Journal articles on the topic 'Strikes industrial disputes'
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1
Hamilton, Reg. "Strikes and the Australian Industrial Relations Commission." Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 3 (September 1991): 340–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300304.
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The Australian Industrial Relations Commission is required to settle industrial disputes that come before it, including disputes involving industrial action. It has wide discretion in considering whether or not to take the various steps open to it under the statute constituting it, although it does invariably seek to bring industrial action to an end. It also appears concerned to ensure that the action it takes is proportionate to the industrial circumstances, and there is accordingly something of a hierarchy of remedies, with bans clauses and cancellation of award seen as serious steps often taken where other possible means of settling the dispute, including conciliation, commission directions, recommendations and orders, and general debate in the commission have been exhausted. An examination of commission decisions and orders issued indicates that the commission has been unwilling to establish definitive principles in relation to the exercise of its powers, although general commission policy directions appear to exist, ultimately deriving from the statute constituting the commission.
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Lyddon, Dave. "The Industrial Relations of In Place of Strife (1969): The Search for Sanctions through the Prism of Key Industrial Disputes." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 42, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 145–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2021.42.6.
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The 1969 White Paper In Place of Strife was the Labour government’s response to the 1968 Donovan Report. Its most contested proposals were three penal clauses, where fines could be imposed: against unions for refusing to ballot in certain official strikes or if they struck against a ruling in inter-union recognition disputes; and against workers for refusing to return to work when a ‘conciliation pause’ was ordered in certain unconstitutional strikes (in breach of a disputes procedure). Peter Dorey’s political account Comrades in Conflict (2019) provides an opportunity to explore the industrial relations aspects of the White Paper. First, the proposed sanctions are explored in an analysis of the Donovan Report and government discussions. Second, key industrial disputes, which shaped the White Paper and the decision to present an interim bill, are examined. Third, the impracticability of fines on unconstitutional strikers prompted the exploration of legislative alternatives. The opposition of the Trades Union Congress is assessed.
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Unterschütz, Joanna. "Strike and Remedies for Unlawful Strikes in the Legal Systems of Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 30, Issue 3 (September 1, 2014): 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2014018.
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Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, like many other Central and Eastern European states, underwent profound economic and legal reform in 1989 and early 1990s with the harmonization of their legal system with the EU acquis along with democratic reform of the political system. In this period international conventions, especially ILO standards, were the main source of inspiration. In all three countries strikes are regarded as a last resort, and certain procedures must be implemented to call a lawful strike. The first formal requirement in Polish and Slovak law concerns the reason for a collective dispute: work and employment conditions as well as trade union freedoms and rights or conclusion of a collective agreement. The next requirement concerns the parties to the dispute: workers must be represented by trade unions (except in Hungary). They cannot initiate a collective dispute individually (even if the outcome would subsequently concern all the employees) or through another representative body such as works councils or employee representatives. The proportionality principle must be respected with regard to the demands of strikers and those organizing the strike may be liable for damages. Workers taking part in unlawful strikes may be subject to the sanctions laid down in labour law, such as disciplinary sanctions, dismissal or pecuniary sanctions if damage is caused. Provision for criminal liability is made only in the Polish legal system. They are construed so that many acts of employers or trade unionists representing workers in the course of collective disputes can be subject to sanctions. As far as illegal strikes are concerned, those leading an illegal strike or other protest action can be criminally liable.
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Schwarz, Joshua L., and Karen S. Koziara. "The Effect of Hospital Bargaining Unit Structure on Industrial Relations Outcomes." ILR Review 45, no. 3 (April 1992): 573–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399204500311.
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Since the passage of the 1974 Health Care Amendments to the National Labor Relations Act, an implicit premise of public policy has been that multiple bargaining units in hospitals would lead to an increased incidence of wage leapfrogging, jurisdictional disputes, and strikes. This examination of two sets of hospitals in 1988, which had bargaining units ranging in number from zero to ten, finds little support for these assumed relationships. Only hospitals with five or six units had wage settlements that were higher than in hospitals with one unit, and then only for two of six occupations studied. Only hospitals with three or four units had more work assignment disputes than hospitals with one unit. Hospitals with four, six, or seven units averaged one more strike than hospitals with one unit over the 1980–88 period, but strikes per contract were higher only for hospitals with six units.
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Vu, Dung, and Tuan Minh Tran. "Labor disputes and illegal strikes in sustainable development of Vietnam’s industrial parks." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 07047. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125807047.
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A survey of 69 foreign-invested enterprises in six industrial parks in southern Vietnam found that strikes occurred at all enterprises with the participation of the majority of employees. Strikes left negative impacts on production and business activities of enterprises as well as the sustainable development of industrial parks. The fundamental cause of illegal strikes was workers’ limited knowledge about strikes, the Labor Code, their rights and interests during strikes, low discipline, and mismatch between personal values and industrial working environment. Employees were also easily provoked when it comes to personal interests; as a result, they can cause chaos when provoked.
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Visser, Wessel P. "“To Fight the Battles of the Workers”: The Emergence of Pro-strike Publications in Early Twentieth-Century South Africa." International Review of Social History 49, no. 3 (November 29, 2004): 401–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859004001737.
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The role of pro-strike newspapers during the first two decades of labour history in twentieth-century South Africa, an era of intense industrial strife, has not been researched in depth by labour historians. This article examines the emergence of a pro-strike press and examines its position on various strike issues. It served as a conduit for workers' grievances during industrial disputes, such as the strikes of 1911, 1913, 1914, and 1922. Such papers were often also the only means of communication between the strike committee and the strikers themselves. The article also discusses the extent to which such publications might have impacted upon their readership and actual strike action. It concludes that pro-strike literature in essence reflects a “white-labour” discourse and a fusion of the class and racial consciousness that prevailed among the white working class of South Africa.
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Shimawua, Dominic. "IMPACT OF INDUSTRIAL UNIONS STRIKE ON THE PERFORMANCE OF PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Innovative Research in Social Sciences and Strategic Management Techniques 7, no. 1 (September 3, 2020): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijirsssmt.v7.i1.19.
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The Nigerian University system, which is designed and packaged to be a fulcrum for national development has witnessed so much industrial unrest. Strikes of various and reasons have become a normal phenomenon in growing inconsiderate policy making relationship between the government and academia. Though it is stipulated in the constitution that strikes can be used as avenues to express public opinion which can bring positive changes, and the frequency of industrial crisis/disputes has affects the standard and products of public Universities in Nigeria despite highly improved inputs and this situation is mirrored effectively in the Nigerian economy. This paper reviews the impact of industrial unions strike on the performance of public universities in Nigeria. The study revealed that the problem of industrial relations in the Nigerian University system were found to be lack of education of some labour leaders, the rigid structure of relationships, lack of flow of communication, management and government meddling with union affairs, frequent trade disputes, under funding and inadequate teaching facilities. Political factors were also discovered as some of the causes of industrial disputes within the university system. These affect student academic performance and generally loss of productivity in economic sector of Nigeria. The study recommended that both union leaders and management representatives should from time to time embark on training to understand the workings of industrial relations.
