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Journal articles on the topic 'Strategic power'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 19 February 2023

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1

Treverton, Gregory F., and Carl G. Jacobsen. "Strategic Power USA/USSR." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 4 (1990): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044512.

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2

Hao Li, G. W. Rosenwald, J. Jung, and Chen-ching Liu. "Strategic Power Infrastructure Defense." Proceedings of the IEEE 93, no. 5 (May 2005): 918–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/jproc.2005.847260.

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3

Baringo, Luis, and Antonio J. Conejo. "Strategic Wind Power Investment." IEEE Transactions on Power Systems 29, no. 3 (May 2014): 1250–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tpwrs.2013.2292859.

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4

Anugrah, Intan Widya, and Tintin Suhaeni. "Pengaruh Kepemimpinan Stratejik Terhadap Strategi Bersaing UKM Café dan Restoran." Jurnal Riset Bisnis dan Investasi 3, no. 3 (January 12, 2018): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35697/jrbi.v3i3.947.

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Along with high competition, the ability to survive in the business world strategic leadership is needed to face the competition. Strategic leadership that has dimensions of vision, business model articulation, information delivery well, clever in handling power, and emotional intelligence is one of the factors needed in the company in choosing the appropriate strategy competitiveness. While the competitive strategy itself has a dimension of leadership that low cost, differentiation, and focus. This study aims to measure great strategic leadership, competitive strategy and how much strategic leadership relationship and competitive strategy in SMEs cafe and restaurant. The population of this study is 557 SMEs cafe and restaurant it Kecamatan Bandung Wetan, with a sample of 50 SMEs. The methodology used is descriptive method associative. In this study using simple regression method obtained regression equation Y = 16043 + 0,306X, it means to have a positive relationship of 0.401. The result of research stated that strategic leadership influence 16,08% toward competitive strategy at SMEs cafe and restaurant. Seiring dengan persaingan yang tinggi, kemampuan bertahan di dunia bisnis. Kepemimpinan strategis dibutuhkan untuk menghadapi persaingan. Kepemimpinan strategis yang memiliki dimensi visi, artikulasi model bisnis, penyampaian informasi dengan baik, pandai dalam menangani daya, dan kecerdasan emosional merupakan salah satu faktor yang dibutuhkan dalam perusahaan dalam memilih strategi bersaing yang tepat. Sedangkan strategi bersaing itu sendiri memiliki dimensi kepemimpinan yang berbiaya rendah, diferensiasi dan fokus. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengukur strategi kepemimpinan yang hebat, strategi bersaing dan seberapa besar hubungan kepemimpinan strategis dan strategi bersaing di UKM kafe dan restoran. Populasi penelitian ini adalah 557 UKM kafe dan restoran Kecamatan Bandung Wetan, dengan sampel 50 UKM. Metodologi yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif asosiatif. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode regresi sederhana diperoleh persamaan regresi Y = 16043 + 0,306X, artinya memiliki hubungan positif sebesar 0,401. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa kepemimpinan strategis berpengaruh 16,08% terhadap strategi bersaing di UKM kafe dan restoran.
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5

Omidi, Ali. "Russian-Iranian Ties: Strategic Alliance, Strategic Coalition, or Strategic Alignment (Partnership)." Russian Politics 7, no. 3 (September 7, 2022): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604023.

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Abstract One of the most critical foreign policy issues of middle – power states is how to mold attitudes towards major powers. Since 1979, Iran has changed the nature of its relations with major powers. Although the Iranian Revolution adopted the ‘Neither East, Nor West’ motto as a macro guide to its foreign policy, since the late 1980s Iran and the Soviet Union – now Russia, have advanced their bilateral relations. Despite Iran and Russia sharing convergent views on many international issues, they have not promoted their ties to a strategic alliance. The present paper addresses the question of what conceptual model represents Iran-Russia relations and what challenges the two countries face in expanding their strategic partnership in the 2020s. This research addresses these problems at three levels: inter-state, regional, and global, and was conducted through a descriptive-analytical method. It is hypothesized that current Iran-Russia relations could be referred to as a ‘strategic alignment’.
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6

Erutku, Can. "Buying power and strategic interactions." Canadian Journal of Economics/Revue canadienne d'conomique 38, no. 4 (November 2005): 1160–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0008-4085.2005.00319.x.

