Journal articles on the topic 'Strategic competition in the south pacific'
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1
WILKINS, Thomas. "The South Pacific: A New Arena for Strategic Competition among the Major Powers." East Asian Policy 14, no. 04 (October 2022): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000307.
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The South Pacific region is in the international spotlight once more as resident and extra-regional powers jockey for influence and allegiance as part of a broader strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. This article reveals the geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic issues at stake and provides a capsule analysis of the approach taken by all the key competitors. It also reveals the responses of the Pacific Island countries themselves to the strategic rivalry unfolding on their doorstep.
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Younus, Khadija. "STRATEGIC CONVERGENCE AND COMPETITION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION: POLICY OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Margalla Papers 24, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.24.1.39.
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With Indo-Pacific being the stage for US-China strategic influence, South East Asia’s geopolitical scenario is likely to be transformed considerably. By declaring India as a Net Security Provider, the US has backed its outreach in the region by officially adjoining Pacific and Indian Oceans as the Indo-Pacific region. Major countries of the region including China, Russia, India, and Pakistan are in the phase of diversifying and reconfiguring their relationships. Within this scenario, Pakistan and India are likely to pursue their strategic interests that take them in opposite directions. While the US endows India with its strategic partner status, CPEC in Pakistan has emerged as a litmus test for China’s BRI. The contestation is to have a direct bearing on the strategic matrix of South Asia generally and Pakistan particularly. This qualitative research under the framework of realist/neo-realist and complex interdependence’s assumptions undertakes to account for this Sino-US strategic convergence and competition that is leading to a security dilemma in South Asia with implications for Pakistan. It concludes cooperation between the US and China is to enhance Pakistan’s security both internal and external while competition is to erode it. Alongside, this paper formulates some policy options for Pakistan’s decisionmakers for ensuring the security and socio-economic development of the country. Bibliography Entry Younus, Khadija. 2020. "Strategic Convergence and Competition in the Indo-Pacific Region: Policy Options for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 24 (1): 81-96.
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Younus, Khadija. "STRATEGIC CONVERGENCE AND COMPETITION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION: POLICY OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Margalla Papers 24, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.24.1.39.
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With Indo-Pacific being the stage for US-China strategic influence, South East Asia’s geopolitical scenario is likely to be transformed considerably. By declaring India as a Net Security Provider, the US has backed its outreach in the region by officially adjoining Pacific and Indian Oceans as the Indo-Pacific region. Major countries of the region including China, Russia, India, and Pakistan are in the phase of diversifying and reconfiguring their relationships. Within this scenario, Pakistan and India are likely to pursue their strategic interests that take them in opposite directions. While the US endows India with its strategic partner status, CPEC in Pakistan has emerged as a litmus test for China’s BRI. The contestation is to have a direct bearing on the strategic matrix of South Asia generally and Pakistan particularly. This qualitative research under the framework of realist/neo-realist and complex interdependence’s assumptions undertakes to account for this Sino-US strategic convergence and competition that is leading to a security dilemma in South Asia with implications for Pakistan. It concludes cooperation between the US and China is to enhance Pakistan’s security both internal and external while competition is to erode it. Alongside, this paper formulates some policy options for Pakistan’s decisionmakers for ensuring the security and socio-economic development of the country. Bibliography Entry Younus, Khadija. 2020. "Strategic Convergence and Competition in the Indo-Pacific Region: Policy Options for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 24 (1): 81-96.
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Asma Sana and Shaheen Akhtar. "India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ Strategy: Emerging Sino-Indian Maritime Competition." Strategic Studies 40, no. 3 (October 12, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.03.0073.
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India is rapidly modernising its naval capabilities and expanding its maritime interests in Asia-Pacific region. The recent surge in its maritime domain is associated with two factors: Firstly, the rise of China as an ‘Asian power’ with growing influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR); secondly, India’s aspirations to become a leading player in the IOR while expanding its sway in the Pacific ocean. This paper argues that India’s increased regional engagements and its strategic partnership with the US will strengthen Indian footprints in the Indo-Pacific region which will increase security concerns for China. This paper explores the evolution of Indian strategic thinking over the years on ‘sea power,’ examines the emerging contours of India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ strategy as well as fulfilling its aspirations of becoming a global power, and discusses the implications of ‘India’s Extended Neighbourhood’ policy for China’s economic and strategic interests in East Asia and the South China Sea.
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Mohammad Tehseen. "Sino-US Competition: Implications for South Asia and the Asia-Pacific." Strategic Studies 37, no. 4 (April 11, 2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.01.00175.
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This paper explores the impact of Sino-US competition on the Asia-Pacific and South Asian regions. The competition in these regions revolves around a range of issues ranging from geopolitical and geo-strategic to geo-economic interests. However, the US’s Asia policy poses a challenge to Asia’s leading power, China. This article investigates factors behind Obama administration’s policy of Asia Pivot and the policy options available to the present Trump administration and implications for the Asia-Pacific and South Asia regions. An over-emphasis on a hard military-only approach would also be viewed in the South Asia context, where China has adopted an economic approach to extend its influence. A hard approach would have adverse implications for strategic stability in South Asia between India and Pakistan, and there is a possibility of an escalation of tensions between China and its US-allied neighbouring states over maritime disputes.
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Mohamed Zaydan, Rasha Suhail. "US-Chinese competition against the South China Sea (A study of geo-strategic dimensions)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 20 (July 13, 2020): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i20.229.
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International balances, especially the geostrategic balances the United States and China, are among the most important regional and international balances of the new international order, specifically the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to the importance of the strategic environment over which the two countries compete, if the South China Sea occupies a geostrategic position as a result of the political, economic and military security capabilities that it enjoys, then China regards it as a part of its territory and is subject to its regional sovereignty. The Asia_ Pacific region, and preventing the United States from competing with it and controlling it as a vital economic, commercial and military field, is security for it.
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Kim, Min-hyung. "Avoiding Being a Crushed Prawn and Becoming a Dolphin Swimming between the Two Fighting Whales? South Korea’s Strategic Choice in the Face of the Intensifying Sino–US Competition." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 4 (June 16, 2017): 612–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909617709488.
