Academic literature on the topic 'Storia militare romana'

La institución romana del domicilium convierte al sujeto en residente. Suele designar el lugar de residencia prolongada del incola o habitante que ha emigrado a una comunidad, por contraposición al municeps; por lo tanto, es un vínculo jurídico entre la ciudad y la persona que ha emigrado a ella. Frente a la expresión de la origo en los textos epigráficos, que es muy abundante, la manifestación del domicilo solo se hace de forma excepcional, en atención al escaso número de referencias conservadas, y su enunciación es muy similar a la que marca el origen. Palabras clave: domicilium, origo, ciudadano, epigrafía, latina.Topónimos: Imperio Romano.Periodo: Principado (27 a. C. – 284 d. C.) ABSTRACTThe Roman institution of the domicilium turns the subject into a resident. It usually designates the place of prolonged residence of the incola or inhabitant who has emigrated to a community, as opposed to the municeps. Therefore, it is a legal link between the city and the person who emigrates there. As opposed to the expression of the origo in epigraphic texts, which is very common, the manifestation of the domicile occurs only exceptionally, in view of the scant number of surviving references, and its enunciation is very similar to that which indicates provenance. Keywords: domicilium, origo, citizen, epigraphy, Latin.Place names: Roman EmpirePeriod: Principate (27 BC - 284 AD) REFERENCIASAncelle, A. (1875), Du Domicile, Paris, these pour le doctorat, Faculte de droit de Paris.Andreu, J., (2008), “Sentimiento y orgullo cívico en Hispania: en torno a las menciones de origo en la Hispania Citerior”, Gerión, 26(1), pp. 349-378.Ayiter, K. (1962),“Einige Bemerkungen zum Domicilium des Filius Familias im römischen Recht“, en Studi in onore di Emilio Betti, vol. II, Milano, pp. 71-84.Baccari, M. P. (1996), Cittadini, popoli e comunione nella legislazione dei secoli IV-VI, Torino, G. Giappichelli.Baudry, F. (1892), s.v. “domicilium”, en Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines Daremberg-Saglio, II.1, Paris, Hachette.Berger, A, (1916), s.v. “incola”, en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, IX.2, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag.Bianchi, L. (2019), “Celebrazioni monumentali delle guerre daciche di Traiano sui luoghi degliavvenimenti”, en A. M. Liberati, Da Roma all’Oriente. Riflessioni sulle campagne traianee. Atti della Giornata di studi Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani, 11 ottobre 2017. Città di Castello-Italia: LuoghInteriori, 193-241.Bonjour, M. (1975), Terre natale. Études sur une composante affective du patriotisme romain, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Brugi, B. (1926), Istituzioni di Diritto Romano (diritto privato giustinianeo). Torino, Utet.Bruguière, M. B. (1979), “Le domicile dans les droits antiques”, en Mélanges dédiés à Gabriel Marty, Tolouse, Université des sciences sociales, 199-219.Burdese, A. (1964), s.v. “Domicilio (diritto romano)”, voce dell'Enciclopedia del Diritto, XIII, Milano, Giuffrè editore, pp. 837-838.Cagnat, R. (1898), Cours d’epigraphie latine, Paris, A. Fontemoing.Calzada, M. A. (2010), “Origo, incolae, municipes y civitas Romana a la luz de la «Lex Irnitana»”, Anuario de historia del derecho español, 80, pp. 673-688.Chavanes, H., (1863), Du Domicile, Paris, Thèse de Doctorat, Faculté de Droit de Paris, 17 Août 1863.Cichorius, C. (1904), Die römischen denkmäler in der Dobrudscha. Ein erklärungsversuch, Berlin, Weidmann Verlag.Colin, J. (1956), “Le