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Academic literature on the topic 'Strikes industrial disputes'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Strikes industrial disputes"

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Hamilton, Reg. "Strikes and the Australian Industrial Relations Commission." Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 3 (September 1991): 340–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300304.

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The Australian Industrial Relations Commission is required to settle industrial disputes that come before it, including disputes involving industrial action. It has wide discretion in considering whether or not to take the various steps open to it under the statute constituting it, although it does invariably seek to bring industrial action to an end. It also appears concerned to ensure that the action it takes is proportionate to the industrial circumstances, and there is accordingly something of a hierarchy of remedies, with bans clauses and cancellation of award seen as serious steps often taken where other possible means of settling the dispute, including conciliation, commission directions, recommendations and orders, and general debate in the commission have been exhausted. An examination of commission decisions and orders issued indicates that the commission has been unwilling to establish definitive principles in relation to the exercise of its powers, although general commission policy directions appear to exist, ultimately deriving from the statute constituting the commission.
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Lyddon, Dave. "The Industrial Relations of In Place of Strife (1969): The Search for Sanctions through the Prism of Key Industrial Disputes." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 42, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 145–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2021.42.6.

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The 1969 White Paper In Place of Strife was the Labour government’s response to the 1968 Donovan Report. Its most contested proposals were three penal clauses, where fines could be imposed: against unions for refusing to ballot in certain official strikes or if they struck against a ruling in inter-union recognition disputes; and against workers for refusing to return to work when a ‘conciliation pause’ was ordered in certain unconstitutional strikes (in breach of a disputes procedure). Peter Dorey’s political account Comrades in Conflict (2019) provides an opportunity to explore the industrial relations aspects of the White Paper. First, the proposed sanctions are explored in an analysis of the Donovan Report and government discussions. Second, key industrial disputes, which shaped the White Paper and the decision to present an interim bill, are examined. Third, the impracticability of fines on unconstitutional strikers prompted the exploration of legislative alternatives. The opposition of the Trades Union Congress is assessed.
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Unterschütz, Joanna. "Strike and Remedies for Unlawful Strikes in the Legal Systems of Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 30, Issue 3 (September 1, 2014): 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2014018.

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Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, like many other Central and Eastern European states, underwent profound economic and legal reform in 1989 and early 1990s with the harmonization of their legal system with the EU acquis along with democratic reform of the political system. In this period international conventions, especially ILO standards, were the main source of inspiration. In all three countries strikes are regarded as a last resort, and certain procedures must be implemented to call a lawful strike. The first formal requirement in Polish and Slovak law concerns the reason for a collective dispute: work and employment conditions as well as trade union freedoms and rights or conclusion of a collective agreement. The next requirement concerns the parties to the dispute: workers must be represented by trade unions (except in Hungary). They cannot initiate a collective dispute individually (even if the outcome would subsequently concern all the employees) or through another representative body such as works councils or employee representatives. The proportionality principle must be respected with regard to the demands of strikers and those organizing the strike may be liable for damages. Workers taking part in unlawful strikes may be subject to the sanctions laid down in labour law, such as disciplinary sanctions, dismissal or pecuniary sanctions if damage is caused. Provision for criminal liability is made only in the Polish legal system. They are construed so that many acts of employers or trade unionists representing workers in the course of collective disputes can be subject to sanctions. As far as illegal strikes are concerned, those leading an illegal strike or other protest action can be criminally liable.
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Schwarz, Joshua L., and Karen S. Koziara. "The Effect of Hospital Bargaining Unit Structure on Industrial Relations Outcomes." ILR Review 45, no. 3 (April 1992): 573–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399204500311.