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This article presents an analysis of South Korea’s strategic choices over the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in light of the Sino–US competition in post-Cold War East Asia. South Korea’s puzzling behavior here represents Seoul’s hedging strategy against the uncertain future of the Sino–US competition in East Asia. The driving force of South Korea’s hedging behavior is Seoul’s dual concerns about being excessively dependent on the USA for its security at the time of China’s rapid rise on the one hand and being pulled into a growing China’s sphere of influence at the expense of traditional US–ROK security ties on the other. Reflecting Seoul’s prudent balancing acts between the two superpowers, South Korea’s hedging often results in apparently indecisive and underdetermined strategic choices in the face of the intensifying Sino–US competition. Nevertheless, South Korea’s hedging strategy allows Seoul to deepen extensive economic ties with Beijing while maintaining a traditional security alliance with Washington. The hedging behavior of South Korea, which is uniquely positioned as a strategic partner of rapidly rising China as well as a key security ally of the rebalancing USA, sheds important light on the behavior of middle powers in alliance politics, which has largely been neglected in the current literature.
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Noonari, Majid Ali, Muhammad Sadiq, and Muhammad Naveed Qaisar. "BATTLE FOR SUPERMACY IN ASIA PACIFIC." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2566.
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Asia Pacific region is one of the prominent region for the global powers due to its strategic importance as the major trading routes. Japan, India, Australia, China, and South Korea and ASEAN holds the prominent position in the region. The researchers in the article discussed about the competition between the Washington and its allies with the growing power/influence of Beijing in the region. Beijing’s influence not only confined to the east of Asia but it stretched further in west under the BRI and CPEC projects as well as also with recent agreement with Tehran. The researchers have discussed the importance of China in the region as a major competitor and a balancer to the Washington power. The region is now one of the major centres of the battle for supremacy between the two major competitors Washington and Beijing. The researchers have discussed the policies carried by both the power centres in the region to gain the superiority in the region.
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Mishchenko, Ya. "Countries of the Central and South Pacific Region are Russia’s competitors in gas supplies to Japan." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 10 (October 1, 2020): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2010-07.
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The article analyzes the role of the Central and South Pacific states in providing Japan with natural gas. This issue is very relevant, as Russia sets a strategic goal of expanding its presence in the Japanese energy markets, including increasing natural gas exports. However, the latter actively buys natural gas in several countries around the world, and despite the factor of geographical proximity, Russia has not yet managed to become a key supplier of this energy supplier to Japan. As a result of the conducted research, it is possible to confirm that the Central and South Pacific region is currently the main supplier of LNG to Japan and a serious competitor for Russian suppliers. However, even if a few decades later, due to the depletion of gas reserves in some countries of the region, a free niche is formed, Russia may fi nd it difficult to occupy it due to increased competition from some states of the Persian Gulf.
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Pearson, James, John F. O'Connell, David E. Pitfield, and Tim Ryley. "Competition between Asian Network Airlines and Low-Cost Carriers." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 2501, no. 1 (January 2015): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/2501-08.
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Asia Pacific is increasingly at the forefront of world aviation, and low-cost carriers (LCCs) there now have 26% of all seats. This amount rises to 57% in Southeast Asia and 56% in South Asia. Clearly, Asian network airlines are very exposed to LCCs, and there are many consequences, such as lower financial performance from inadequately meeting the expectations of customers, offering insufficient value for money, and customer dissatisfaction. It is crucial that Asian network airlines respond expeditiously and appropriately to LCCs. This paper looks at the strategic capability of 22 Asian network airlines in competing with LCCs on the basis of analyzing questionnaire data from these airlines with respect to the level of importance and difficulty of 37 competitive responses across six response categories. Fundamentally, this paper concerns only their capability in competing with LCCs and does not consider their overall strength. This paper also identifies the importance and difficulty of all 37 responses and how the response categories vary by airline, while linking strategic capability with profit margins. The results show that strategic capability varies widely, with Vietnam Airlines possessing the strongest strategic capability and SilkAir, the weakest. Of airlines that compete heavily with LCCs, Garuda Indonesia has strong capability, while Thai Airways and Philippine Airlines do not. For all 22 Asian network airlines, quickly introducing changes, leveraging brand strength, and increasing aircraft use are the most important responses, and there is a reasonably strong correlation between strategic capability and margin, suggesting that those airlines with strong capabilities should achieve higher margins.
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Khan, Zahid, Guo Changgang, Riaz Ahmad, and Fang Wenhao. "CPEC: A Game Changer in the Balance of Power in South Asia." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, no. 04 (January 2018): 595–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s237774001850029x.
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Intended as a pilot flagship project under the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has received relatively positive responses from actors in and outside the South Asian region. Islamabad, New Delhi, and Washington have offered their support to the project to varying degrees, because the financial commitments made by Beijing can help narrow the substantial funding gap for regional infrastructure connectivity. Nevertheless, enduring animosity and mistrust between India and Pakistan and growing strategic competition between Beijing and Washington present the biggest challenges to the project’s sustainable progress. Although the unfolding U.S.-China competition has not tangibly affected regional cooperation, as Washington’s enthusiasm for and investment in the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Economic Corridor (IPEC) remain low compared with China’s down payment, the potential change in the balance of power in South Asia has triggered increasing concern from and collaboration between the United States and India. By highlighting the positive-sum logic of improved infrastructure interconnection as well as greater economic integration, and contributing to a more stable geopolitical environment in South Asia, Beijing can help alleviate the longstanding enmity between India and Pakistan and assuage Washington’s and New Delhi’s skepticism about its strategic intentions.
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Paszak, Paweł. "The Malacca Strait, the South China Sea and the Sino-American Competition in the Indo-Pacific." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 2 (June 2, 2021): 174–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017494.
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This article aims to highlight security dynamics of the US–China competition in the Indo-Pacific associated with the Malacca Strait and the South China Sea through the prism of Balance of Threat Theory. It is argued that the control over strategic lines of communication is a significant factor in the process of constructing threat perception of East and Southeast Asian states as they remain heavily reliant on maritime transportation of commodities and energy resources. The US navy is the major security provider in the maritime domain which makes China vulnerable to a potential naval blockade. China faces a double dilemma as the status quo is interpreted as potentially detrimental to its interests, but any attempts to undermine it are likely to prompt Asian states to join US balancing efforts. China’s geographical proximity, its rising military power and revisionist tendencies make the US the more desirable security partner to the region.
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Gong, Xue. "Non-traditional security cooperation between China and south-east Asia: implications for Indo-Pacific geopolitics." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz225.