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Kai, Chang. "Legitimacy and the Legal Regulation of Strikes in China: A Case Study of the Nanhai Honda Strike." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 29, Issue 2 (June 1, 2013): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2013010.
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The article analyses approaches to legitimacy and the legal regulation of strikes in China in the context of rising levels of collective disputes and collective action. The right to strike, as a fundamental human right, has been recognized in principle and embodied in Chinese law. But the relevant legislation is not yet clear or sufficient. Strikes are not illegal in China, and the penalties to which those who organize strikes are liable arise from inappropriate application of the law, or are not based in law. Drawing on the experience of the 2010 Nanhai Honda strike, it is argued that dealing with strikes in the current legal framework should follow the principles of rational treatment and legal resolution.
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Tuckman, Alan. "Then and Now: Vulnerable Workers, Industrial Action, and the Law in the 1970s and Today." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2020.41.12.
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With the much vaunted ‘withering of the strike’, a mythology of past militancy appears to have taken root; militant men taking to the picket line on the flimsiest of pretexts. This stereotype is challenged through exploring two accounts of three strikes, Trico and Grunwick in 1976, and, following the raft of ‘salami slicing’ legislation kettling workers and trade unions, the dispute at Gate Gourmet in 2005. These were acts of desperation by vulnerable workers. Each book highlights the heterogeneity of race and gender, and in some cases how this served to divide workers. The attack on existing conditions and the increased use of agency workers, the issues challenged by Gate Gourmet workers, and continued disputes concerning equal pay, as with the Trico strike, indicate the limited power of organized labour today in the context of the persistence, if not escalation, of employment grievances.
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Nugraha, Ellyna Putri, and Hollyness Singadimedja. "ASPEK HUKUM HUBUNGAN INDUSTRIAL TERKAIT AKSI MOGOK KERJA OLEH SERIKAT PEKERJA DI PT. ULTRAJAYA MILK INDUSTRY & TRADING COMPANY." Jurnal Poros Hukum Padjadjaran 2, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/jphp.v2i1.262.
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ABSTRAKKondisi hubungan industrial ideal mempunyai beberapa faktor pendukung salah satunya komunikasi yang baik antar para pelaku seperti pemberi kerja, pekerja juga pemerintah agar terhindar dari hal – hal yang tidak diinginkan seperti aksi mogok kerja. Tujuannya untuk membangun dan memupuk hubungan industrial yang kondusif, harmonis, dan berkeadilan di lingkungan kerja. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan spesifikasi penelitian deskriptif analitis yaitu menggambarkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku dikaitkan dengan teori-teori hukum dan praktek pelaksaan hukum positif yang menyangkut permasalahan. Masalah pertama yaitu bagaimana aspek hukum hubungan industrial dalam penyelesaian sengketa terkait aksi mogok kerja di Indonesia, kedua bagaimana penyelesaian perselisihan hubungan industrial antara PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company dengan PUK SP RTMM-SPSI (Pimpinan Unit Kerja “Serikat Pekerja” Rokok Tembakau Makanan dan Minuman Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia) PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company. Akibat tindakan pekerja melakukan mogok kerja tidak sah, Peradilan memutuskan Serikat Pekerja dan Pengurus Serikat Pekerja telah melakukan Perbuatan Melawan Hukum dan PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company tidak mendapatkan pertanggungjawaban ganti kerugian sebesar kurang lebih Sembilan belas miliyar seperti yang dimintakan dalam gugatannya. Kata Kunci: hubungan industrial; sengketa hubungan industrial; mogok kerja.ABSTRACTThe ideal industrial relations condition has several supporting factors, one of which is good communication between actors such as employers, workers and the government in order to avoid unwanted things such as strikes. The goal is to build and foster industrial relations that are conducive, harmonious and just in the work environment. This study uses a normative juridical approach with analytical descriptive research specifications, namely describing the applicable laws and regulations associated with legal theories and positive law enforcement practices concerning the problem. The first problem, namely how the legal aspects of industrial relations in resolving disputes related to strike action in Indonesia, second, how to resolve industrial relations disputes between PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company with PUK SP RTMM-SPSI (Head of Work Unit "Worker Union" Tobacco, Food and Beverage, All Indonesian Workers Union) PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company. As a result of the workers' actions in carrying out illegal strikes, the court decided that the workers' union and workers' union officials had committed illegal acts and PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company is not liable for compensation of approximately nineteen billion as requested in the lawsuit.Keywords: industrial relations; industrial relations dispute settlement; strike.
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Petrylaité, Daiva. "The Right to Strike in EU Member States: A Comparative Overview with Particular Reference to Lithuania." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2010): 421–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010026.
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In all European Union (EU) Member States, the right to strike is an important part of collective action in labour disputes for employees to protect their lawful interests. In a comparative perspective, this article analyses the theoretical and practical aspects of the right to strike in individual Member States, legal regulations specifically dealing with this right, implementation provisions, and procedures for calling strikes. This article provides a comparison between a number of EU Member States and examines the experience of old and new EU Member States, with particular reference to recent developments in Lithuania.
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Lang, Helen. "The Stockpile Thesis and Industrial Relations at Kambalda." Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 3 (September 1986): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568602800303.
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Some recent work on industrial relations in the Australian minirtg industry has focused on a close relationship between the incidence of strikes and the stockpiling of the mineral mined. It is argued that when demand for a mineral falls and the stockpile grows, management can afford the disruption to production caused by strikes. Hence management will take action to provoke strikes by introducing changes in work practices it knows will be opposed by unionists. Not only are the unions more likely to be defeated, but the company concerned is also able to reduce the size of its stockpile of ore. A case-study of the nickel-mining centre of Kambalda in Western Australia suggests that the size of the stockpile isfar less relevant when management and unions have a consensual approach to industrial relations. The stockpile is a strategic variable rather than a cause of industrial disputes. Whether the stockpile is manipulated as part of management's strategy will depend on innumerable, interdependent factors, including the organization of social life in a mining town and whether effective co operative relations develop between managers and unions.
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Wijayanti, Asri, Lelisari, Indah Kusuma Dewi, Chamdani, and Satria Unggul Wicaksana Prakasa. "THE MBOJO LOCAL WISDOM AS AN ALTERNATIVE FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS DISPUTES." PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 7, no. 2 (November 1, 2022): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v7i2.151.