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7

Manzini, Paola. "Strategic bargaining with destructive power." Economics Letters 65, no. 3 (December 1999): 315–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0165-1765(99)00160-3.

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8

Danielsson, Erna, Jon Nyhlén, and Pär M. Olausson. "Strategic planning for power shortages." Energy Policy 137 (February 2020): 111186. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2019.111186.

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9

Zhou, Yu, Hongzhang Zhu, Jun Yang, and Yunqing Zou. "Does CEO Power Backfire? The Impact of CEO Power on Corporate Strategic Change." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 7, 2021): 8847. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13168847.

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In today’s dynamic economic environment, enterprises must maintain sensitivity and flexibility when responding to the market through continuous strategic change. Anchored in the approach–inhibition theory of power, this study explores the relationship between CEO power and corporate strategic change and examines the moderating effects of company underperformance and product market competition. The study uses data from all A-share listed companies in China during 2006–2017. The results indicate that first, there is an inverted U-shaped relationship between CEO power and corporate strategic change. Appropriate centralization of CEO power helps promote corporate strategic change, whereas excessive centralization hinders strategic change. Second, low underperformance strengthens the inverted U-shaped relationship between CEO power and strategic change. Finally, high product market competition strengthens the inverted U-shaped relationship between CEO power and strategic change.
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10

Dahal, Gaurav Raja. "Nepal’s Strategic Hedging Behaviour: 2008-2019." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.01.3416.

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Caught between the rising rival powers- India and China, Nepali foreign policy can be perceived as following the practice of strategic hedging where it is attempting to position itself in a way to maximize benefits while simultaneously defending against undesirable threats and dangers from both the rising powers. In the context of a small state like Nepal, strategic hedging implies consciously choosing to adopt mixed policies, which features both balancing and bandwagoning. This paper aims to understand how a ministate like Nepal formulates its foreign policy to address the power politics and applies economic pragmatism followed by smart power and nimble diplomacy to its advantage. This paper also aims to explain that strategic hedging can be followed by Nepal when there is an absence of immediate threat that might compel the state to ally with the power for protection. Through the lens of various realist theories, this paper analyzes that a mini state like Nepal can achieve its national interest and would either bandwagon with the rising power i.e., “China, or” it could try to balance against it supporting the current status quo i.e., India.
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11

Iain Watson. "From Middle Power to Pivot Power? Korea’s Strategic Shifts." Asian International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (December 2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.16934/isr.17.2.201612.1.

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Watson, Iain. "From Middle Power to Pivot Power? Korea’s Strategic Shifts." International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (October 19, 2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702001.

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Korea has been regarded by as a middle power nation. Korea’s accession to Group of Twenty (G20) status and membership of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development-Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC) were heralded as confirmation of Korea’s status as a middle power. Korea’s current regional initiative, the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative (NAPCI), represents a shift from middle power to ‘pivot’ state. The initiatives have potential theoretical implications for explaining Korea’s emerging role in the region.
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13

Guyer, W. Richard. "Strategic Sourcing: Leverage Your Purchasing Power." Proceedings of the Water Environment Federation 2010, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 366–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2175/193864710798286939.

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14

Delaney, Kevin J. "Power, Intercorporate Networks, and "Strategic Bankruptcy"." Law & Society Review 23, no. 4 (1989): 643. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3053851.

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15

Fry, Robert. "Smart Power and the Strategic Deficit." RUSI Journal 159, no. 6 (November 2, 2014): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2014.990813.

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16

Johnston, Robert E., and Soren Kaplan. "Harnessing the Power of Strategic Innovation." Creativity and Innovation Management 5, no. 2 (June 1996): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8691.1996.tb00130.x.

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17

Steunenberg, Bernard, Dieter Schmidtchen, and Christian Koboldt. "Strategic Power in the European Union." Journal of Theoretical Politics 11, no. 3 (July 1999): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951692899011003005.

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18

Lewis, Jordan D. "The new power of strategic alliances." Planning Review 20, no. 5 (May 1992): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb054380.

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19

Kleindorfer, Paul R., D. J. Wu, and Chitru S. Fernando. "Strategic gaming in electric power markets." European Journal of Operational Research 130, no. 1 (April 2001): 156–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0377-2217(00)00048-5.