Préfet du Prétoire Cornelius Fuscus: un enfant de Pompei”, Latomus, 15-1, pp. 57-82.Cuena, J. (2008), “Nuevos significados de origo en las fuentes legislativas postclásicas”, Revista General de Derecho romano, 10, pp. 1-27.De Martino, F. (1973), Storia della costituzione romana, III, Napoli, Casa Editrice Eugenio Jovene.De Ruggiero, E. (1921), La patria nel diritto pubblico romano, Roma, Maglione Strini.De Savigny, F. (1924), Sistema de Derecho romano actual, (traducción española de J. Mesía y M. Poley), Madrid, Centro Editorial de Góngora.Dessau, H. (1914-1916), Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae: pars III. Indices, Berlín, apud Weidmannos.D'Ors, A. (1951), Epigrafía de la España romana, Madrid, Instituto Nacional de Estudios Jurídicos.Encarnação, J. (2000), “L’Africa et la Lusitania: trois notes épigraphiques”, en M. Khanoussi, P. Ruggeri y C. Vismara, L’Africa romana. Geografi, viaggiatori, militari nel Maghreb: alle origini dell’archeologia nel Nord Africa. Atti del XIII convegno di studio Djerba, 10–13 dicembre 1998, Roma, Carocci, Vol. II, pp. 1291-1298.Forcellini, A. A. (1965), Lexicon Totius Latinitatis, II, Patavaii, 1940 (2ª reimpresión anastática de 1965), Patavii [Padoue], Gregoriana edente; Bononia [Bologne], A. Forni. s. v. “domicilium”, pp. 191 ss., y s.v. “domus”, pp. 194 ss.Humbert, G. (1900), s.v. “incola”, en Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines Daremberg-Saglio, III, Paris, Hachette, pp. 457-458.Gagliardi, L. (2006), Mobilità e integrazione delle persone nei centri cittadini romani. Aspetti giuridici. I. La classificazione degli incolae, Milano, A. Giuffrè.García, E. (1991), El ius latii y la municipalización de Hispania: aspectos constitucionales, Tesis Doctoral, Universidad Complutense, Madrid.Gaspard, A. (1851), Recherches sur l'incolat, le droit de bourgeoisie et le domicile, Paris, Faculté de droit de Paris.González, R. (2011), “El término origo en la epigrafía latina”, Zephyrus, 68, pp. 229-237.González, R., y Molina, J. A. (2011), “Precisiones a las menciones de origo con la fórmula domo + topónimo/gentilicio en la epigrafía romana de Hispania”, Emerita, 79, pp. 1-29.González M. C. y Ramírez, M. (2007), “Observaciones sobre la mención de la origo ‘intra ciuitatem’ en la epigrafía funeraria de Hispania”, en M. Mayer et alii (eds.), Actas del XII Congressus Internationalis Epigraphiae Graecae et Latinae (Barcelona 2002), Instituto de Estudios Catalanes-Universidad de Barcelona-Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Barcelona. 2007, pp. 595-600.Grossi, P. (1964), s.v. “domicilio (Diritto intermedio) ”, en L'Enciclopedia del Diritto, XIII, Milano, Giuffrè editore, p. 840.Hernández, R. (2001), Poesía latina sepulcral de la Hispania Romana: Estudio de los tópicos y sus formulaciones, Valencia, Universidad de Valencia.Kajanto, I. (1974), “On the idea of eternity in Latin epitaphs”, Arctos, 8, pp. 59-69.Laffi, U. (1966), Adtributio e contributio: Problemi del Sistema Politico-Amministrativo dello Stato Romano. (Studi di lettere, storia e filos. pubbl. dalla Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, XXXV), Pisa, Nistri-Lischi.Lattimore, R. (1962), Themes in Greek and Roman Epitaphs, Urbana, University of Illinois Press.Le Gall, J. (1983), “Origo et ciuitas. Quelques remarques à propos d'une inscription du Museo Arqueológico Nacional (CIL II, 3423)”, Homenaje al Profesor Martín Almagro Basch, Madrid, vol. III, pp. 339-345.Leonhard, R. (1905), s.v. “domicilium”, en en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, V, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag., V, cols. 1299 ss.Licandro, O. (2004), Domicilium habere. Persona e territorio nelladisciplina del domicilio romano, Torino, Giappichelli Editori.López M. L. (2008), Domicilium y vinculación jurídica local. Régimen jurídico del domicilio en Derecho romano, Madrid, http://vlex.com/vid/54106991Mahboubi, M. (1982), “Les élites municipales de la Numidie: deux groupes: étrangers à la cité et vétérans”, Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. II. Principat. 