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Abstract: The problem in this study, namely the inability of workers to resolve industrial relations disputes which eliminates their rights. Unable to settle industrial relations disputes, can result in losses, strikes, lockouts, demonstrations, demonstrations, defamation, and destruction of other people's property up to the loss of one's life. This negative impact greatly affects the peace and comfort of work, national security, and stability. These problems will among others be overcome through advocacy to workers in dealing with industrial relations disputes. Mechanisms for resolving industrial relations disputes often do not give satisfactory results or fail if they are carried out based on formal truths. The advocacy model for workers in industrial relations disputes based on local wisdom of the Mbojo Tribe, Bima, Nusa Tenggara, will be an alternative solution for anticipating industrial relations disputes that cannot be resolved, as well as for achieving social justice for workers without harming employers. The purpose of this study is to describe the substance and procedure for resolving industrial relations disputes based on the local wisdom of the Mbojo Tribe, Bima, Nusa Tenggara, based on Islamic sharia. This legal research uses a conceptual and historical legislation approach. The results of the research obtained are that the local wisdom of the Mbojo tribe written in the BO book can be the basis for alternative solutions to build a dispute resolution system for industrial relations that is closer to the sense of community justice
Abstrak: Problem dalam penelitian ini, yaitu adanya ketidakmampuan pekerja dalam menyelesaikan sengketa hubungan industrial yang menghilangkan haknya. Tidak dapat terselesainya sengketa hubungan industrial, dapat mengakibatkan kerugian, terjadinya mogok, lock out, unjukrasa, demonstrasi, pencemaran nama baik, pengrusakan barang milik orang lain sampai dengan hilangnya nyawa seseorang. Dampak negatif ini, sangat mempengaruhi ketenangan dan kenyamanan kerja, keamanan dan stabilitas nasional. Problem ini diantaranya akan dapat diatasi melalui advokasi kepada pekerja dalam menghadapi sengketa hubungan industrial. Mekanisme upaya penyelesaian sengketa hubungan industrial, seringkali belum memberikan hasil yang memuaskan atau gagal apabila dilakukan berdasarkan kebenaran formal. Model advokasi pada pekerja dalam sengketa hubungan industrial berbasis kearifan lokal Suku Mbojo, Bima, Nusa Tenggara, akan dapat menjadi alternatif solusi atas antisipasi terjadinya sengketa hubungan industrial yang tidak dapat terselesaikan, serta untuk mencapai keadilan sosial bagi pekerja tanpa merugikan pemberi kerja. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mendiskripsikan substansi dan prosedur penyelesaian sengketa hubungan industrial berbasis kearifan lokal Suku Mbojo, Bima, Nusa Tenggara, berdasarkan syariah Islam. Penelitian hukum ini menggunakan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan konseptual dan sejarah. Hasil penelitian yang diperoleh adalah kearifan lokal suku Mbojo yang tertulis dalam kitab BO dapat menjadi dasar alternatif solusi untuk membangun sistem penyelesaian sengketa hubungan hubungan industrial yang lebih dekat dengan rasa keadilan masyarakat.
Kata Kunci: Sengketa Hubungan Industrial, Suku Mbojo, Kearifan Lokal, Kitab BO, Hukum Islam
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Gärtner, Manfred. "Strikes and the real wage-employment nexus: A hicksian analysis of industrial disputes and pay." Journal of Labor Research 6, no. 3 (September 1985): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02685414.
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Lee, Chang-Hee. "Recent Industrial Relations Developments in China and Viet Nam: The Transformation of Industrial Relations in East Asian Transition Economies." Journal of Industrial Relations 48, no. 3 (June 2006): 415–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185606064794.
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Industrial relations in China and Viet Nam are on the way to divergence. The official industrial relations actors in China have attempted ‘institutional cloning’ of key elements of modern industrial relations such as tripartite consultation and collective bargaining within the political limit imposed by the Party-state. This attempt of preemptive corporatism has so far failed to address the rising tide of various forms of labour disputes while yielding some positive results of gradual strengthening of official trade unions at the workplace. Industrial relations in Viet Nam are characterized by more vibrant associational dynamism at national and provincial levels, which is obvious in the co-existence of cooperation and competition between and within the industrial relations actors. Workers in Viet Nam display greater degree of spontaneous solidarity in the form of well coordinated ‘wildcat strikes’, which are accommodated by the government and the official trade unions at higher level.
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Rebhahn, Robert. "Collective Labour Law in Europe in a Comparative Perspective. Collective Agreements, Settlement of Disputes and Workers’ Participation (Part I)." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 19, Issue 3 (September 1, 2003): 271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2003016.
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Abstract: Collective agreements and industrial action, workers’ representation at plant and enterprise level, and participation in management boards are often at the centre of political debate. They play an important role whenever labour law is considered as a factor for making a country an attractive business location. It is therefore of interest to compare the legal situations in the EU Member States. This article focuses on legal structures rather than on industrial relations, revealing a wide variation. With regard to collective agreements there is a common core of European law, though countries differ considerably. There is wide variation in terms of industrial action, and in terms of strikes for better working conditions. There are also great differences in employees’ representation and participation beyond information and consultation on general matters. A detailed examination of the legal situations seems to be a prerequisite for any reflection on the harmonisation of labour law.
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Redman, Lydia. "State Intervention in Industrial Disputes in the Age of the New Liberalism: The London Docks Strikes of 1911-12." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, no. 34 (January 2013): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2013.34.2.
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Høgedahl, Laust, and Flemming Ibsen. "New terms for collective action in the public sector in Denmark: Lessons learned from the teacher lock-out in 2013." Journal of Industrial Relations 59, no. 5 (July 18, 2017): 593–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185617706425.
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This article investigates the use of collective action in the public sector by analysing the Danish teacher lock-out in 2013. The social partners in the public sector in Denmark (and the other Nordic countries) engage in negotiations and reach agreements regarding wages and working conditions in accordance with an institutional set-up developed in the private sector. This also applies to the use of the so-called weapons of conflict – strikes/blockades and lock-outs/boycotts – in connection with labour disputes if the parties are unable to reach agreement through negotiations or mediation. But there is a big difference in the premises and conditions upon which collective industrial conflict as an institutionalised form of collective action proceeds when comparing the public and private sectors in Denmark. The article shows how the use of collective industrial conflicts in the public sector has a number of built-in systemic institutional flaws, as the public employers are the budgetary authority and legislators at the same time. This is not a new finding; however, these multiple roles become problematic when public employers use the lock-out weapon offensively in combination with state intervention to end the dispute, which was the case during the teacher lock-out in 2013 in Denmark. The article concludes with the presentation of a number of proposed institutional adjustments for bringing the public bargaining model into balance.