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Since the passage of the 1974 Health Care Amendments to the National Labor Relations Act, an implicit premise of public policy has been that multiple bargaining units in hospitals would lead to an increased incidence of wage leapfrogging, jurisdictional disputes, and strikes. This examination of two sets of hospitals in 1988, which had bargaining units ranging in number from zero to ten, finds little support for these assumed relationships. Only hospitals with five or six units had wage settlements that were higher than in hospitals with one unit, and then only for two of six occupations studied. Only hospitals with three or four units had more work assignment disputes than hospitals with one unit. Hospitals with four, six, or seven units averaged one more strike than hospitals with one unit over the 1980–88 period, but strikes per contract were higher only for hospitals with six units.
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Vu, Dung, and Tuan Minh Tran. "Labor disputes and illegal strikes in sustainable development of Vietnam’s industrial parks." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 07047. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125807047.

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A survey of 69 foreign-invested enterprises in six industrial parks in southern Vietnam found that strikes occurred at all enterprises with the participation of the majority of employees. Strikes left negative impacts on production and business activities of enterprises as well as the sustainable development of industrial parks. The fundamental cause of illegal strikes was workers’ limited knowledge about strikes, the Labor Code, their rights and interests during strikes, low discipline, and mismatch between personal values and industrial working environment. Employees were also easily provoked when it comes to personal interests; as a result, they can cause chaos when provoked.
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Visser, Wessel P. "“To Fight the Battles of the Workers”: The Emergence of Pro-strike Publications in Early Twentieth-Century South Africa." International Review of Social History 49, no. 3 (November 29, 2004): 401–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859004001737.

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The role of pro-strike newspapers during the first two decades of labour history in twentieth-century South Africa, an era of intense industrial strife, has not been researched in depth by labour historians. This article examines the emergence of a pro-strike press and examines its position on various strike issues. It served as a conduit for workers' grievances during industrial disputes, such as the strikes of 1911, 1913, 1914, and 1922. Such papers were often also the only means of communication between the strike committee and the strikers themselves. The article also discusses the extent to which such publications might have impacted upon their readership and actual strike action. It concludes that pro-strike literature in essence reflects a “white-labour” discourse and a fusion of the class and racial consciousness that prevailed among the white working class of South Africa.
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Shimawua, Dominic. "IMPACT OF INDUSTRIAL UNIONS STRIKE ON THE PERFORMANCE OF PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Innovative Research in Social Sciences and Strategic Management Techniques 7, no. 1 (September 3, 2020): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijirsssmt.v7.i1.19.

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The Nigerian University system, which is designed and packaged to be a fulcrum for national development has witnessed so much industrial unrest. Strikes of various and reasons have become a normal phenomenon in growing inconsiderate policy making relationship between the government and academia. Though it is stipulated in the constitution that strikes can be used as avenues to express public opinion which can bring positive changes, and the frequency of industrial crisis/disputes has affects the standard and products of public Universities in Nigeria despite highly improved inputs and this situation is mirrored effectively in the Nigerian economy. This paper reviews the impact of industrial unions strike on the performance of public universities in Nigeria. The study revealed that the problem of industrial relations in the Nigerian University system were found to be lack of education of some labour leaders, the rigid structure of relationships, lack of flow of communication, management and government meddling with union affairs, frequent trade disputes, under funding and inadequate teaching facilities. Political factors were also discovered as some of the causes of industrial disputes within the university system. These affect student academic performance and generally loss of productivity in economic sector of Nigeria. The study recommended that both union leaders and management representatives should from time to time embark on training to understand the workings of industrial relations.
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Kai, Chang. "Legitimacy and the Legal Regulation of Strikes in China: A Case Study of the Nanhai Honda Strike." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 29, Issue 2 (June 1, 2013): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2013010.

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The article analyses approaches to legitimacy and the legal regulation of strikes in China in the context of rising levels of collective disputes and collective action. The right to strike, as a fundamental human right, has been recognized in principle and embodied in Chinese law. But the relevant legislation is not yet clear or sufficient. Strikes are not illegal in China, and the penalties to which those who organize strikes are liable arise from inappropriate application of the law, or are not based in law. Drawing on the experience of the 2010 Nanhai Honda strike, it is argued that dealing with strikes in the current legal framework should follow the principles of rational treatment and legal resolution.
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Tuckman, Alan. "Then and Now: Vulnerable Workers, Industrial Action, and the Law in the 1970s and Today." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2020.41.12.