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20

Wilson, Ian. "Realizing the power of strategic vision." Long Range Planning 25, no. 5 (October 1992): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-6301(92)90271-3.

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21

Humble, John, David Jackson, and Alan Thomson. "The strategic power of corporate values." Long Range Planning 27, no. 6 (December 1994): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-6301(94)90162-7.

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22

Shah, R. K. D. "Strategic planning for power equipment manufacture." Long Range Planning 22, no. 5 (October 1989): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-6301(89)90174-x.

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23

Hardy, Cynthia. "Understanding Power: Bringing about Strategic Change." British Journal of Management 7, s1 (December 1996): S3—S16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8551.1996.tb00144.x.

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24

Katagiri, Nori. "Strategic Response to Great Power Decline." International Studies Review 22, no. 2 (January 2, 2020): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz069.

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25

Vaughan‐Smith, Kevin. "Harnessing the strategic power of trust." Strategic Direction 29, no. 5 (April 12, 2013): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02580541311316514.

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26

Thayer, Bradley A. "The Strategic Advantages of American Power." International Studies Review 11, no. 2 (June 2009): 381–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2009.00860.x.

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27

Kruck, Andreas, and Bernhard Zangl. "Trading privileges for support: the strategic co-optation of emerging powers into international institutions." International Theory 11, no. 3 (October 8, 2019): 318–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971919000101.

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AbstractAs emerging powers rise and established powers decline, international institutions come under pressure to adjust to new power realities. When and how do international institutions adapt to underlying global power shifts? We propose an (institutionalist) theory of strategic co-optation that differs from both (realist) accommodationist and (liberal) integrationist theories. Drawing on isolated treatments of strategic co-optation from other domains – domestic and international, autocratic and democratic, past and present – we develop a theory of strategic co-optation as a mode of institutional adaption to shifts in the global distribution of power. The theory specifies the concept, the conditions and the (unintended) consequences of strategic co-optation. We conceptualize co-optation as a specific form of adaptation where established powers trade institutional privileges for emerging powers' institutional support. We theorize the conditions under which emerging and established powers are (more or less) likely to strike a co-optation deal. In addition, we identify endogenous dynamics that may render co-optation precarious and thus subject to instabilities. While the ambition of this paper is primarily theoretical, we provide various empirical illustrations of how strategic co-optation is used to adapt international institutions to contemporary shifts in the global distribution of power.
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28

Araújo, Lauro. "Chinese Strategic Culture and Sea Power: Geographic and Historical Sources." DAXIYANGGUO - REVISTA PORTUGUESA DE ESTUDOS ASIÁTICOS / PORTUGUESE JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES, no. 25 (2020): 39–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/1645-4677.daxiyangguo2020.25/pp.39-71.

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This paper sought to understand how geographic and historical sources of Chinese strategic culture shaped China’s stance regarding sea power throughout the imperial period and in the People’s Republic of China. By applying a deductive qualitative analysis, it was possible to identify that the borders of the Chinese heartland with the northern strategic periphery inhabited by non-Han peoples constituted an element of vulnerability that prompted the various dynasties to prioritize land-based strategic options. In the People’s Republic of China, the strategic environment favored the construction and adoption of sea power, however, continental domestic imperatives still influence Chinese strategic culture and security decisions. The study of the Chinese case enabled this paper to contribute to the understanding of how strategic culture molds strategic decisions by interacting with material and ideational variables. Keywords: maritime; continental; China, strategic culture.
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29

Crawford, Gregory A. "Information As a Strategic Contingency: Applying the Strategic Contingencies Theory of Intraorganizational Power to Academic Libraries." College & Research Libraries 58, no. 2 (March 1, 1997): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crl.58.2.145.

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This research examines the changes that electronic information technologies have caused on power within organizations. Based on the strategic contingencies theory of intraorganizational power, a model of organizational power is developed and tested. Major features of the model include a technology index, subunit power variables, environmental variables, and bases of power variables (structure, coping with uncertainty, centrality, and substitutability). According to canonical correlation analyses, changes in library automation and changes in the environment are related to changes in both the bases of power variables and power itself. The bases of power, in turn, are related to changes in the power of the library as measured by the percent of the institutional budget allocated to the library, the number of library positions, and the perception of power.
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Naumov, Pavel, and Yuan Yuan. "Intelligence in Strategic Games." Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 71 (July 24, 2021): 521–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1613/jair.1.12883.