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Abstract The ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy, actively promoted by the United States with support from its allies and partners, is a significant geopolitical response to China's growing power and expanding influence in Asia and beyond. Beijing has adopted various new strategies to cope with the challenges related to FOIP. One of these strategies is to secure a robust relationship with south-east Asia in order to make these regional states either neutral to or less supportive of the Indo-Pacific vision. In addition to economic statecraft and soft power, Beijing believes that it can also tap into the domain of non-traditional security (NTS) to strengthen relations with this region to position itself better in the intensifying regional geopolitical competition. The article addresses the following question: what is the impact of China's NTS cooperation with south-east Asia on Beijing's geopolitical rivalry with other major powers in the Indo-Pacific region? The article argues that China's NTS cooperation with south-east Asian countries may help China maintain its geopolitical standing in the region, but it is unlikely to lead to any dramatic increase of China's strategic influence in the region. This essentially means that Beijing may be able to prevent ASEAN or most ASEAN member states from lending substantive and strong support to the Indo-Pacific construct, but it will not be able to stop ASEAN states from supporting some elements of the FOIP.
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Yang, Xiaoping. "Managing Leadership in the Indo-Pacific: The United States’ South Asia Strategy Revisited." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (January 2017): 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500294.
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The United States’ South Asia strategy has been based on the calculation of its overall national security priorities. In practice, when U.S. priorities are at odds with those of other regional powers, Washington tends to adopt a “no-expectations” psychological approach toward its regional partners to avoid disappointment, a technical “de-hyphenation strategy” to improve policy efficiency, and practical cost-benefit analysis to evaluate the effectiveness of its South Asia strategy. However, Washington often has to come to terms with the realities on the ground with regard to its leadership role in South Asia. For the time being, Washington has articulated its strategic objective in South Asia, that is, a regional balance of power in favor of the United States vis-a-vis its perceived competitor, China. Therefore, it has conducted conditional cooperation with Pakistan and Afghanistan on land, and committed support for India on security issues in the Indian Ocean, so as to hedge against China’s growing presence in South Asia. The enhancement of U.S.-India defense and security cooperation has fueled China’s suspicion of India’s intention to join the U.S.-led coalition against it. By the logic of balance of power, the United States will continue to regard India as a strategic counterweight to China, which is likely to increase the possibility of strategic tensions and conflicts between China and India that may finally entangle the United States.
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Paul, TV. "When balance of power meets globalization: China, India and the small states of South Asia." Politics 39, no. 1 (June 6, 2018): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718779930.
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This article addresses the research question: how have most small states of South Asian region managed to acquire substantial amount of investment from China and India without falling into the strategic orbit of either power? This is an anomaly because most structural theories, in particular neorealism, would expect small states not to have much power and influence on their own in their relationship with powerful states. I answer this puzzle by arguing that the limited competition between China and India in an era of intensified economic globalization has provided a window of opportunity to small states to maximize their returns from the two without upsetting their relationship with either in a big way. This short-term bargaining window has been facilitated by the managed rivalry and economic interdependence between China and India which is yet to become an intense strategic rivalry. The article cautions that as the Chinese and Indian ambitions in the Indo-Pacific collide, the smaller states may be asked to make choices akin to bandwagoning with either one, in particular by offering military bases and naval facilities. This development, if it occurs, will drastically affect the bargaining power of the smaller states.
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Arzamanova, Tatiana. "SOME ASPECTS OF GERMAN STRATEGIC PLANNING IN INDO-PACIFIC REGION FACING THE RETURN OF GREAT POWER RIVALRY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 258–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.11.
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At least in the medium term, the matrix of international relations will be determined not only by the emerging global «geopolitical rift», such as tensions between the United States and China, but also by the return of competition between the great powers. At the same time, the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR) inevitably becomes the main arena for the global confrontation between the United States and China for the opportunity to influence the reformatting of the world order. For the ITR, the growing tension in the South China Sea, the issue of non-proliferation of nuclear and other types of WMD are becoming increasingly important, while the competition of interests of the most important players (USA - China, China - India) in this region generates new security risks and challenges. As a major export trading power, Germany is not going to be limited to the role of an additional player in the region, the economic and geopolitical importance of which is steadily growing, especially given that conflicts in the ITR can threaten the most important trade and transport arteries linking Europe with Asia and Africa. Berlin’s goal is to expand Germany’s presence in the Indo-Pacific, relying on intra-regional cooperation, because the consolidation of the «bipolar structures» of the United States and China in the region is one of the main risks for other major players, as the confrontation between Washington and Beijing could take the form of a proxy war, destroying global supply chains. The strategic planning of the FRG in the ITR, in contrast to the similar strategy of the United States, does not have a pronounced anti-Chinese orientation, although it is aimed, in fact, at «containment» of China. Moreover, a more balanced policy of Germany and its European allies (primarily France) in the region, based on the search for a balance of interests, could contribute to a softer structuring of zones of influence in the ITR with an emphasis on a multilateral approach.
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Kozmenko, Sergey Yu. "The economic situation of the Arctic in the Chinese energy market." Север и рынок: формирование экономического порядка 24, no. 4-2021 (December 28, 2021): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2220-802x.4.2021.74.002.
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Over the past decade, the Chinese economy has grown at a faster pace (up to 8 % per year), which is a consequence of the unprecedented expansion of China in world markets. Such a competitive position presupposes the same significant (up to 15 %) growth in energy consumption, which is ensured by both an increase in domestic production (to a lesser extent) and imports of energy resources — oil, pipeline and liquefied natural gas and coal. In the context of aggravated competition between the leading economies of the world (China and the United States), the security of transporting energy resources from the Persian Gulf and other regions through the narrows of the Strait of Hormuz and Malacca, as well as through the regions of the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait controlled by the United States, acquires a new sound for China. To solve this problem, China is building up its naval presence in the direction of the Southern Silk Road, but mainly in the waters of the Pacific Ocean seas — the Yellow, East China and South China, that is, in the operational zones of the three fleets of the Chinese Navy — the North, East and South, from the exits to the operational zone of the Russian Pacific Fleet in the waters of the Sea of Japan and the Sea of Okhotsk. Demonstration of strength and flag during joint sailing of the two fleets is carried out within the framework of the exercises of the “Maritime Interaction” format from 2012 to 2021 inclusive, except for 2020 due to the aggravation of the epidemiological situation in connection with COVID-19. The latent goal of these exercises is to practice coastal defense missions in the zone where China's strategic oil reserve is located.