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With the much vaunted ‘withering of the strike’, a mythology of past militancy appears to have taken root; militant men taking to the picket line on the flimsiest of pretexts. This stereotype is challenged through exploring two accounts of three strikes, Trico and Grunwick in 1976, and, following the raft of ‘salami slicing’ legislation kettling workers and trade unions, the dispute at Gate Gourmet in 2005. These were acts of desperation by vulnerable workers. Each book highlights the heterogeneity of race and gender, and in some cases how this served to divide workers. The attack on existing conditions and the increased use of agency workers, the issues challenged by Gate Gourmet workers, and continued disputes concerning equal pay, as with the Trico strike, indicate the limited power of organized labour today in the context of the persistence, if not escalation, of employment grievances.
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Nugraha, Ellyna Putri, and Hollyness Singadimedja. "ASPEK HUKUM HUBUNGAN INDUSTRIAL TERKAIT AKSI MOGOK KERJA OLEH SERIKAT PEKERJA DI PT. ULTRAJAYA MILK INDUSTRY & TRADING COMPANY." Jurnal Poros Hukum Padjadjaran 2, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/jphp.v2i1.262.

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ABSTRAKKondisi hubungan industrial ideal mempunyai beberapa faktor pendukung salah satunya komunikasi yang baik antar para pelaku seperti pemberi kerja, pekerja juga pemerintah agar terhindar dari hal – hal yang tidak diinginkan seperti aksi mogok kerja. Tujuannya untuk membangun dan memupuk hubungan industrial yang kondusif, harmonis, dan berkeadilan di lingkungan kerja. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan spesifikasi penelitian deskriptif analitis yaitu menggambarkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku dikaitkan dengan teori-teori hukum dan praktek pelaksaan hukum positif yang menyangkut permasalahan. Masalah pertama yaitu bagaimana aspek hukum hubungan industrial dalam penyelesaian sengketa terkait aksi mogok kerja di Indonesia, kedua bagaimana penyelesaian perselisihan hubungan industrial antara PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company dengan PUK SP RTMM-SPSI (Pimpinan Unit Kerja “Serikat Pekerja” Rokok Tembakau Makanan dan Minuman Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia) PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company. Akibat tindakan pekerja melakukan mogok kerja tidak sah, Peradilan memutuskan Serikat Pekerja dan Pengurus Serikat Pekerja telah melakukan Perbuatan Melawan Hukum dan PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company tidak mendapatkan pertanggungjawaban ganti kerugian sebesar kurang lebih Sembilan belas miliyar seperti yang dimintakan dalam gugatannya. Kata Kunci: hubungan industrial; sengketa hubungan industrial; mogok kerja.ABSTRACTThe ideal industrial relations condition has several supporting factors, one of which is good communication between actors such as employers, workers and the government in order to avoid unwanted things such as strikes. The goal is to build and foster industrial relations that are conducive, harmonious and just in the work environment. This study uses a normative juridical approach with analytical descriptive research specifications, namely describing the applicable laws and regulations associated with legal theories and positive law enforcement practices concerning the problem. The first problem, namely how the legal aspects of industrial relations in resolving disputes related to strike action in Indonesia, second, how to resolve industrial relations disputes between PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company with PUK SP RTMM-SPSI (Head of Work Unit "Worker Union" Tobacco, Food and Beverage, All Indonesian Workers Union) PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company. As a result of the workers' actions in carrying out illegal strikes, the court decided that the workers' union and workers' union officials had committed illegal acts and PT. Ultrajaya Milk Industry & Trading Company is not liable for compensation of approximately nineteen billion as requested in the lawsuit.Keywords: industrial relations; industrial relations dispute settlement; strike.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Strikes industrial disputes"

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Mgubo, Xolelwa. "The effects of industrial labour disputes on development in South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14014.