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If an agent, or a coalition of agents, has a strategy, knows that she has a strategy, and knows what the strategy is, then she has a know-how strategy. Several modal logics of coalition power for know-how strategies have been studied before. The contribution of the article is three-fold. First, it proposes a new class of know-how strategies that depend on the intelligence information about the opponents’ actions. Second, it shows that the coalition power modality for the proposed new class of strategies cannot be expressed through the standard know-how modality. Third, it gives a sound and complete logical system that describes the interplay between the coalition power modality with intelligence and the distributed knowledge modality in games with imperfect information.
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31

Kochan, Donald J. "Strategic Institutional Positioning." Texas A&M Law Review 6, no. 2 (January 2019): 323–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v6.i2.1.

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The administrative state has emerged as a pervasive machine that has become the dominate generator of legal rules—despite the fact that the U.S. Constitution commits the legislative power to Congress alone. When examining legislation authorizing administrative agencies to promulgate rules, we are often left asking whether Congress “dele- gates” away its lawmaking authority by giving agencies too much power and discretion to decide what rules should be promulgated and to determine how rich to make their content. If the agencies get broad authority, it is not too hard to understand why they would fulsomely embrace the grant to its fullest. Once agencies are let loose by broad grants of rulemaking authority and they are off to the races, we are also often left scratching our heads wondering why Congress fails to intervene ex post to alter the law, to check administrative agency overreach, or to clarify its intent and preferences. This Essay seeks to explain why none of the institutional dynamics we observe in adminis- trative law should be surprising, with particular emphasis on environ- mental laws and rules. It will explain why both Congress and agencies have strategic interests at stake that cause them to position their activ- ities in manners that make each complicit in expansion of the regula- tory state and the collapse of the containment walls designed to keep lawmaking inside Congress. This Essay specifically critiques Congress for its abdication of re- sponsibility in the natural resources and environmental space—a place where the problem of congressional acquiescence in the demise of its own power is particularly acute. This Essay will begin by discuss- ing the necessity of legislative clarity and intervention in these fields, but it will also contemplate why we often see neither. It will then pro- ceed to some specific examples that illustrate these points. Part II introduces fundamental ideas of separation of powers and the Framers’ design for adherence to that separation. Part III identi- fies motivations for Congress to legislate broadly and to disengage from a supervisory role over agencies, despite contrary intentions in the Framers design. Part IV discusses agencies as self-interested actors that will accept legislative-like authority if it is offered to them. Part V uses case studies on National Monuments and the Waters of the United States (“WOTUS”) Rule as demonstrative of the strategic positioning phenomenon. And, Part VI explains why environmental law is an area in which we can predict a high frequency of these problems of congressional abdication that enables administrative overreach. By revealing these realities of strategic positioning by both Con- gress and the Executive, it can be better understood why an environ- mental law generated without optimal (or even fully constitutional) engagement by Congress is increasingly developing. The goal is to ex- pose the threat these institutional interests pose to preserving the sep- aration of powers and to begin identifying the areas to target, if the current allocation of authority for generating the core requirements of environmental law is to be realigned with greater fidelity to original constitutional design.
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32

Selim, Gamal M. "The Sino-Russian strategic understanding on the Arab uprisings: Motivations and implications." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00011_1.

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This article seeks to analyse the emerging Sino-Russian strategic understanding on the Arab uprisings of late 2010 and beyond by investigating its underlying motivations and its implications for Middle East and international politics. Building on the assumptions of ‘power transition theory’ in explaining great power interactions, it is argued that the Sino-Russian strategic understanding on the Arab uprisings dovetails with their pre-existing strategic posture in relation to global politics, and was motivated by their joint rising dissatisfaction with US unilateralist and hegemonic policies in the region. Such policies, from a Sino-Russian perspective, tended to exclude, rather than accommodate, the interests of both powers in this pivotal part of the globe. This prompted Russia and China to capitalize on their growing military and economic power and join efforts in the form of a strategic understanding in an attempt to effectively challenge an intrusive and overreaching hegemon and secure their interests in the region. This strategic understanding has had significant implications for the configuration of great power relationships in the direction of challenging US regional hegemony and facilitating a shift in the regional and global balance of power.
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Muhammad Akram Zaheer and Yasmin Roofi. "China-Russia Strategic Condominium." Central Asia 82, Summer (January 31, 2019): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-82.83.