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Gorodnia, Nataliia. "U.S. policy toward China under the administration of Donald Trump." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.4.
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This paper intends to describe and discuss the major shifts in the U.S. policy toward China under the administration of Donald Trump. Methodology. The research is based on historical methods, including a chronological approach, a study of primary sources and a comparative analysis. The developments in the U.S. policy are considered at the background of new strategic approaches and their implementation on the bilateral and regional levels. Conclusions. The paper suggests that a shift in the U.S. policy toward China started in 2018, and it was caused by a new understanding of «China threat» for the U.S. economic and strategic interests. Strategic documents of Trump administration defined China as the most important competitor and «a revisionist state» that sought to dominate in the Indo-Pacific and to shape the world antithetical to American values and interests. The new understanding resulted from more assertive China’s policies in the East China and South China seas, its global expansion through «One belt–one road» initiative, a sharp technological and ideological competition with U.S., and other factors. First and foremost, the policy change manifested itself during U.S. – China trade war, and Trump’s attempts «to decouple» their economics. Regionally, Trump administration proposed and sought to implement «a free and open Indo-Pacific strategy» to promote a rule-based regional order together with U. S. partners at the multilateral and bilateral levels. D. Trump dropped any reliance on cooperation with China on North Korea denuclearization, and he became the first U. S. president who started a direct dialogue with the supreme leader of DPRK. American government lifted self-restrictions on contacts with Taiwan officials, however within «one China policy». U.S. Congress voted for a series of sanctions against China for the human rights violation reasons in Hong Kong and Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Trump’s China policy had a bipartisan support. As a result, it was expected that a new administration would not change the policy in substance.
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Jayshwal, Vijay. "US-Nepal and India: Trilateral Relationson Global and Regional Strategic Perspective." Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 2, no. 1 (2017): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.56405/dngcrj.2017.02.01.10.
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In the first section of paper, author has tried to clarify the indispensable and indivisible history of foreign policy of India with Nepal. Although Nepal’s foreign policy was always measured with comparing with our neighbouring nation as like Sino-Nepal relations will have the four basic characteristics with ‘c’ – cooperation, competition, confrontation and conflict. The concept of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) must be recognized and furnished by the foreign policy of Nepal. India is our strategic partner since time immoral. Nepal’s foreign policy is always been guided by the foreign policy of India and we shall see some similarities between these two countries foreign policy. India is revising their regional policy nowadays. They are also reviewing their regional involvement since 1947. A recent report says that “Non Alignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the Twenty First Century’,a future policy of India must becentred on three “core objectives”: “To ensure that India did not define its national interest or approach to world politics in terms of ideologies and goals that had been set elsewhere; that India retained maximum strategic autonomy to pursue its development goals; and that India worked to build national power as the foundation for creating a just and equitable world order. The second section of paper will illustrate the West eyes on East and our non- parallel rate of economic growth and benefit of Nepal from India’s growth. In the U.S.A. strategic guidance released in January 2012 has said that USA has shifted its strategic interest and priorities from the Atlantic to the Pacific, including the East and South Asia where these two giants are being situated. “U.S economic and security interest are inextricably linked to developments in the arc extending from the Western Pacific and East Asia into the Indian Ocean region and South Asia, creating a mix of evolving challenges and opportunities. Accordingly, while the US military will continue to contribute to security globally, we will of necessity rebalance toward the Asia- Pacific region” India is reformulating her bilateral ties with US and also ties with China to walk in line with changing scenario of world politics. We are secured in the sense that US have never shown her interest in Nepalese soil directly but have been played with Indian card. Nepal also needs to reformulate its bilateral ties with US independently keeping our strong relation with India. The last section of paper will reconsider the possibility of Nepal’s further development and presence in some of Forums where India is taking lead. Such as, in SAARC, Indian diplomat J.N. Dixit has written that “time has come for the SAARC not shy away from becoming a forum for discussion on political issues which afflict then countries in the region” This forum shouldn’t limit to trade and co-operation in this regional level but most be favourable platform to discuss each country internal political conflicts.
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Chkhotua, Ilona. "Strategizing of Russian Far East Tourism." Strategizing: Theory and Practice 2, no. 3 (November 1, 2022): 390–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2782-2435-2022-2-3-390-404.
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The Russian Far East occupies the northeastern part of Eurasia. Its northern coast has access to the Arctic and the Pacific through the Laptev, East Siberian, and Chukchee seas, while its eastern coast borders on the Bering, Okhotsk, and Japan seas. The region stretches from north to south, and its nature, climatic zones, flora, and fauna are extremely diverse. As a result, the Russian Far East has an enormous potential for tourism. Its transport and transit potential also means unique opportunities for the regional social and economic development. For instance, the macroregion has a good background for close cooperation with the large emerging markets of the Asia-Pacific countries. However, the sectoral structure of the Far-Eastern economy is mainly represented by mining and manufacturing industries. The current strategic task is to increase the share of non-commodity and non-energy exports in the overall structure of the country’s exports. Pacific Russia needs new strategic opportunities while its touristic potential needs new assessment means. The present research featured tourism as a strategic branch of the economy of the Russian Far East. The author believes that the unconditional competitive advantages of this macro-region will eventually boost the domestic tourism development strategy. The article introduces an analysis of strategic opportunities, as well as economic, financial, labor, and time resources. This research is the first and most important stage in the analysis of the external environment of the object of strategizing. The fundamental importance of this stage lies in the fact that the window of opportunities is short-lived. Therefore, the global touristic prospects of this vast resource-rich territory depend on the timeliness of management decisions, i.e., a systemic integrated development of the industry based on a single strategy document. The analysis made it possible to outline some strategic guidelines for the diversification of the Far Eastern economy and improving the quality of life in the microregion. The further research will involve a comprehensive assessment of the strengths, weaknesses, and competitive advantages of the region.
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Fedorovskii, A., and V. Shvydko. "National Security and Development as Strategic Priorities of the Republic of Korea and Japan." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-41-50.