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On 16 August 2012, the South African Police Service fired upon striking miners in Marikana, South Africa, resulting in the death of 34 mineworkers. The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of protracted violent industrial labour disputes on socio-economic development in South Africa. The study explores the root causes of labour disputes in Marikana and considers strategies that can be employed to avoid similar violent and destabilising strikes in the mining and other industries. This research confirms that presumably the pursuit of wage increase is still the primary cause of violent strikes in the country. Furthermore, the research shows clearly that working hours, work conditions, sympathy, and demands from employees and trade unions are major causes of labour disputes. The findings also show that amongst other things participation of employees in work related issues like policy formulation can reduce prevalence of labour disputes. The study also reveals that communication between workers and employees in work places can help both parties to discuss issues before extreme measures are taken.
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Glock, Philipp. "Requirements of industrial action in South Africa and Germany: a comparison." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4394_1182224745.

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This paper investigated how the law of industrial action is shaped in South Africa and in Germany, which specific problems occur in South Africa and Germany, and how the different legal systems solve these problems. It also compared the different legal approaches of these two countries.

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Sihlahla, Kyllikki Taina Niita Ndangi. "Perceptions on the impact of strikes on productivity at selected mines in the mining sector of Namibia." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2081.

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Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016.
The mining sector has been the backbone of the Namibian economy since Namibia attained its independence. However, the disruptive nature of the numerous strikes that are experienced in the mining sector has prompted this study that explores the perceptions held by different stakeholders on the impact of strikes on the productivity of three selected mines in Namibia. The selected mines are Langer Heinrich mine, Navachab Gold mine and Skorpion Zinc mine. Labour disputes in Namibia’s mining sector have a long history dating back to the colonial era. A myriad of factors that include, amongst others, poor remuneration, unfair labour practices, poor social and housing amenities, perceived discrimination and harsh working conditions are major triggers for mining sector strikes. Strikes are mostly conducted by employees when they fail to amicably resolve a labour dispute with their employers. Employees are normally perceived as the backbone of any organisation. Conflicts, however, are part of human nature and can only be avoided, in most cases, if people are conscious of the consequences of their actions and reactions, hence, the need to explore the perceptions of stakeholders on the impact of strikes on the productivity of the selected mines. Human perceptions are dynamic in nature. Irrespective of this fact, in this research questionnaires were administered to obtain the perceptions of mine management, miners and trade union members on the effects of strikes on the productivity of the three selected mines. A different questionnaire was designed to gather the views of the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare (MLSW) officials since in most cases they are involved in conciliating the disputing parties. Generally, strikes have negative impacts not only on the organisation concerned, but also on the Namibian economy at large. The mines selected for this research are situated in the Khomas, Erongo and Karas regions of Namibia. Most mining companies in Namibia are located in Erongo and Karas, whereas Windhoek, which is in the Khomas region, mainly houses some of these mines headquarters. A five-point Likert scale was used to gather data in the survey. Specialised software called Statistical Program for Social Scientists (SPSS) was then used to analyse the data. Although the results indicate that in most cases the striking parties are aware of the adverse effects of strikes on productivity of the mines, they still opt to use strikes as a bargaining weapon. Since conflicts are always bound to arise where two or more parties interact, this study recommends that there should always be a conciliator who tries to amicably resolve disputes by sensitising each party on the consequences of strikes. The study also recommends a model which emphasises the need to thoroughly inform the mineworkers and the mine management on the ripple effects of strikes and on the need to achieve a win-win situation for all the parties that are involved in a conflict. The model emphasises that although the employees and the employers can individually and separately approach the official, which is the MLSW, such official should always provide open feedback to the feuding parties through a tripartite negotiation forum, otherwise any other type of covert feedback may be misinterpreted as bias by one of the feuding parties. The model further explains that at all times direct negotiations between employees and their employers must be kept open, as it is possible that agreements that can reduce strike action may be reached without necessarily engaging a third party.
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Varoufakis, Y. "Optimisation and strikes." Thesis, University of Essex, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377086.