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Hebdon, Robert, Douglas Hyatt, and Maurice Mazerolle. "Implications of Small Bargaining Units and Enterprise Unions on Bargaining Disputes: A Look into the Future?" Autres articles / Other Articles 54, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 503–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/051252ar.
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Using a large data set of large and small bargaining units, this paper examines the implications for collective bargaining disputes of the evolution toward small bargaining units and the move to nontraditional forms of representation. It is found that smaller bargaining units, as well as independent unions in both the public and private sectors, are less likefy to reach an impasse. This finding supported those hypothesizing the cooperative nature of these organizations. These two sets of results suggest that the movement to smaller bargaining units, and towards more independent representation, will result in a higher proportion ofdirectly negotiated settlements in the future. However, a reduced incidence of impasse does not necessarily mean a reduction in industrial conflict. We found evidence of a shift away from a collective expression of conflict such as strikes, to more individual expressions. Thus, in the future, there may be a greater need for internal conflict resolution Systems.
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Duffy, Norman F. "The Genesis of Arbitration in Western Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 4 (December 1986): 545–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568602800405.
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The use of compulsory arbitration for the determination of the conditions of employment has a long history in Australia. This paper covers the events leading up to the introduction of legislation for conciliation and for the compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes in Western Australia. After two bruising strikes and the experience of successful voluntary arbitration, the union movement came to the view that compulsory arbitration would be to their advantage. The development of political links between the unions and some members of the Legislative Assembly, coupled with certain fortuitous circumstances in the Parliament, resulted in arbitration legislation being passed in 1900—despite the dominance of the political scene by conservative forces and the opposition of the employers. Early experiences with the legislation showed that conciliation was not successful when arbitration was readily available and that the Act was not the answer to all the problems of the trade union movement.
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Goswami, Omkar. "Multiple Images: Jute Mill Strikes of 1929 and 1937 Seen Through Other's Eyes." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (July 1987): 547–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009203.
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The jute mills of Bengal had witnessed communal violence as well as bursts of working men's unrest even in the late nineteenth century. In the eyes of the employers, however, they were merely localized and disorganized flashes of protest, which could be typically nipped by the arrival of the Scottish mill manager and his entourage of Nepalidarwans. A quick arbitration by thesahibunder the peepul tree, liberally laced with pidgin Hindi abuse, was followed by the protector's judgment. Some would be happy with the verdict, others would remain aggrieved while thebara sahib, after a few words with the European assistant and the nativesirdar, would imperiously stride back to his office, acknowledging numerous salams on his way. With such powerfulma-baaps, the mills rarely felt the need to report what they considered were piffling matters to the local police or the district magistrate. Thus, in February 1886, the Indian Jute Mills' Association could rule that ‘all hands whose work stopped during the days the mills were closed [for short-time working] should cease to be paid for that time’ without the slightest fear of serious protest from the labouring people. And in the late 1920s, in spite of the Rowlattsatyagraha, the Khilafat and the non-cooperation movement, the Chairman of IJMA could note with great satisfaction that ‘for many years the jute mill industry has been more or less immune from industrial disputes’.
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Jeong nam Song and YOOKYUNG JEOUNG. "The changing industrial relations influenced by the Fourth revised labour code in Vietnam: collective labour disputes and strikes settlement with new regulations." HUFS Law Review 37, no. 1 (February 2013): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17257/hufslr.2013.37.1.349.
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Skeels, Jack W. "Book Review: Labor-Management Relations: Strikes in Post-War Britain: A Study of Stoppages of Work Due to Industrial Disputes, 1946–1973." ILR Review 38, no. 2 (January 1985): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800211.
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Treu, Tiziano. "Regulation of strikes and the European social model." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 8, no. 4 (November 2002): 608–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890200800402.
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Regulation of conflict is not currently part of the European social model. This contribution suggests methods for underpinning the European social model with a robust system of industrial relations. One important issue is that of transnational strikes. The author sets out a number of hypotheses for what might constitute legitimate strike action in European terms. Dispute prevention and settlement procedures should be an important part of a European industrial relations system. Italian legislation on public-service strikes, with its focus on users as well as strikers, is discussed. The Italian model provides useful pointers for a European system, balancing as it does the collective and individual interests of the workers and users involved in labour conflicts.
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Anugwom, Edlyne. "Cogs in the Wheel: Academic Trade Unionism, Government, and the Crisis in Tertiary Education in Nigeria." African Studies Review 45, no. 2 (September 2002): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600031462.
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Abstract:This article examines the role of academic unionism in the perennial crisis bedeviling the university system in Nigeria. It is the contention here that contrary to officially sponsored opinion, the crisis can be linked to external factors, especially the government's handling of industrial disputes. The crisis in the system, which started in the early 1990s, can be seen as the direct off-shoot of the macro-economic adjustment programs foisted on the country and the subsequent decrease in government funding of the education sector. Nevertheless, the repressive practices of past military regimes have contributed immensely to the crisis, as have the frequent strikes of the the Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities (ASUU). The articles suggests that the crisis can be tackled only with an amelioration of the fundamental problems confronting the system—ranging from underfunding and poor working conditions to excessive government meddling in university governance—and a rethinking of strategies by both the government and ASUU.
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Mehmood, Zafar. "ILO/ARPLA. Codes of Practice: A StructuralAnalysis. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 88pp.US $ 2.00 Paperback." Pakistan Development Review 29, no. 3-4 (September 1, 1990): 350–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v29i3-4pp.350-354.
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ILO/ARPLA. Codes of Practice: A StructuralAnalysis. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 88pp.US $ 2.00 Paperback. ILO/ARPLA. Monitoring Labour Markets. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 11Opp.US $ 3.00 Paperback. ILO/ARPLA. Managing Contract Migration: Philippine Experience Observed. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 68pp.US $ 3.00 Paperback. All three books deal with various issues concerning the labour market, such as basic agreements on industrial relations, labour market information, and managing temporary migration. (i) A Code of practice in industrial relations is a collective agreement and a moral instrument of voluntary partnership. The agreements are most often concerned with development and are not related exclusively to conflict resolution or conflict avoidance as explicit goals. It is not a Code of law, yet it determines the range of the moral authority of laws in practice. In many ways, a Code is the core of an industrial relations system. The objects of a Code are: to maintain discipline and industrial pace, to achieve greater industrial harmony, to develop and promote a compatible system of labour relations to ensure justice and fairness, and change in" work attitudes and productivity. The structure of a Code must incorporate elements of the approach to dispute settlement; the criteria for recognition of unions for consultation, the status of grievance- and consultative-machinery, and the status of the partism. The book on the Codes of Practice addresses the question as to how these objectives have been aligned structurally in the industrial relations of six Asian countries; India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. The Indian Code of Discipline is such that the government is not a party to the agreements between management and union_ However, the government does keep the administrative machinery in good order. By structuring the agreements in three parts, responsibility is distributed in three spheres. For instance, industrial disputes, strikes, and lockouts have been placed in the joint sphere. Workload composition, employers' labour practices, and administrative responsiveness have been placed in the sphere of management, while the sphere of the union includes union activities. Thus, the Indian Code is prepared in such a way that violation of a single Code leads to total violation in both the joint and individual spheres. This dependence is both the substance and the moral authority ofthe Code.