10, 2, pp. 673-682.Marucchi, O. (1912), Christian Epigraphy. An Elementary Treatise with a Collection of Ancient Christian Inscriptions Mainly of Roman Origin, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Mommsen, Th. (1887), Römisches Staatsrechts III.1, (Leipzig, 1887), Basel, Stuttgart, Benno Schwabe.Nörr, D. (1963), “Origo. Studien zur Orts-, Stadt-, und Reichszugehörigkeit in der Antike”, Revue d’Histoire du Droit, 31.4, pp. 525-600.Nörr, D. (1965), s.v. “origo”, en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag, Suppl. Bnd. X.Orelli, J. C. v. (1828), Inscriptionum latinarum selectarum amplissima collectio ad illustrandam Romanae... emendationesque exhibens; (Reprod. facs. de la ed. de Turici, Orellius).Ortiz, J. (2018), “Dinámicas migratorias y movimientos de población en Lusitania: el caso de Olisipo Felicitas Iulia”, Anales de Arqueología Cordobesa, 29, pp. 111-136.Pavis D'Escurac, H. (1988), “Origo et résidence dans le monde du commerce sous le Haut Empire”, Ktema, 13, pp. 57-68.Pernice, A. (1873), Marcus Antistius Labeo. Das römische Privatrecht im ersten Jahrhundert der Kaiserzeit, II.1, Halle, Buchhandlg d. Waisenhauses Verlag.Portillo, R. (1983), ‘Incolae’, una contribución al análisis de la movilidad social en el mundo romano, Córdoba, Universidad de Córdoba.Potthoff, S. E. (2017), The Afterlife in Early Christian Carthage: Near-Death Experiences, Ancestor Cult and the Archaeology of Paradise, London and New York, Routledge.Rodríguez, J. F. (1978), “La situación socio-política de los incolae en el mundo romano”, Memorias de Historia Antigua 2, pp. 147-169.Roussel, F. (1878), Du domicile, en droit romain. De la formation des conventions, en droit international privé, Paris, Challamel aîné.Salgado, J. (1980), “Contribución al estudio del «domicilium» en el Derecho romano”, Revista de Derecho privado, 64, pp. 495-510.Saumagne, Ch., (1937), “Du rôle de l'origo et du census dans la formation du colonat romain”, Byzantion, 12, pp. 487-581.Tedeschi, V., (1932), “Contributo allo studio del domicilio in diritto romano”, Rivista Italiana per le Scienze Giuridiche, 7, pp. 212-244.Tedeschi, V. (1936), Del Domicilio, Padova.Tedeschi, V. (1960), s.v. “domicilio, residenza e dimora”, en Novissimo Digesto Italiano, VI, Torino, Uninoe tipografico-editrice torinese.Thomas, Y. (1996), “«Origine» et «Commune Patrie»”, Étude de Droit Public Romain (89 av. J.-C. - 212 ap. J.-C.), Paris-Rome, Ecole française de Rome.Visconti, A. (1939), “Note preliminari sull'origo nelle fonti imperiali romane”, Studi di storia e diritto in onore di Carlo Calisse I, Milano, pp. 89-105.Visconti, A. (1947), “Note preliminari sul «domicilium» nelle fonti romane”, en Studi in onore di C. Ferrini inoccasione della sua beatificazione, I, Milano, pp, 429-442.Wiegels, R. (1985), Die Tribusinschriften des romischen Hispanien, Berlin, Walter de Gruyter Co.Zilletti, U. (1962), s.v. “incolato (Diritto romano) ”, en Novissimo Digesto Italiano, VIII, Torino, Unione tipografico-editrice torinese, pp. 541-542.