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China and Russia, two major regional political actors, regard the Eurasia core as their strategic backyard. The regional ambitions of these two powers are a threat in a new era of competition or possible cooperation in the Eurasian region. China is using the economic potential of ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) in order to integrate Eurasia as its heartland, while Russia has formed the ‘European Economic Union’ (EEU) with hopes of establishing a power bloc. This article is an attempt to underscore the potential of these formations and their consequences for the geopolitics of Eurasia. The subject of this research is to elucidate the context of OBOR and EEU, the major regional projects in the region, and their consequences for the Eurasian region.
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SIRK, MARJAN. "STRATEŠKO KOMUNICIRANJE KOT ELEMENT MOČI DRŽAVE." 20 YEARS OF CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES/20 LET SODOBNIH VOJAŠKIH IZZIVOV, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/4 (October 15, 2018): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.4.4.

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Povzetek Zgodovina kaže, da so bili ljudje vedno, še pred izbruhom vojne, deležni vplivov v obliki pojasnil, razlag, informacijskih kampanj in podobnega, kar pa je bilo zelo odvisno od tega, kako so razmere videli ali jih želeli prikazati pomembni akterji, predvsem aktualna oblast. Vodstvo države torej komunicira tako z državljani svoje države kot z državami oziroma oblastjo in državljani drugih držav ter naddržavnimi in nedržavnimi subjekti. Namen tega komuniciranja je doseči ali podpirati dosego določenega strateškega cilja, h kateremu so usmerjeni vse dejavnosti in elementi moči države, tudi njenih oboroženih sil. Komunikacijska strategija in njeno ustrezno izvajanje lahko odločilno prispevata k uresničevanju nacionalnih ciljev, država pa lahko z učinkovitim strateškim komuniciranjem deluje tudi v podporo njenim oboroženim silam in odločilno prispeva k varnosti države. Zato je strateško komuniciranje element in orodje moči države, ki pa ga je treba ustrezno uporabiti. Strateško komuniciranje izvajajo tudi zavezništva, pa tudi naddržavni in nedržavni subjekti. Zveza Nato je razvila politiko in koncept strateških komunikacij, ki to zahtevno in široko področje natančno opredeljuje. Kljub temu marsikdaj in v številnih državah, tudi članicah zavezništva, pojem strateškega komuniciranja enačimo (le) z odnosi z javnostmi. Ključne besede: komuniciranje, strategija, strateško komuniciranje, oborožene sile, država, javnosti, informacijsko delovanje, psihološke operacije. Abstract History has shown that even before the outbreak of a war, people were influenced by different clarifications, explanations, information campaigns and the like. These instruments, however, were strongly conditioned by how the situation was perceived or wanted to be shown by important actors, especially the authorities in power. State management therefore uses this means to communicate with the citizens of its country as well as with the countries or authorities and citizens of other countries as well as with transnational and non-state entities. The purpose of this communication is to achieve or support the achievement of a specific strategic goal, which all activities and elements of state power, including its armed forces, aim for. The communication strategy and its proper implementation can make a decisive contribution to the achievement of national goals. The state, on the other hand, can use effective strategic communication to support its armed forces and decisively contribute to the country’s security. Strategic communications is therefore an element and tool of state power, which, however, needs to be used in a proper manner. Strategic communications is also carried out by alliances, as well as transnational and non-state actors. NATO has developed strategic communications concept and policy, which accurately defines this demanding and broad subject area. Nevertheless, in many countries, including members of the Alliance, the concept of strategic communication is many a time associated (only) with public affairs. Key words: Communication, strategy, strategic communications, armed forces, state, public, information operations, psychological operations
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35

Sułkowski, Łukasz. "Strategic Management as the Ideology of Power." Journal of Intercultural Management 5, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/joim-2013-0014.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to present the key themes of strategic management from the perspective of Critical Management Studies [More: Sułkowski, 2012]. Strategic management seen as the most advanced and sophisticated form of targeting reseved only for the elite top menagement is interpreted by critical scholars as an ideology of power exercised by elites. The article presents the analysis of the foundations of the CMS, and then puts these issues in the field of strategic management.
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36

Rickards, Tudor. "Commentary: Harnessing the Power of Strategic Innovation." Creativity and Innovation Management 5, no. 2 (June 1996): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8691.1996.tb00131.x.