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Wang, Kan. "Labour resistance and worker attitudes towards trade union reform in China." Employee Relations 38, no. 5 (August 1, 2016): 724–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-03-2016-0065.
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Purpose – Drawing its arguments and conclusion from a ten-year survey on workers’ experiences of labour disputes, along with anticipation of trade union reform, the purpose of this paper is to discuss the interaction between labour resistance and its potential for institutional change in the field of labour relations in China. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a longitudinal cohort study carried out between 2006 and 2015. The survey was conducted every two years, specifically in 2006, 2008, 2011, 2013 and 2015, in Guangdong Province, China. Questionnaire and interview methods were used; 2,166 valid sample questionnaires were collected, and 215 interviews were carried out over the research period. Findings – An increase in collectivized disputes in China has given rise to an escalation of labour action, characterized by wildcat strikes. Joint action has strengthened the bonds among work colleagues, and it has become more important for workers to pay attention to their rights and interests. In terms of organization, two viewpoints towards union reform were revealed: the pragmatist and the idealist perspectives. Workers with greater experience of resistance were more modest in terms of demands for union reform, while workers with some experience called for their union’s independence from the party-state. Research limitations/implications – The data contained industry bias, as too many respondents were from electronics-manufacturing and textile and apparel plants. Originality/value – This paper is original, and increases awareness of the development of the labour movement in China.
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Workman, Andrew A. "Creating the National War Labor Board: Franklin Roosevelt and the Politics of State Building in the Early 1940s." Journal of Policy History 12, no. 2 (April 2000): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2000.0016.
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In January 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued an executive order creating a National War Labor Board (NWLB) to arbitrate wartime industrial disputes. Roosevelt's order provided enormous power for the board, which could, on its own motion, intervene in any labor conflict it deemed a threat to “the effective prosecution of the war” and subsequently impose settlements on the parties. In practice, the board replaced free collective bargaining for the duration of the war. Most scholars of the era agree that the NWLB, operating at a time when New Deal labor policy was still in formation and many unions had not yet become entrenched in their industries, had a profound impact on the evolution of the American industrial relations system during the war and thereafter.Despite a superficial similarity to earlier labor boards, the NWLB was a curious creature born, in the words of one of its members, “out of deadlock,” and of a breed uncommon on the American political landscape. The board's authority was nominally grounded on an agreement by a 1941 national labor-management conference to eschew strikes and lockouts in lieu of arbitration. Yet this conference had reached an impasse and its “agreement” had been forced on the business delegates by Roosevelt.
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Ringer, Andrea. "“We Fight Anything That Fights the Circus”: Unions and Labor Organizing under the Big Top." Labor 19, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 8–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9794956.
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Abstract With seasons that often stretched across continents, and a diverse and cosmopolitan group of employees, the circus was a startlingly unique mobile, transient, and global workplace. This article focuses on the significant worker activism in the circus during the late 1930s and early 1940s, particularly as it intersected with labor organizations. In 1938, nearly sixteen hundred laborers with the Ringling Brothers Circus staged a sit-in to protest unfair wages with the help of the AFL. But they were shocked when the circus responded by shutting down for the season, leaving every worker out of a job. The 1938 circus strikes were at the tail end of a long history of negotiations and disputes. These various protests, led by a global workforce of sideshow performers, canvasmen, and high-paid stars from the center ring directly led to the modernization of the circus, along with its subsequent decline. This has larger implications for understanding early globalized workforces and the historic roots of employer responses to demands of a globalized working class.
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Hurl, Chris. "A Militancy of Invidious Comparisons." Labour / Le Travail 89 (May 27, 2022): 235–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52975/llt.2022v89.009.
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This article examines the efforts to establish objective criteria in deciding on appropriate wage levels for non-professional service workers in Ontario’s hospital sector during the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing from recent literature in cultural political economy and the politics of valuation, it shows how industrial relations specialists sought to reframe the field of struggle through the practice of interest arbitration. Through a comparative study of arbitration cases in this period, the article explores the complex displacement of expertise from local hospital boards and medical professionals to law professors and labour economists, who sought to establish an industrial jurisprudence that could avoid strikes and lockouts in such essential industries by assigning awards based on the probable outcomes of industrial conflict. No longer were disputes settled through the ideological obfuscations of “justice”; instead, expert arbitrators drew on the science of economics in asserting irrefutable labour market “realities.” While pretensions to scientific expertise in the settlement of disputes remained hegemonic through the late 1960s, hospital workers in Ontario, through their unions and in alliance with New Left organizations, effectively reasserted “justice” as a highly contextualized unit of value through their militant struggles in the early 1970s. The article concludes by discussing the tensions and contradictions produced out of these struggles and the subsequent challenges in regulating public-sector labour disputes.
Cet article examine les efforts visant à établir les critères objectifs pour décider des niveaux de salaire appropriés pour les travailleurs des services non professionnels dans le secteur hospitalier de l’Ontario au cours des années 1960 et 1970. S’inspirant de la littérature récente en économie politique culturelle et en politique d’évaluation, il montre comment les spécialistes des relations industrielles ont cherché à recadrer le champ de la lutte par la pratique de l’arbitrage des intérêts. À travers une étude comparative des cas d’arbitrage de cette période, l’article explore le déplacement complexe de l’expertise des conseils d’administration des hôpitaux locaux et des professionnels de la santé vers les professeurs de droit et les économistes du travail, qui ont cherché à établir une jurisprudence industrielle pouvant éviter les grèves et les lock-out dans ces industries essentielles en attribuant des récompenses en fonction des résultats probables de conflit industriel. Les différends n’étaient désormais plus réglés par les obfuscations idéologiques de « justice » ; au lieu de cela, des arbitres experts se sont inspirés de la science économique pour affirmer des « réalités » irréfutables du marché du travail. Alors que les prétentions à l’expertise scientifique dans le règlement des différends sont restées hégémoniques jusqu’à la fin des années 1960, les travailleurs hospitaliers de l’Ontario, par l’intermédiaire de leurs syndicats et en alliance avec les organismes de la nouvelle gauche, ont effectivement réaffirmé la « justice » comme unité de valeur hautement contextualisée à travers leurs luttes militantes dans le début des années 1970. L’article conclut en discutant des tensions et des contradictions produites par ces luttes et des défis qui en découlent dans la régulation des conflits du travail dans le secteur public.