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The article explores new policies related to security and economic development as represented by the cases of the Republic of Korea and Japan. It assesses combination of old and new internal and external challenges to security, economic development, and social stability, noting the increased interplay of factors affecting national security and innovative growth. The latter is increasingly viewed as an indispensable condition for military, political and social security of a nation, for effectively responding to external pressures as well as to ecological, epidemiological and technology-related risks. Rising technological capabilities in the two Northeast Asian nations contribute to their international ambitions. The authors analyze the tendency in the Republic of Korea to pursue a more independent foreign policy as a “middle power”, and Japan’s growing international and military profile in the Asia Pacific. The risks and possible future consequences of this trend are explored and assessed. The authors identify the priorities of the Republic of Korea’s development strategy within the framework of the “Korean New Deal”, and a new vision of the future of Japan as presented in the strategic documents of its government. They note greater aspirations of the two nations to increase their competitive edge in the regional and global race to reach and retain leading positions in the international hierarchy of economic and political power. New tools to ensure this edge are being tested by South Korean and Japanese governments, as old instruments of industrial policy seem to be losing strength and produce little effect. Acknowledgements. This paper was written as part of the research project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” under the grant of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation for conducting major scientific projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement No. 075-15-2020-783).
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Johnson, Odakkal, and Priyanka Choudhury. "Maritime Theory Approach for Functional Effectiveness in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 444–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420936134.
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The Indo-Pacific region is a centre of gravity for the world’s economic, political and strategic interests. It is a home of world’s most densely inhabited states, different forms of governance and includes over half of the world’s population. It is also a theatre of great power politics, competition and rivalry. Piracy in the vital choke points, dispute on the South China Sea and rising China factor in the Indian Ocean are some of the challenges faced in this region. As the maritime domain is unique, cooperation among nations is necessary to ensure peace in the region. Therefore, a maritime theory approach is needed to study good order at sea. Having laid down the emerging mandate of economic interaction across the global, regional and subregional canvas, there is a need for evolving functional mechanisms to ensure interoperability and progressing the overarching mandate. This will further ensure a cooperative solution in the maritime dimension. It also becomes a vital bridge between the apex policymaking and the basic execution of a decisive transaction. The Indo-Pacific region needs mutual cooperation for economic development and threat management. India is rightly positioned to be the facilitator through existing initiatives and harness potential opportunities. This article examines the aspect of functional mechanisms under the maritime theory approach in the Indo-Pacific. Nations can be encouraged to connect through efforts such as Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) and Project Mausam to collaborate and bring complementarity. With the region growing significant each day, the development of mutual partnership is of utmost importance. Keeping three principles of workable options, harmonising individual strength and taking all along, the Indo-Pacific nations can build lasting peace and stability in the region.
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Rogozhina, Nataliya Grigorievna. "Regional Security in South-East Asia in the Context of American “Indo-Pacific Region” Project." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 338–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-4-338-353.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the position of the countries of South-East Asia on the construction of security architecture in the region within the framework of the Indo-Pacific region project in the format promoted by the USA. The article examines in detail the factors that determine the attitude of Southeast Asian countries to the American doctrine of free and open Indo-Pacific, which they assess as strategically risky and leading to deformation of the existing security system in the region with the loss of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) its central role in ensuring its stability. The response of the Southeast Asian countries to external challenges was the formation of their own concept Aseans - "Outlook On The Indo-Pacific, which reflects their views on the nature of the relationship within the emerging community. The author analyzes in detail the content of the ASEAN doctrine, which emphasizes the promotion of economic cooperation between the countries of the Pacific and Indian Oceans, in contrast to the geostrategic orientation of the American concept. Three main areas of cooperation are distinguished - maritime cooperation, the development of connectivity and interaction in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Offering such a format for engaging, ASAEN countries proceed from the need to strengthen trust between countries as the most important condition for maintaining peace and order in the region based on the traditional principles of ASEAN. These include: openness, transparency, inclusiveness, rules-based world order anchored on international law, respect for sovereignty, non-interference, equality, mutual trust and respect. ASEANs position remains unchanged in maintaining its central role in the evolution of the regional security architecture. Speaking from the position of multirealism, ASEAN sees a way to overcome the conflict of interests in the region in the context of escalating rivalry between the US and China, in creating a synergistic security system based on mechanisms associated with ASEAN. In the ASEAN concept, India-Pacific Region appears as a region of dialogue and cooperation, rather than competition, open to participation of China in the project. The author comes to the conclusion that such format is justified both from the point of view of strategic interests of the countries of Southeast Asia and the whole region, if the relations within it are based on the principles advocated by ASEAN. However, as the author emphasizes, the project proposed by the Southeast Asian countries raises many questions, the main of which is its feasibility in the context of the emerging split of the region along the axis of US-China rivalry for leadership in Asia. Nevertheless, as the author notes, the tendency to strengthen economic cooperation between the countries located in the basin of two oceans creates the basis for the growth of their interest in developing a stable security architecture.
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Kanaev, E. A., and A. S. Korolev. "Greater Eurasia, Indo-Pacific Region and Russia-ASEAN Relations." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-26-43.
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The article aims to specify the influence of the projects the Greater Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific Region on the prospective relations between Russia and ASEAN. The key component of its novelty is the authors’ original criteria of comparing the two projects: the degree of consolidating agenda of cooperation between their current and prospective participants, the congruence with the East Asia’s – assuming that it will be the economic driver of the forthcoming Greater Eurasia and Indo-Pacific Region – modality of multilateral dialogue and the preconditions for the survivability of both projects in the long-term perspective. Making this comparison, the authors substantiate the view that the Greater Euraya sian Partnership is far more competitive that the Indo-Pacific Region. Exploring cooperation between Russia and ASEAN through the prism of their forthcoming strategic partnership, the authors offer an original interpretation of the reasons behind the presently insufficient cooperation and its most likely future directions proceeding from the mutual influence of Russia’s and ASEAN’s prospective planning and the emerging global context. In the near future, combating international terrorism and strengthening connectivity will come to the forefront of Russia’s and ASEAN’s priorities, with the focus shifting from Southeast Asia to the Eurasian area. In the authors’ view, if the present trends continue the aftereffects of the Indo-Pacific Region can stimulate downward trends in the Russia-ASEAN relationship. This will be premised upon the decrease in effectiveness of the Asia-Pacific multilateral dialogue platforms, likely Russian-Chinese joint maneuvers in the South China Sea and the necessity to specify, along with lack of impressive results, the essence of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Russia and Vietnam as the foundation for the Russia-ASEAN strategic partnership. In its turn, the Greater Eurasia offers Russia and the association new promising possibilities, among which of particular importance are the development of connectivity narrative in Eurasia and combating international terrorism by means of adopting the ASEAN-led dialogue platforms ARF, ADMM+8 and EAS to the future system of security, cooperation and co-development from Lisbon to Jakarta. The realization of the forthcoming shift from the Asian century to the Eurasian century and the emergence of the Greater Eurasia as the second center in the global politics will allow Russia and the association to expand and diversify their cooperation and, in perspective, to develop it on the self-supporting and self-reproducing basis.