The dissertation aims to provide an overview of some aspects of everyday life in Roman Britain in general and in the area of Hadrian’s Wall in particular. In a preliminary description, the writer addresses the complex topic related to the genesis of borders as the fulfillment of the expansionist parable of Rome, and as the space manifestation of the sunset of the idea of an imperium sine fine. Then the thesis passes to examine, in subsequent chapters, first the religious theme in its peculiar indigenous component and in the cultural practices triggered by the process of Romanization, secondly the question whether is possible to study everyday life in the northernmost province of the Empire through a discussion of the civilian settlements in proximity to military sites. This issue is drawn especially thanks to the analysis of the so-called Vindolanda tablets, which constitute a valuable evidence of a lively environment both under human and social respect. Before giving an indication of the specific bibliography, the work offers a number of appendices which elaborate part of the information which has been supplied in the previous sections. Mention of the epigraphic repertoires and literary and antiquarian sources is finally made.

The dissertation aims to provide an overview of some aspects of everyday life in Roman Britain in general and in the area of Hadrian’s Wall in particular. In a preliminary description, the writer addresses the complex topic related to the genesis of borders as the fulfillment of the expansionist parable of Rome, and as the space manifestation of the sunset of the idea of an imperium sine fine. Then the thesis passes to examine, in subsequent chapters, first the religious theme in its peculiar indigenous component and in the cultural practices triggered by the process of Romanization, secondly the question whether is possible to study everyday life in the northernmost province of the Empire through a discussion of the civilian settlements in proximity to military sites. This issue is drawn especially thanks to the analysis of the so-called Vindolanda tablets, which constitute a valuable evidence of a lively environment both under human and social respect. Before giving an indication of the specific bibliography, the work offers a number of appendices which elaborate part of the information which has been supplied in the previous sections. Mention of the epigraphic repertoires and literary and antiquarian sources is finally made.

Nella tesi verrà analizzata l'evoluzione progressiva della cavalleria romana, prendendo in particolare considerazione il modello tardo antico e quello bizantino. La ricerca verrà effettuata attraverso l'uso di opere storiografiche da un lato e di manuali tecnici militari dall'altra.

2013/2014
Le coorti pretorie, le coorti urbane e gli equites singulares Augusti costituivano i corpi d'élite dell'esercito romano per via di un reclutamento selezionato e di un trattamento privilegiato rispetto alle altre unità. Lo studio si propone di indagare il fenomeno del veteranato di queste tre formazioni in un arco di tempo che va da Augusto all'ascesa di Diocleziano e in uno spazio che copre l'Italia, con l'esclusione di Roma e del suo suburbio fino al X miglio, e le province di lingua latina. L'indagine si basa sull'esame della documentazione epigrafica nella quale lo status di veterano di uno o più personaggi menzionati nel testo è sicuro e l'appartenenza ad uno dei tre corpi analizzati è certa o molto probabile. Il lavoro si divide in due parti: nella prima vi è un commento ad ogni singola testimonianza, nella seconda vengono svolte considerazioni di carattere generale sui veterani delle milizie urbane. Tali considerazioni scaturiscono da una visione complessiva della documentazione. Si vuole tentare in questo modo di rispondere a interrogativi riguardanti i rapporti sociali e l'integrazione di questi veterani nelle comunità scelte come residenza dopo il congedo, la loro partecipazione alla vita civica e le attività economiche cui si dedicavano. Una particolare attenzione è rivolta a riconoscere quanti veterani decidevano di rientrare in patria o di stabilirsi in località diverse da quelle natie e le motivazioni che guidavano tale scelta, la loro provenienza e la loro estrazione sociale.
Due to a preferential treatment and special recruitment among the military units, praetorian guard, urban cohorts and equites singulares Augusti were the élite troops of ancient roman army. This research aims to investigate the social and material life of the veterans of this élite troops, in a period of time included between Augustan age and Diocletian rise. It also considers a territory including Italy, except Rome and its suburbs until the tenth mile, and latin speaking provinces. This work is based on an epigraphic documentation in wich the veteran status of one or more subjects is proven and the belonging to one of the three élite corps is certain or probable. The research is divided into two parts. In the first part an analysis and a description is made for each documentary source. In the second part, general considerations are expressed about the veterans of urban militias. These considerations stem from an accurate documentation overview. The purpose is to answer questions regarding the integration and social relations between veterans and the community chosen to live with after the disbandment or, for example, the activities and the role of a veteran in civic and economical life. Specific attention is also paid to the territorial origin, social background and about the choice, made by a veteran, to return home or settle elsewhere after the service.
XXVII Ciclo
1986