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Milner, Simon Trevor. "Industrial disputes in UK manufacturing in the 1980s : an analysis of final-offer arbitration and action short of a strike." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1346/.

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Just as oranges are not the only fruit, strikes are not the only type of industrial dispute. This thesis examines two other forms of bargaining breakdown: dispute procedure usage; and action short of a strike - particularly overtime bans. It therefore covers two distinctive phenomena but some of the issues examined are relevant to both forms of disputes, whilst others are specific to one particular type. Complementary issues include the evaluation of economists' theories of bargaining impasses and the relevance of both areas to the 'new industrial relations' debate. Both parts also shed light on the important conceptual implications of applying the body of largely North American theory to the UK context. Chapter 1 illuminates the linkages between the two areas at greater length, provides important definitions, explains the data used and summarises the six substantive chapters. Chapters 2 to 5 examine final-offer arbitration (FOA) in the context of Britain's new style agreements on criteria connected to five issues: the incidence of dispute procedures and their specifications; the core question of effectiveness in terms of deterring disputes; the incidence of industrial action under particular dispute procedures; the impact of procedures on negotiated and arbitrated settlements; and the functioning of dispute procedures in action. These chapters suggest that although the evidence is mixed, there is no convincing support for the superior effectiveness of FOA over conventional arbitration or other impasse procedures. The almost totally unresearched area of action short of a strike is examined in chapters 6 and 7. The relative incidence of strikes and non-strike action is assessed using data from various UK surveys over the period 1966-1990 and principally with newly available data source - the CBI Pay Databank. Data from this source are also used to test possible explanatory factors behind the tactics of industrial action.
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Nunes, Guilherme Machado. ""A Lei de Férias no Brasil é um aleijão" : greves e outras disputas entre Estado, trabalhadores/as e burguesia industrial (1925-1935)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/148964.

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Este trabalho analisa os conflitos entre Estado, burguesia industrial e classe trabalhadora em torno da Lei de Férias. Aprovada em 1925, a medida foi duramente criticada pelo empresariado brasileiro, que não mediu esforços na hora de descumpri-la. A classe trabalhadora, que aparentemente não tinha essa como uma de suas grandes bandeiras de reivindicação, passou a exigir o cumprimento desse direito e a se organizar cada vez mais para tal. O Estado brasileiro, por sua vez, sobretudo após 1930, ao mesmo tempo em que legislava cada vez mais sobre as relações laborais no país, não garantia correspondente fiscalização, o que era percebido tanta pelos patrões quanto pelo operariado. Os escritos de cada um desses atores, suas denúncias, estratégias coletivas e especialmente a forma como se davam as diversas greves ocorridas no período aqui analisado (que vai até 1935, momento em que eclodem inúmeras paredes no Brasil) nos ajudam a reconstituir a história das disputas pelo direito a 15 dias de férias remuneradas no país.
This thesis analyzes the conflicts between state, industrial bourgeoisie and the working class around the Annual Leave. Approved in 1925, the measure was strongly criticized by Brazilian businessmen, which made every effort at the time to tease it. The working class, which apparently did not have this as one of its major claiming flags, began to enforce this right and to organize itself for it. The Brazilian government, in turn, especially after 1930, while legislated increasingly on working relations in the country, did not guaranteed a corresponding security inspection, which was perceived by employers as much as the working class. The writings of each of these actors, their complaints, collective strategies and especially the way the different strikes occurred in the period analyzed here (which runs until 1935, at which hatch numerous strikes in Brazil) help us to reconstruct the history of struggles over the right to 15 days of paid vacation in the country.
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Knowles, Kelvin David. "A conflict theory analysis of the 2007 South African public sector strike using a conflict model." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1015033.