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Gegeo, David Welchman, and F. A. Mediansky. "Strategic Cooperation and Competition in the Pacific Islands." Pacific Affairs 70, no. 3 (1997): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761074.
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Rolfe, James. "Strategic changes in the South West Pacific." RUSI Journal 131, no. 4 (December 1986): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848608522737.
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Herr, R. A. "Regionalism, strategic Denial and South Pacific security." Journal of Pacific History 21, no. 4 (October 1986): 170–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223348608572541.
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Ryazantsev, S. V., T. K. Rostovskaya, and N. S. Ryazantsev. "Japanese Model of Attracting Foreign Youth in the Higher Education System." Education and science journal 22, no. 9 (November 10, 2020): 148–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17853/1994-5639-2020-9-148-173.
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Introduction. National education and science systems are increasingly integrated into the international scientific and educational space in the context of increasing globalisation. The result of integration processes is an increase in the number of students in the world: if in the 1970s there were about 29 million people in the three-level education system, in 2000 – 100 million, in 2005 – 139 million, in 2010 – 181 million, in 2012 – 196 million. According to the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, the number of such students will grow to 263 million in 2025. In the Russian Federation, 283 000 foreign students (5% of the total number of students) were enrolled in the 2016 / 2017 academic year, and in the United States, about 1 million foreign students were enrolled in the 2014 / 2015 academic year. Given the trends of globalisation of education, Japan was forced to join the struggle for foreign students and the export of educational services. Negative demographic trends such as falling birth rates, an aging population, and a declining youth population are also stimulating the factors in the internationalisation of Japanese universities and the country’s increased participation in the global competition to attract young people to the national higher education system. The aim of the study was to identify the features of the functioning of the model of attracting foreign youth to the higher education system in Japan in the context of worsening problems of population aging and slowing economic growth. This situation is also partly relevant for Russian socio-economic and demographic development. Materials and methods. The article uses statistical data from a number of international organisations (UNESCO, OECD, IOM, World Bank), the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, the Japan Foundation, and public and private universities in Japan. The sociological method was applied. The authors of the article conducted three focus groups on strategies and tools for attracting foreign students to Japan during a research trip in July 2019. Currently, the higher education system in Japan is one of the best not only in the Asia-Pacific region, but throughout the world. Japan has actually become one of the leaders in the world market for educational services; applicants from different countries seek to master the most in-demand specialties. Results. The study revealed that the system of attracting foreign students to Japanese universities is based on the concept of foreign migration policy, that is, on promoting the country’s geopolitical and economic interests in the AsiaPacific Region (APR). Japanese universities teach students from countries that are strategic partners of Japan: China, Vietnam, Nepal, South Korea, Thailand and Taiwan. An important element of the strategy for attracting foreigners is the work of universities, cultural and educational foundations that promote the Japanese language and culture outside of Japan. The Japanese higher education system, despite its historical traditionalism and conservatism, is gradually internationalising and opening up to the world through active access of universities to foreign educational markets and channels for attracting foreign students. Universities, as the main elements of the higher education system, have become the agents of Japan’s foreign policy, focused primarily on the Asia-Pacific countries and its strategic partners. Moreover, the partner countries were chosen not only based on the priorities of Japanese geopolitics and economy, but also on objective demographic indicators (young age structure, large population). The interaction with migration partner countries is supported by real steps on the part of the Japanese authorities: investment, trade, business and cultural contacts. The experience of Japan can be used in Russia to organise work to attract young people to study in higher education institutions from countries that are geopolitical partners, primarily in the former Soviet Union. Scientific novelty. The features of the functioning of the model of attracting foreign youth to the higher education system in Japan in the context of worsening problems of population aging and slowing economic growth are revealed. Practical significance lies in the possibility of further practical application of the results of the current research on the features of the Japanese model of attracting foreign youth to the higher education system.
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Saeed, Muhammad. "From the Asia-Pacific to the Indo-Pacific: Expanding Sino-U.S. Strategic Competition." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (January 2017): 499–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500324.
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As a pivotal region, the Indo-Pacific has become the power center of world geopolitics. China is actively working on strengthening win-win cooperation and inter-connectivity within the region. Toward this goal, it has launched the “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)” from which all regional countries can benefit. From the geopolitical perspective, however, the United States has perceived growing challenge from China and is determined to maintain global supremacy by continuing to increase its military presence in the Indo-Pacific and enhancing its quadrilateral strategic cooperation with Japan, Australia and India. After the Obama administration’s “Rebalancing” efforts to sustain U.S. leadership in the Asia-Pacific by strengthening political, security and economic ties with regional countries, the Trump administration puts much emphasis on the security aspect of its Indo-Pacific strategy under the “America First” doctrine, and this is proving to be rather unwelcome among regional countries. As a result, China’s regional influence is expected to continue expanding with the promotion of the BRI and other initiatives to enhance regional integration.
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He, Kai, and Mingjiang Li. "Understanding the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific: US–China strategic competition, regional actors, and beyond." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz242.
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Abstract As a geographical concept, ‘Indo-Pacific’ has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts ‘Indo-Pacific’ and ‘Asia–Pacific’ may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic competition has just begun. Will the Indo-Pacific become a battlefield for US–China rivalry? How will China cope with the US ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy? How will other regional actors respond to the US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific? What are the strategic implications of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept for regional order transformation? How will the Indo-Pacific be institutionalized, economically, politically and strategically? This article introduces the January 2020 special issue of International Affairs, which aims to address those questions, using both country-specific and regional perspectives. Seven articles focus on the policy responses of major players (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and ASEAN) to the US FOIP strategy and related US–China rivalry in the region. A further three articles examine the profound implications of Indo-Pacific dynamics for regional institution-building and for geopolitical and geo-economic architecture.
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Fleming, Euan. "Strategic Agricultural Export Marketing in South Pacific Island Nations." Journal of International Food & Agribusiness Marketing 4, no. 3 (March 16, 1993): 77–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j047v04n03_07.
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Wei, Zongyou, and Yunhan Zhang. "The Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy and China-U.S. Strategic Competition." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 07, no. 02 (January 2021): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740021500068.