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Ward, Jessica Blaise. "Who remembers post-punk women?" Punk & Post Punk 8, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 379–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00005_1.
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Who remembers post-punk? Its cultural and musical presence in the late 1970s and the early 1980s is often celebrated by many, despite the numerous hardships that British society faced. From industrial disputes and strikes to anti-Thatcherism and youth unemployment, it was a transitionary time in British history. How do we remember post-punk? Established since the 1940s, memory work and oral histories provide an opportunity for this, although they simultaneously raise a multitude of issues, not least from terminology. ‘Individual memory’ and ‘collective memory’ both allow for misrepresentations, although Sara Jones contends that the latter ‘requires actors, both individual and institutional, to construct, transmit, and support particular narratives of the past’. It is hence paramount to ask: who has been permitted to remember? When considering memory alongside gender identity and post-punk, one can observe some of the opportunities that it afforded women, and yet debate continues to contest their ‘empowerment’ and ‘increased’ representation in popular music. Historically much memory work has been conducted by women, whilst oral histories of punk and post-punk have predominantly been written by men. Ultimately, this article examines the memory and representation of women through semi-structured interviews, revealing anecdotal nostalgia of post-punk by members of what was termed Generation X (those born between 1955 and 1975).
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Harsch, Donna. "Craig D. Patton, Flammable Material: German Chemical Workers in War, Revolution, and Inflation, 1914–1924. Berlin: Haude and Spener, 1998. v + 315 pp. 169 DM cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900292806.
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This clearly written, well-researched monograph analyzes the shop-floor actions, strikes, and general insurgency of German chemical workers during and after World War One, proving, once again, that reports of labor history's demise are premature. Patton's work suggests that we still have much to learn from an anatomy of militant working-class behavior. In the classic manner, Flammable Material surveys the overall economic and industrial context of rebellion while also offering a detailed comparative study of conditions, organization, and activity in specific companies—in this case, the four biggest concerns, Bayer, Höchst, Leuna, and BASF. Simultaneously, the book moves beyond traditional labor history (at least of the dominant German variety) by adopting the perspective “from below” as opposed to from inside trade unions and socialist parties. Moreover, Patton criticizes assumptions that often crop up even in the field of the new labor history. Indeed, his study was motivated by his dissatisfaction with explanations of the oft-noted volatility of chemical workers from 1918 to 1921. He challenges, first, the notion that their actions were “wild” or spontaneous, showing that they were driven by long-festering, well-articulated grievances and steered by shop-floor leaders and organizations. He disputes, second, the assumption that chemical workers were apolitical. To understand both the curve and content of workplace solidarity and militancy, he argues, the historian must consider the impact of partisan politics on chemical workers, on the one hand, and their intense concern with the balance of power between employees and management, on the other.
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Mustchin, Stephen. "Dismissal of strikers and industrial disputes: the 1985–1987 strike and mass sackings at Silentnight." Labor History 55, no. 4 (July 14, 2014): 448–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2014.932521.
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Hausman, William J. "Strikes in Post-War Britain: A Study of Stoppages of Work Due to Industrial Disputes, 1946–73. By J.W. Durcan, W.E.J. McCarthy, and G.P. Redman. (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1983. 448 pp. $37.50.)." Business History Review 59, no. 1 (1985): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114878.
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Perry, L. J. "Industrial Disputes in the Construction Sector." Construction Economics and Building 6, no. 1 (November 20, 2012): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ajceb.v6i1.2967.
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The Cole Royal Commission enquiry into the building and construction (abbreviated to ‘construction’) sector recommended controversial workplace-relation reforms for that sector. The recommended changes are likely to be enshrined in legislation within the year. The Commission drew on analyses of industrial disputes that focused, in the main, on quite recent experience. This paper attempts to give a broader historical perspective on disputes in that sector by considering the pattern of disputes for the entire post-World War II period. Accordingly, data on disputes and employees during the entire period are gathered from Australian Bureau of Statistics current and archived sources. These data are classified according to sector (construction versus non-construction) and analysed. It is found that the strike rate has, on average, been greater in the construction sector than in the non-construction sector. However, there have been periods during which disputes in the construction sector have been relatively low. The most recent period was during the period of the Accord (1983-96), during which the strike rate in the construction sector fell relatively strongly. The analysis of this relatively broad historical period draws attention, among other things, to the possibility that the sort of strategies employed during the Accord years – strategies of cooperation and consensus building – may provide a more effective means of bringing industrial peace to the workplace relations scene of the construction sector than policies that are relatively confrontational.
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Tomanek, Artur. "The Right to Strike and Other Forms of Protest of Persons Performing Gainful Employment Under Civil Law." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 95 (March 30, 2021): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.95.07.
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This article deals with the issue of extending the right to conduct a collective labour dispute to persons performing paid work under civil law contracts, after the entry into force of the Act of 5 July 2018 amending the Act on Trade Unions and Certain Other Acts (Journal of Laws 2018, item 1608). The author considers the question whether and to what extent the right to strike and to take industrial action, provided for in the Act of 23 May 1991 on Resolution of Collective Disputes (consolidated text: Journal of Laws 2020, item 123), extends to civil lawful contractors. The position is presented that the proper application of the above mentioned law to the indicated circle of work contractors cannot mean the deprivation or limitation of their right to strike and to take industrial action. The solutions implemented by the Polish legislator with regard to persons performing work outside the employment relationship are more advantageous and far-reaching in comparison with the requirements resulting from the international labour law acts binding on Poland. However, there are specific problems with applying to these persons some of the regulations included in the Act on Resolution of Collective Disputes. These problems results from the fact that the individual legal relationship between these persons and the entities employing them is based on the provisions of civil law, and not on the Labour Code.
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Tenza, Mlungisi. "The effects of violent strikes on the economy of a developing country: A case of South Africa." Obiter 41, no. 3 (January 1, 2021): 519–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i3.9577.