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37

Patton, Paul. "Foucault and the Strategic Model of Power." Critical Horizons 15, no. 1 (January 2014): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1440991713z.00000000020.

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38

Meilinger, Phillip S. "Strategic Air Power in Desert Storm (review)." Journal of Military History 67, no. 3 (2003): 997–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0239.

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39

Holdo, Markus. "Power Games: Elites, Movements, and Strategic Cooperation." Political Studies Review 18, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919864778.

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Cooperation between movements and political elites are frequently associated with the risk of cooptation. Because it undercuts contentious actors, cooptation may seem rational for elites that seek to protect their interests. However, recent scholarship questions whether this view is empirically valid. Adding to these debates, this article demonstrates that even if we accept, for the sake of argument, that elites always act to maintain power, cooptation may often not be the rational choice of strategy. This article presents a typology of elite responses that focuses on three phases of elite–movement interaction: preparatory, term-setting, and confrontation phases. In each phase, elites’ choice between cooptation and conditional cooperation depends on whether legitimacy appears instrumental to achieve their goals. Cooperation, as opposed to cooptation, generates legitimacy and can, therefore, be used strategically by movements.
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40

Hays, Richard D. "The strategic power of internal service excellence." Business Horizons 39, no. 4 (July 1996): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0007-6813(96)90046-4.

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Baringo, Luis, and Antonio J. Conejo. "Strategic Offering for a Wind Power Producer." IEEE Transactions on Power Systems 28, no. 4 (November 2013): 4645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tpwrs.2013.2273276.

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Voronov, Maxim, and Lyle Yorks. "Taking power seriously in strategic organizational learning." Learning Organization 12, no. 1 (February 2005): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09696470510574232.

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GREER, SCOTT L., KATARZYNA KLASA, and EWOUT VAN GINNEKEN. "Power and Purchasing: Why Strategic Purchasing Fails." Milbank Quarterly 98, no. 3 (August 4, 2020): 975–1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0009.12471.

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Lima, Fátima, Paula Ferreira, and Filipa Vieira. "Strategic impact management of wind power projects." Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews 25 (September 2013): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.rser.2013.04.010.

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Cohen, Eliot A. "Strategic Assessment 1996: Instruments of U.S. Power." Foreign Affairs 76, no. 2 (1997): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047979.

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Xefteris, Dimitrios, and Nicholas Ziros. "Strategic Vote Trading in Power Sharing Systems." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 9, no. 2 (May 1, 2017): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.20150254.

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Abstract:
This paper studies decentralized vote trading in a power sharing system that follows the rules of strategic market games. In particular, we study a two-party election in which prior to the voting stage, voters are free to trade votes for money. Voters hold private information about both their ordinal and cardinal preferences, whereas their utilities are proportionally increasing in the vote share of their favorite party. In this framework, we prove generic existence of a unique full trade equilibrium (an equilibrium in which nobody refrains from vote trading). Moreover, we argue that vote trading in such systems unambiguously improves voters' welfare. (JEL C72, D71, D72, D82)
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Hulcr, Jiri, Prarthana S. Dharampal, Ronda L. Hamm, Gwen Pearson, and Cara Gibson. "Influence Is Power: Strategic Communication for Entomologists." American Entomologist 65, no. 2 (2019): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ae/tmz024.

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Haghighat, Hossein. "Strategic offering under uncertainty in power markets." International Journal of Electrical Power & Energy Systems 63 (December 2014): 1070–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijepes.2014.05.049.

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Fiestras-Janeiro, M. G., I. García-Jurado, A. Meca, and M. A. Mosquera. "On benefits of cooperation under strategic power." Annals of Operations Research 288, no. 1 (December 11, 2019): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10479-019-03495-6.

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Colletti, Joe. "Harnessing the power of visual strategic deployment." National Productivity Review 17, no. 3 (1998): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/npr.4040170311.

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