court in a way that challenged separate but equal laws. None of them took advantage of the due process that the Fifth Circuit ruled that Alabama State College must provide. None re-enrolled at the college after the case was over. And segregation was still alive and well in Alabama after Dixon was decided. So what did they win? Research Design This study presents a historical analysis of the student activism that led to the Dixon case, the case itself, and its interplay with future civil rights activism. Conclusions Despite the divergence of interests between the student activists and the lawyers, both the sit-in and the litigation empowered students all over the country to engage in the civil rights struggle.
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Arafani, Adnan, Asmidir Ilyas, and Zikra Zikra. "Learning Management of UNP’s Students and its Implication to Guidance and Counseling." International Journal of Research in Counseling and Education 1, no. 3 (June 22, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/0022za0002.
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Learning management is process and activities to manage the learning efforts and to keep the achievable of goals. Leaning management is also associated with interaction in learning process with other human beings as well as with learning environment, learning outcomes and the objectives. This research is based on the problems that cause the delay of completing the study of organizational activists among students. The research method is quantitative with descriptive approach. Research subjects involved in this study were as many as 73 people. The instrument used is a questionnaire. From the results of the study noted that the overall ability of student learning management among student activists is in the category of “capable”. This result study recommends campus’s leader to help the sustainability of “good“ learning management, counseling lecturers and UPBK (campus’s counseling center) should provide appropriate services in maintaining good learning management and improve management skills for students who are still “less able” to manage their learning.