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The issue of violent and lengthy strikes has been a feature of South Africa’s industrial relations for a while now. There are no mechanisms in place to curb violent strikes even though their effects are visible in all corners of the Republic. Violent and lengthy strikes have devastating effects on the economy, cause injury to members of the community and non-striking workers, and more particularly poverty as employers would retrench workers if their businesses do not make profit as a result of prolonged non-production. In the mining sector where strikes are a common feature, it has been reported that employers have lost billions of rands through lengthy and violent strikes. The article acknowledges the developments brought about by amendments in the Labour Relations Act, which appears to be short of addressing the situation. The article proposes that if interest arbitration can be introduced into the Labour Relations Act, the situation may change for the better as employers and unions will be compelled to resolve their dispute(s) within a short space of time. It further submits that a strike should be allowed to proceed only if it is lawful and does not involve violence. In addition, the Labour Court should be empowered to intervene in instances where violence has developed and force the parties to arbitration.
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de Freitas Júnior, Antonio Rodrigues, and Henrique da Silveira Zanin. "Purely Political Strike versus Protest Strike: Should the Right to Strike Be Limited to Industrial Disputes?" International Labor Rights Case Law 8, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056901-08010011.
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Jones, H. S. "Civil Rights for Civil Servants? The Ligue Des Droits De L'Homme and the Problem of Trade Unionism in the French Public Services, c. 1905–1914." Historical Journal 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 899–920. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015569.
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The law of 21 March 1884, which legalized the formation of syndicats for the defence of ‘economic, industrial, commercial and agricultural interests’, was not intended to apply to civil servants. They were not thought to have such interests. There was, it is true, some dispute as to which categories of public employees were covered by this legal prohibition, and the Chamber of Deputies maintained in 1894 that the law applied to workers in industrial enterprises run by the state. But governments steadfastly refused to allow postal officials or schoolteachers, for instance, the right to form syndicats. They did not, however, contest their right to form associations under the law of 1 July 1901, and conflict became acute in the period after 1905 as these associations began to transform themselves into syndicats or to claim rights associated with the syndicat The postal strikes in Paris in 1909 and the rail strike of 1910 were particular causes célèbres
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Akkerman, Agnes. "Involuntary disputes: When competition for members forces smaller unions to strike." Rationality and Society 26, no. 4 (October 7, 2014): 446–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463114546312.
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Industrial relations theory has produced two conflicting hypotheses on the effects of multi-unionism on the incidence of industrial conflict. International comparative research proposes that unions organizing the same worker domains are prone to competition, for which industrial conflict is used as a means of propaganda. British economic research claims that unions organizing substitutable workers cooperate and act as one union. This study argues that apparent cooperation is not always voluntary action but is sometimes the result of a loss of autonomy caused by competition and a lack of mobilization power. Micro-level data on industrial action are used to test hypotheses of the conditions for such involuntary participation in labor disputes.
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Bithymitris, Giorgos. "Union militancy during economic hardship." Employee Relations 38, no. 3 (April 4, 2016): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-11-2014-0132.
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Purpose – This paper examines the preconditions of the strike at the Greek steel company Hellenic Halyvourgia (HH) which started on 1 November 2011 and ended on 28 July 2012. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of current labour disputes in the context of economic crisis focusing on previous developments of mobilisation theory and social movement literature. The overall aim is to highlight the linkages between trade unions and society when a broader sense of injustice comes to the fore. Design/methodology/approach – Qualitative methods were employed in order to contextualise the strike events and examine the preconditions of the occurrence and the volume of the strike. Semistructured interviews, field notes, interviews taken by the media, documentaries, chronicles and articles, constructed the main body of empirical material. Findings – The HH case indicates that certain collective identities and leadership qualities account for high mobilisation potential with spillover effects which are in turn conditioned upon the situation of the strikers’ allies. Although there was an agency to transform the sense of injustice into collective action, the framing processes employed by the union did not have the kind of impact that would render state and management’s responses ineffective, as the strike message did not eventually penetrate other industries or even the rest factories of the HH. Originality/value – The present paper goes beyond the general description of the social turmoil during the Greek crisis by showing the critical bonds that were established through framing and identity-building processes among the strikers and the anti-austerity protesters in Greece and abroad.
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Faro, Antonio Lo, and Sylvaine Laulom. "Remedies for Unlawful Collective Action in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 30, Issue 3 (September 1, 2014): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2014016.
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This article provides a comparative analysis of France, Belgium, Italy, and Spain demonstrating that in each of these countries the notion of unlawful strikes is fairly restricted. Whether considered from the point of view of the definition, the action taken, or its objectives, the probability of a strike being declared unlawful is not high, either due to the absence of detailed legislative rules, as in the case of France, Belgium, and Italy, or because of a fairly permissive constitutional interpretation of the existing rules, as in the case of Spain. As a result, if we turn our attention to the 'remedial' aspect of the four national systems under examination, we find a widespread perception according to which unlawful strikes do not play a key role in the overall scenario of collective action. More specifically, even though the principle that any tort must have its remedy is certainly not disputed in the countries concerned, it remains evident that, unlike what has happened in the Swedish follow-up to Laval, civil liability for damages does not play a key role in the current debate.
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Mzangwa, Shadrack Themba. "Unionised strikes’ dynamics and economic performance: An exploratory study." Corporate Ownership and Control 14, no. 3 (2017): 354–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv14i3c2art10.
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Legally, the freedom of association and the formation of trade and worker unions are part of the fundamental human rights bestowed on the citizens in the Constitution of South Africa, as clearly spelt out in Section 23 and 77(1) of the Labour Relations Act (1995) for employees who are not engaged in essential services. Under the Labour Relations Act (1995), trade unions are granted the right to strike in order to seek better conditions of service. However, there is an increasing concern that the rate of industrial actions or unionised strikes are getting out of hand, especially in recent times. Theoretically and empirically, the direct costs of incessant unionised strikes are well known. In this paper, we explored the economic implications of the ever-growing rate of unionised strikes in post-apartheid South Africa. In particular, we assessed its impact on the most important economic variable, namely, real gross domestic product (GDP). We brought to light the sector that is affected most by unionised strikes in the country, the root causes and the implications for policy. Overall our assessment shows that within the space of five years (i.e. from 2009 to 2013), unionised strikes have led to approximately 10,264,775 days lost, and consequently a fall in GDP by 3.2% in 2014 compared to 3.8% in 2013. The sectors heavily affected by unionised strikes are mainly the mining and the manufacturing sectors. Low wages, unhealthy working conditions, and deficiencies in the bargaining system often emerged as the root causes of unionised strikes. The policymaker should pursue effective initiatives seriously to moderate the rate of unionised strikes in South Africa. Institutionalised means of dispute resolution should be embraced and enhanced. These should include but not be limited to ballot requirements, proper regulation of the use of replacement workers, and compulsory arbitration. Policies that spell out employer-employee mandates should be binding such that no party exploits labour contracts to the detriment of the other.