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Conflict is an inherent part of any service relationship, and is one of the important methods of effective organisational functioning. Depending on its management, it has both constructive and negative outcomes. The most extreme outcome of conflict in an industrial relationship is a strike. The South African Public Service strike of 2007 was the most protracted and united strike in the history of South Africa. In order to provide an insight into this strike, this treatise explores the following key aspects: • To present a short background of collective bargaining in the public sector through time. • To provide a short background to the public sector strike in 2007. • To develop a conflict model for analytic purposes based on a literature review and to use the conflict model to analyse the strike. A study of the strike was deemed essential because of its current nature and it being charged with political undertones. Moreover, conflict in the employment relationship has had an important influence on theories of industrial relations. The South African labour relations system is pluralist in nature, with a focus on the formal institutions of industrial relations. The focus should be on the motives and actions of parties in the employment relationship. Hence, one should look beyond conventional explanations in understanding conflict.
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Yohanna, Stephen. "The 1945 General Strike in Northern Nigeria and its Role in Anti-Colonial Nationalism." University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8216.

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Magister Artium - MA
This thesis follows the course of the Nigerian general strike of 1945 in the Northern provinces, a previously under-researched region. It examines some of the many ways in which the strike has been understood in the academy, focusing in particular on the works of Alkasum Abba, Kazah-Toure and Bill Freund who have regarded the strike as well supported and successful. By employing Ian Phimister and Brian Raftopoulos's analysis of the 1948 general strike in colonial Zimbabwe, this thesis re-reads the narrative of success by bringing to the fore previosuly ignored issues relating to questions of planning, tactics, propaganda, solidarity, leadership, and execution of the strike. This re-reading reveals a considerably more varied and uneven response across and within the different categories of workers than has been previously assumed by scholars. Such unevenness challenges notions of "solidarity" and "steadfastness" attributed to the industrial action, with implications for how workers struggles have been incorporated into wider narratives of decolonization and anti-colonial nationalism.
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Bhe, Vuyisile. "Critical analysis of the 2007 public service strike and its impact on the evolution of formalised collective bargaining in South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1043.

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Section 213 of the Labour Relations Act defines ’strike’ as the partial or complete concerted refusal to work, or the retardation or obstruction of work, by persons who are or have been employed by the same employer or by different employers, for the purpose of remedying a grievance or resolving a dispute in respect of any matter of mutual interest between the employer and employee, and any reference to “work” this definition includes overtime work, whether it is voluntary or compulsory. According to Mcllroy: “As long as our society is divided between those who own and control the means of production and those who only have the ability to work, strikes will be inevitable because they are the ultimate means workers have of protecting themselves.” 1 The Constitutional Court justified the exclusion of a constitutional right to lock out and the inclusion of a constitutional right to strike by indicating that the right to strike is not equivalent to a right to lock out and is essential for workplace democracy. 2 The right to strike is essential to bolster collective bargaining and thereby to give employees the power to bargain effectively with employers. The employers on the According to the Constitutional Court employers enjoy greater social and economic power compared to individual workers and may exercise a wide range of power against workers through a range of weapons, such as dismissal, the employment of alternative or replacement labour, the unilateral implementation of new terms and conditions of employment, and the exclusion of workers from the workplace. To combat this and have a say in the workplace, the Constitutional Court held that “employees need to act in concert to provide them collectively with sufficient power to bargain effectively with employers and exercise collective power primarily through the mechanism of strike action”. The importance of the right to strike in creating workplace democracy is also reflected in a number of Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court judgments. other hand have economic strength that is used to bargain effectively. That is why the strike enjoys constitutional protection, whereas the lock-out does not.
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Kammen, Douglas Anton. "A time to strike industrial strikes and changing class relations in new order Indonesia /." 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40598297.html.