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The Biden administration has yet to announce its Indo-Pacific strategy, but the overall framework seems all clear: it views China as the main challenger, if not a direct threat, to its political, economic, and military influence in the region, and vows to take diplomatic, economic, and military actions to counterbalance China’s growing influence, preferably with its allies and partners. The Biden administration has taken a series of steps to unite its Asian and even European allies and partners, offered economic alternatives to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), revamped regional institutional architectures, and tried to shape the regional order to its advantage. As a result, China-U.S. relations have deteriorated further on Biden’s watch and is moving in the direction of confrontation.
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Mahrukh Khan. "US Indo-Pacific Strategy: Implications for South Asia." Strategic Studies 41, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.01.0056.
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The term ‘Indo-Pacific’ was first coined by the Japanese Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe, in his speech delivered to the Indian parliament in 2007 which was later adopted by the US as a strategic vision in the last phase of Obama’s tenure. In the past few years, Indo-Pacific has become part of the US strategic policy and it is characterised as a ‘priority theatre.’ The Trump administration repeatedly described it as a single, geostrategic region in which the rising powers will play and compete to gain supremacy in the geostrategic and the geo-maritime arena. The rise of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) has come in time of an increasingly complex geo-economics and geostrategic security environment. More so, it showcases the US’ reliance on regional and extra-regional countries in the form of allies, the Quad countries, as well as regional countries such as Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Nepal to tackle shared challenges in the area. The following paper will explicate the aims and objectives of the US’ IPS and its central policy overtures towards South Asia. It will also study the implications (strategic and political) of this policy and its stern posturing in the region, especially towards Pakistan.
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Zainab Ahmed. "Great Power Rivalry in Indo Pacific: Implications for Pakistan." Strategic Studies 41, no. 4 (February 24, 2022): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.04.0037.
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The term of Indo Pacific delineates a conceptual evolution in the US strategic community to contain and encircle China by countering it in the area of its influence. The underlined policy priority is to counter Belt and Road Initiative to contain China. While China’s strict adherence to the previous geographical connotation of Asia Pacific establishes that it sticks to its policy of leading world by economic interdependence approach in Asia. This great power competition in the Indo Pacific region has wide ranging strategic and economic implications for Pakistan. This paper aims to discern into the factors which are making the strategic environment tensed thinning out the options for Pakistan. The two basic questions which this study addresses are: a. How does conceptual shift from Asia Pacific to Indo Pacific transform the strategic environment of this region? b. Why is this transformation so significant for Pakistan’s geostrategic interests?
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Tsailas, Demetrios. "China-Europe Strategic Issues." Security science journal 2, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.2.2.5.
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Today, a shakeup of forces and a great power competition have begun on the global geopolitical scene. This competition is mainly due to the rise of China, the deepening of globalization and the interdependence of countries, and violent movements that transcend borders, such as international terrorism. In particular, the increase in China's national power has led to a change in the world order that emerged after the Cold War, and geopolitics is once again taking a central role on the global agenda. The geopolitical focus on the Asia-Indo-Pacific Ocean complex has evolved into a geostrategic rivalry where China is seen as the main threat. This approach is reflected in the international security strategy. In addition, it also manifests itself in the practices of international organizations led by the West forces. We see the most important example of this in the European Union's view of China.
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PARK, Hahnkyu, and Chun Hee YANG. "South Korea’s Strategic Options amid the US–China Strategic Competition Under the Biden Administration." East Asian Policy 13, no. 02 (April 2021): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052100012x.
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South Korea has so far maintained a “double hedging” strategy—that is, the United States for security, China for economy—in managing its relations with the United States and China. Both Washington and Beijing are recently increasing their pressures on Seoul to join their side, respectively. South Korea needs to re-evaluate its current strategy and adopt a more practical strategy based upon rational calculation of national interests rather than upon political leaders’ ideological beliefs or domestic political considerations.
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Pedrason, Rodon. "Indo-Pasifik dalam perspektif geopolitik dan geostrategi." JPPI (Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Indonesia) 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.29210/02021830.
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Indo-Pacific cannot be interpreted as a form of integration based on a region or regional areas such as Asia, or Southeast Asia, and Europe, which is based on the geographical shape of the region. The Indo-Pacific emerged as part of a geopolitical and geostrategic study based on competition patterns and state perspectives and behavior based on a broader scope of maritime interests. Indo-Pacific analysis as an object from a geopolitical and geostrategic perspective does not refer to national or regional coverage but to the global area and level. Therefore, the Indo-Pacific analysis used document analysis. In document analysis, this study combines the analysis of three primary data and 50 secondary data from national journals and international journals. In this analysis more directed at the strategic meaning of each country towards the Indo-Pacific strategic value which is then related to the maritime interests of each actor. This study describes the struggles of interests in the framework of competition through geopolitical policies and geostrategy, especially by countries that have influence. Global or the ability to shape political and security structures in the Indo-Pacific.
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Zhao, Minghao. "Is a New Cold War Inevitable? Chinese Perspectives on US–China Strategic Competition." Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, no. 3 (2019): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz010.
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Abstract In recent years, Chinese scholars and policy elites have discussed the ever intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China and its multifaceted implications for Chinese foreign policy. Some even worry about the possibility of a new Cold War between the United States and China. This article aims to offer an analysis of Chinese perspectives on US–China strategic competition. In the view of most Chinese observers, US–China strategic competition is inevitable because China is closing the national power gap between itself and the United States, while the latter resolutely upholds its global primacy. Other factors, including ideological disagreements, may fuel the major power competition that has extended to most aspects of US–China relations. Chinese observers believe that economic and technological rivalry between the United States and China has heightened and that the Western Pacific is the focal point of US–China strategic competition. Meanwhile, certain Chinese scholars attach greater importance to US–China competition over international prestige and leadership. However, Chinese analysts are not overly pessimistic about the prospects for US–China relations and have raised policy recommendations geared to managing US–China strategic competition and restoring a new equilibrium between the two major powers.
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JAIN, Purnendra. "The Emerging Significance of Indo-Pacific: Japan, China, US and the Regional Power Shift." East Asian Policy 10, no. 04 (October 2018): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393051800034x.