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Hinnershitz, Stephanie. "The 1942 Santa Anita Detainment Center Labor Strike and Japanese American Incarceration during World War II." Southern California Quarterly 101, no. 3 (2019): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2019.101.3.285.
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This article studies a brief strike by Nikkei incarcerees at the Santa Anita Assembly Center in 1942. Employed in the industrial production of camouflage nets, the imprisoned Japanese Americans staged a strike over pay, worker safety, and rights. Without previous guidelines, the center’s administrators had to devise a resolution to this halt in the production of war materiel. The Santa Anita netmakers' strike and its resolution provided a foundation for handling labor disputes at the permanent WRA camps later. The author identifies the administration, division of labor, pay, and unsafe work conditions, along with the strike leadership, management’s response, and the outcome of the strike.
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CHADWICK, RUTH, and ALISON THOMPSON. "Professional Ethics and Labor Disputes: Medicine and Nursing in the United Kingdom." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 9, no. 4 (October 2000): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180100904067.
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The term “industrial action” includes any noncooperation with management, such as strict “working to rule,” refusal of certain duties, going slow, and ultimately withdrawal of labor. The latter form of action, striking, has posed particular problems for professional ethics, especially in those professions that provide healthcare, because of the potential impact on patients' well-being. Examination of the issues, however, displays a difference in response between the healthcare professions, in particular between doctors and nurses. In considering the ethics of industrial (especially strike) action there are various aspects of professional ethics to consider: (1) whether there is a tension between industrial action and the very notion of professional ethics; (2) what specific issues arise in the case of healthcare professions; (3) what, if anything, can explain and/or justify different responses from the medical and nursing professions?
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Craven, Paul, and William B. Gould,. "Strikes, Dispute Procedures, and Arbitration: Essays on Labor Law." Labour / Le Travail 19 (1987): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142815.
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Riding, James, Kirsi Pauliina Kallio, Pegah Behroozi, Lawrence D. Berg, Alexander Brackebusch, Murray Derksen, Jodine Ducs, et al. "Collective editorial on the neoliberal university." Fennia - International Journal of Geography 197, no. 2 (January 3, 2020): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11143/fennia.88578.
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This collective editorial on the neoliberal university follows eight days of strike action at sixty UK universities called by the University and College Union (UCU) in two separate legal disputes, one on pensions and one on pay and working conditions. Anticipating the recent labor strike after previous industrial disputes in 2018 at UK universities, the work included here emanates from two dialogues at the Nordic Geographers Meeting (NGM) in summer 2019, a public meeting called Protest Pub and a conference session on the neoliberal subject and the neoliberal academy. After an opening statement by the editors, this collective endeavor begins with the urgent collaborative action of graduate students and early-career academics and is followed by reflections on life in the neoliberal academy from those involved in the dialogues at the NGM 2019 in Trondheim. Additionally, the editorial introduces the content of the present issue.
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Rico, Leonard. "The New Industrial Relations: British Electricians' New-Style Agreements." ILR Review 41, no. 1 (October 1987): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398704100106.
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This study analyzes the response of the British Electricians' Union to economic adversity, and to new managerial strategies, as embodied in the union's novel agreements in three Japanese-owned British electronics firms. These agreements provide that the union is the sole bargaining representative in each firm; most British plants, by contrast, have multiple-union representation. Most of the new-style agreements also contain a no-strike clause, final-offer arbitration of interest disputes, and measures to increase labor flexibility, reduce the diversity in conditions among plant, office, and managerial employees, and enhance employee participation in major company decisions. The author views these agreements as evidence that fundamental changes in collective bargaining relationships are taking place.
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Thomas, Patricia. "The Other Side of History: Underground Literature and the 1951 Waterfront Dispute." Back Story Journal of New Zealand Art, Media & Design History, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/backstory.vi3.27.
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In February 1951, industrial discord between New Zealand watersiders and British ship-owners led to a dispute that was seen by each as a lockout and a strike respectively. Throughout the duration of the dispute, the Trades Union Congress and Wellington Waterside Workers’ Union Action Committee produced and distributed substantial amounts of printed material to stiffen the struggle among its members, vilify strike-breakers and the National Government – whose ultimate aim it was to crush the Union –and to ridicule the police – who were the instruments ofenforcement against the newly-minted Waterfront StrikeEmergency Regulations. In defiance of Regulation 4(d),which banned the production and distribution of ‘seditious’literature, a steady stream of illegal leaflets, pamphlets,lino-cut illustrations and cartoons emerged from theGestetners and small presses in the homes of membersand supporters of the watersiders. While printed materialis touched upon in the documented examination of thedispute as a political and industrial struggle, it is never thefocus of discussion. This article examines the multi-modalrhetoric of the underground literature to form a pictureof one side of the story of what was, arguably, the mostdisruptive and divisive 151 days in the history of the NewZealand labour movement.
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Timo, Nils. "Future directions for workplace bargaining and aged care under a post 2005 Howard government." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050274.
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ON THE 1ST OF JULY 2005, the Howard Government took control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate and substantial reform of the nation?s industrial relations framework is likely to proceed. In order to understand the implications of the proposed industrial relations (IR) reform agenda on aged care, it is necessary to briefly revisit the past. Historically, the ability of the Commonwealth Parliament to regulate industrial relations was construed in the context of Section 51 (xxxv) of the Australian Constitution Act 1900 (Cwlth) that enabled the Commonwealth to make laws concerning ?conciliation and arbitration and the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits of any one state?. Since 1904, the Commonwealth, with the states following shortly thereafter, established a regime of industrial tribunals responsible for third party independent conciliation and arbitration, overseeing a system of legally binding industrial awards covering wages and employment conditions. This system, in the words of one of its chief architects, Justice Higgins, ? . . . would substitute for the rude and barbarous processes of strike and lock-out?1 (page 2). By 1991, Australian wages policy gradually shifted from centralised arbitration, elevating workplace agreements to the status of government policy on both sides of politics.2 This process accelerated labour market deregulation, shifting industrial relations and human resource issues to the enterprise level.3 The shift towards workplace agreements post 1990?s was underpinned by a bold reinterpretation of Section 51 (xx) of the Constitution Act that enabled the Commonwealth to regulate the affairs of ?trading or financial corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth?, thus, by definition, including regulating employee relations of corporations. The use by the Commonwealth of these powers has extended the jurisdiction of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) to include the making and approving of certified agreements made by constitutional corporations or in settlement of an industrial dispute. Other types of employers such as sole traders, churches and charities, partnerships and unincorporated associations remained covered by state industrial jurisdictions. (On these powers of the Commonwealth, see State of