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Books on the topic "Strikes industrial disputes"

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Policing industrial disputes, 1893 to 1985. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

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Managing industrial conflict: Seven major disputes. London: Hutchinson, 1988.

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P, Malhotra O. O.P. Malhotra's the law of industrial disputes. 6th ed. New Delhi: LexisNexis Butterworths, 2004.

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Swabey, John. Strikes and secondary industrial action in the EU member states. Luxembourg: European Parliament, Directorate General for Research, 1996.

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Kusumo, Bambang S. Widagdo. Dinamika hak mogok dalam reformasi hubungan industrial di Indonesia. Sidoarjo: Laras, 2007.

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O'Connor, Cyril. Theories of collective action and industrial conflict: An analysis of the 1911 Wexford lockout. Dublin: University College Dublin, 1995.

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Walker, Julian R. First agreement disputes and public policy in Canada. Kingston, Ont., Canada: Industrial Relations Centre, Queen's University, 1987.

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La substitution du droit à la grève. Longueuil, Québec: R. Arseneau et associés, 1989.

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The Attlee and Churchill administrations and industrial unrest, 1945-55: A study in consensus. London: Pinter Publishers, 1990.

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British-Dutch Conference on Labour History (4th 1984 Newcastle upon Tyne, England). Industrial conflict: Papers presented to the fourth British-Dutch Conference on Labour History. Amsterdam: Stichting beheer IISG, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Strikes industrial disputes"

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"UNOFFICIAL STRIKES: SOME OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED." In Industrial Disputes Ils 151, 77–99. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315007359-10.

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"EXPLANATIONS OF STRIKES: A CRITICAL REVIEW." In Industrial Disputes Ils 151, 21–76. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315007359-9.

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Millington, Chris. "Fighting for the Factory Floor." In Fighting for France. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266274.003.0005.

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This chapter scrutinises violence between workers during strikes. Confrontations occurred not only at the factory gates, as strikers attempted to obstruct workers, but also in the streets that led to the workplace. Political groups often became involved in industrial disputes. Left-wingers sought to extend the strike beyond the workplace through demonstrations, meetings, and marches. Right-wingers sought to ensure the freedom to work, fearful that factory occupations would precede communist revolution. Strikes provided an important opportunity for female political activism. Women strikers stood on picket lines, forcing back strike-breakers and often taking part in punishment attacks of blackleg labour. The factory, mine, and construction yard thus became important sites in the violent political confrontations in interwar France.
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Parfitt, Steven. "The Knights in Industry." In Knights Across the Atlantic. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781383186.003.0005.

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The history of the British and Irish Knights was defined to a large extent by their approach to industrial relations, which followed the industrial prescriptions of their American leaders to the letter. They insisted on arbitration rather than conflict, boycotts rather than strikes, and tried to put their resources into co-operative enterprises of various kinds. This chapter also explores how these attitudes played out in a number of industrial disputes and helped to determine the rise and fall of the British and Irish assemblies. In places where arbitration was common or when economic conditions were poor, Knights did well. Once trade improved and workers began to think about strike action, however, the Knights found themselves opposed by many of their own or potential members even as they failed to get recognition from employers.
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Schatz, Ronald W. "In the Wake of Pearl Harbor." In The Labor Board Crew, 1–26. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043628.003.0001.

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In January 1942, President Roosevelt set up the National War Labor Board to reduce strikes, control wage inflation, develop national policies for union-management relations, and resolve disputes between labor and companies for the duration for the war. This chapter explains the dire situation facing the United States and its allies in the winter of 1941-42, how the NWLB came into being, the board’s members, and the backgrounds and outlook of the young economists and attorneys who did the bulk of the board’s work. Philip Murray, the president of the Congress of Industrial Organizations and the Steelworkers union, called the staffers “the Labor Board boys.”
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6

Wood, Gregory. "Workers, Management, and the Right to Smoke during World War II." In Clearing the Air. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501704826.003.0004.