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“Indo-Pacific” is a new term in the geopolitical lexicon and a response to rapidly evolving global power shifts that currently induce strategic realignments among major regional players. It is increasingly used by political leaders, policymakers, journalists and academic commentators and in government documents. While Indo-Pacific is used frequently today, each proponent of the term attaches varied emphases, guided by their own strategic prisms. The Indo-Pacific concept has yet to be institutionalised. Some offshoots, such as the rebirthed idea of a quadrilateral framework among the key proponents of a “free and open Indo-Pacific” and the proposal to jointly fund infrastructure projects in Asia, appear to be in direct competition with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. How the Indo-Pacific concept would affect the regional power balance remains unclear. However, neither the concept nor the strategic thinking and actions it inspires will disappear anytime soon.
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Lembke, Johan. "Global Competition and Strategies in the Information and Communications Technology Industry: A Liberal-Strategic Approach." Business and Politics 4, no. 1 (April 2002): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1030.
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This article examines the roles of multinational corporations and the European Union (EU) in structuring global competition around wireless standardization. It analyzes the realities of global competition in information and communications technology (ICT) markets from a more liberal-strategic viewpoint than the subsidy-based industry support promulgated by strategic trade theorists in the 1980s and 1990s. According to a liberal-strategic trade perspective, public actors try to tweak the rules of the world economy to structure global competition in ways that enhance job creation, overall competitiveness in high-technology sectors, and domestic welfare, rather than being primarily concerned about import competition. The story of the European approach to global standardization and competition—and the strategic use of international standards bodies by multinational corporations—primarily represents an aggressive outward-oriented strategy. European actors pursued a globally oriented strategy in the European Telecommunications Standards Institute (ETSI) with the objective of aligning Europe with market and policy developments in the rapidly growing markets of the Asia—Pacific region. By downplaying the importance of import competition, often stressed by strategic trade theorists a liberal-strategic approach to the ICT industry focuses on the prospect of cutting-edge innovations based on a coherent industry strategy that looks at the creation of internationally competitive technologies in the longer-term rather than at incremental change and current import competition pressure.
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Datta, Sujit Kumar. "Afghanistan: The New Hotspot of South Asian Geo-Strategic Competition." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Review 6, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.4038/jsshr.v6i4.102.
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Siddiqa, Arhama, and Ali Haider Saleem. "Strategic Overlays in the Indo-Pacific: Implications for South Asia." Asia Social Science Academy 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2022.6.1.1.
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Chung, Youngjune. "The Price of Anarchy : US-China Strategic Competition and South Korea-China Strategic Distrust." Korean Chinese Relations Review 8, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33575/kcrr.2022.8.2.229.
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Meijiao, Yang. "From Mutual Hedging to All-Round Competition — The Strategic Transformation of Sino-US relations." Review of European Studies 12, no. 3 (August 26, 2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v12n3p88.
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Since the 21st century, the United States has gradually felt the insecurity brought by structural pressure, and then shifted its strategic focus to the Asia-Pacific region. The Obama administration put forward "Pivot to Asia", and Trump has abandoned the legacy of the previous administration and constructed his own discourse system. He put forward the "Indo-Pacific strategy", which has been expanded in both degree and contents. Meanwhile, China has taken a variety of corresponding strategies respectively. These include the Belt and Road Initiative and a community with a shared future for mankind and the strategic thought of major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. These two countries’ communicating model has changed from mutual hedging to all-round competition. With the change of US Asia Pacific (Indo-Pacific) strategy, this article uses the neoclassical realism theory to analyze them in detail, and analyzes the factors that influence the change of US strategies and the transformation of Sino-US relations from the system level, the national level and the individual level. Apart from that, their comprehensive competition has added challenges and difficulties to the construction of coordination, cooperation and stability.
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Garin, Artyom A. "Official Development Assistance as an Aspect of the Australia-China Competition in the South Pacific." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 4(49) (2020): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-4-49-193-205.
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Due to China's increasing involvement in South Pacific, there is a growing interest on the part of the middle and great powers in providing the Pacific island States with an increasing amount of material assistance. With its unique geographical location, as well as numerous initiatives in the humanitarian, trade, economic and defence areas, Australia's influence is reinforced by its status as the major ODA source in Oceania. At the same time, despite Australia's clear advantage in providing ODA to South Pacific states, the region is attracting an increasing number of countries aimed at providing ODA to South Pacific countries, especially China.
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Ghazala Yasmin Jalil. "Missile Race in South Asia: Security Challenges for Pakistan in the 21st Century." Strategic Studies 40, no. 1 (April 25, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.01.0085.
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The article assesses the nature of missile competition between India and Pakistan and how it impacts deterrence and strategic stability in South Asia. It also analyses how their respective ballistic and cruise missile programmes developed. Taking the action-reaction model of arms racing, it concludes that there is indeed such a dynamic at play between the two countries. The missiles competition is very much linked to the nuclear competition as well. India’s Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) system also factors into the competitions, whereby Pakistan was forced to develop missiles that could saturate and defeat it. The missile and nuclear competition has an overall negative impact on deterrence and strategic stability in South Asia. Pakistan’s biggest security challenge is to achieve security and deterrence against a hostile India without falling into the trap of an economically ruinous arms race.
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Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Where does Canada fit in the US–China strategic competition across the Pacific?" International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 2 (April 22, 2016): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016643344.
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Junya, Nishino. "South Korea’s Diplomacy in an Era of US-China Strategic Competition." Asia-Pacific Review 28, no. 2 (July 3, 2021): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2030537.
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Shie, Tamara Renee. "Rising Chinese Influence in the South Pacific: Beijing's ““Island Fever””." Asian Survey 47, no. 2 (March 2007): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.2.307.
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The past five years have witnessed a leap in Chinese engagement in regions across the globe——even reaching as far as the South Pacific. This essay examines China's increasing activities there; the regional response; Beijing's potential economic, political, and strategic motivations; and the implications for the U.S.
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Klerck, Gilton. "Competition and Cooperation in South Africa's Biotechnology Sector." Industry and Higher Education 19, no. 2 (April 2005): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/0000000053729842.
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This article asserts that the normative, institutional and policy framework of an economy moulds the structure and performance of its innovation system. Three case studies of industry-higher education partnerships in South Africa's biotechnology sector challenge both the notion of a simple convergence within and between national innovation systems and the idea of an unproblematic adoption of ‘best practice’ at the organizational level. The contribution of industry-higher education partnerships to greater economic efficiency is shaped by the social conditions in which they are embedded. Rising levels of competition and new policy initiatives provide the fundamental impetus for collaboration and generate varying patterns of strategic alliances between governmental agencies, industry and higher education institutions.