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This chapter explains that World War II was a major historical moment when cigarettes became respectable in American culture and soon became permissible in the industrial workplace. Wartime popular culture connected smoking to military service and support for soldiers' sacrifices, making the cigarette an acceptable and respectable symbol of patriotic expression. At the same time, workers pressed employers for the right to smoke on the job, and smoking disputes played a significant role in several strikes in the automobile-turned-defense plants of Michigan. By 1950, many major employers such as General Motors and the Ford Motor Company had rescinded their bans on smoking.
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7

Davis, Mary, and John Foster. "Co-operation and Incorporation 1926–27." In UNITE History Volume 1 (1880-1931), 87–106. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859715.003.0006.

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This chapter looks at the aftermath of the strike in which the government’s victory led to a serious rethinking of its attitude to the labour movement and industrial relations. It examines the division within Tory ranks on how best to deal with potential future militancy based on the perceived strength of socialist forces. Both hawks and ‘modernisers’ were concerned to deliver a tame trade union movement. The 1927 Trades Disputes Act appeased the hawks, the ‘modernisers’ strategy was one of reducing further friction between capital and labour by encouraging joint working and consensus. This strategy was dependent on winning the agreement of trade union leaders and the TUC. Bevin, in a turn to the right, played a major role in ensuring compliance. He was subject to sustained criticism within the TGWU for his role in calling off the strike and in the aftermath in which employers sought retribution initiating mass victimisation of strikers. The central argument of the chapter is that 1927 marked a major turning point leading to the social partnership agenda detailed in the ensuing Mond-Turner agreement.
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8

Emir, Astra. "23. Law Relating to Industrial Relations." In Selwyn's Law of Employment, 604–37. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780192858795.003.0023.

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This chapter begins with a discussion of trade union recognition, covering voluntary recognition, statutory recognition, and employers’ training policies. It then turns to collective bargaining; statutory protections, including the definitions of ‘trade dispute’, ‘in contemplation of’, and ‘in furtherance of’ industrial action; strikes; statutory protection and loss of immunities; limits to the amount of damages which may be awarded if a trade union is sued successfully in tort; injunctions and interdicts; legal effect of collective agreements; peaceful picketing; and the European Works Councils, including time off work and protection from detriment and dismissal.
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9

Emir, Astra. "23. Law Relating to Industrial Relations." In Selwyn's Law of Employment, 581–616. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198836636.003.0023.

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This chapter begins with a discussion of trade union recognition, covering voluntary recognition, statutory recognition, and employers’ training policies. It then turns to collective bargaining; statutory protections, including the definitions of ‘trade dispute’, ‘in contemplation of’, and ‘in furtherance of’ industrial action; strikes; statutory protection and loss of immunities; limits to the amount of damages which may be awarded if a trade union is sued successfully in tort; injunctions and interdicts; legal effect of collective agreements; peaceful picketing; and the European Works Councils, including time off work and protection from detriment and dismissal. It also considers the issue of union recognition.
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10

Aveyard, S. C. "The collapse of power-sharing." In No Solution. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096402.003.0003.

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This chapter considers the initial three months of the Labour government, incorporating both the political and security situation. During this time the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Merlyn Rees, and the Northern Ireland Office made changes to security policy. Many of these showed continuity with the previous administration but some reflected the differing attitude of the Labour frontbench while in opposition. Most prominent was the suggestion that the police should play a greater role in security efforts. In May the UWC strike led to the collapse of the power-sharing executive and this is considered in great detail. It is argued that previous accounts have placed insufficient emphasis on the political context and the parameters within which the security forces could operate. The practical difficulties involved in strike-breaking are large and the loyalist strike should be placed in the broader, British context of difficulties experienced in handling industrial disputes in Great Britain.
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