The work starts from Polybius’ point about 202 B.C. being the moment when world-conquest became practical for Rome, and then analyze how the conflict with Carthage (i.e. 264 B.C. onwards) was fundamental in transforming the Roman State in various ways to reach this point. A particular emphasis is given to the institutional element, in order to take into account and unite in one place all those developments that took place both prior to and during the Hannibalic War (prorogation, institutional expansion, step-changes in military deployment, increasing flexibility, etc.) that clearly affected Rome’s expansionist policy. The goal of the work is to show that what really changed in 201 B.C. was not the “ambition to rule” in a general sense – as that was always present in Roman society – but the capability by the Romans to fulfil their ambitions, and that this awareness was reached thanks to the new military and political institutions developed especially during the Hannibalic war.

This work analyzes the role of roman provincial fleets, mainly through the use of military diplomas. All the evidence has been collected, ordered and commented with special attention to the role of diplomas as official documents for the study of the naval provincial garrisons in the Ist and IInd centuries A.D.. Problems deriving from diplomas as still imperfect proofs for a full reconstruction of the history of roman fleets have been registered. Epigraphic evidence has been also taken into account to describe the history of the fleets.

This work analyzes the role of roman provincial fleets, mainly through the use of military diplomas. All the evidence has been collected, ordered and commented with special attention to the role of diplomas as official documents for the study of the naval provincial garrisons in the Ist and IInd centuries A.D.. Problems deriving from diplomas as still imperfect proofs for a full reconstruction of the history of roman fleets have been registered. Epigraphic evidence has been also taken into account to describe the history of the fleets.

Greco-Roman Stoicism is a natural fit for the military. Yet it’s in tension with what many experts now acknowledge as a pervasive psychological fact of war and after war. And that is moral injury. Can a modern military Stoicism rooted in ancient teachings find room for moral injury and post-traumatic growth? Cicero, in dialogue with the Stoics in the Tusculan Disputations, insists that one needs to leave room for moral distress and the anguished emotions that go with it. He recalls the tears of Alcibiades, a military leader bent on too much glory, and feeling the shame of his missteps, especially in the presence of his teacher Socrates. Shame becomes a prod for taking responsibility to do better. But it can be an all too vigorous and punishing impulse, admits Cicero. Mercy is a way to temper it, and it is the theme of Seneca’s Trojan Women. Self-mercy or self-compassion can help heal the festering wounds of moral injury.

The works examined above have been explored through a chronological study based upon the four overlapping themes of civility/ Romanization, the walling out of humanity, Roman incomers, and ruination, emphasized through a reading of the sources to explore how the discovery of objects and sites has helped to inform a number of contrasting interpretations that went in and out of fashion. A number of more local and fragmented tales have also been addressed in passing and it is evident that a very different account could have been articulated if I had drawn more directly upon such ideas. Tales, such as those of Onion the Silchester Giant, Graham’s creation of a breach in the Antonine Wall, King Arthur and his ‘O’on’ at Camelon in central Scotland and the activities of the devil at Rodmarton, provide information about how local people interpreted the physical remains of the Romans in Britain. The focus on elite tales in this book should not detract from the potential of local myths, but a thorough study of such material remains to be undertaken. Instead, this book has emphasized stories that have been told about the pre- Roman and Roman history of Britain that served to develop relevant national and imperial tales. The significance of the civilizing of the ancient Britons drove a particular approach to the ancient sources during the early seventeenth century that emphasized the passing on of Roman civility to people of England (or Lowland Britain). From this point of view, the ruined Roman Walls projected the territorial limit of civility, beyond which were the lands of barbarians. Towards the end of the century, a new interpretation arose that placed emphasis on the Roman settlers, their ‘stations’, and roads, reflecting the contemporary military aspect of society while envisaging England (or Lowland Britain) as the inheritor of Roman civility. This military conception was redefined and updated during the succeeding centuries as an analogy for the extension of state control over the Scottish Highlands and later for the exploration, documentation, and domination of territories in India and elsewhere.

This chapter analyses Gualdo Priorato’s relationship with the ancient world by focusing on his 1640 treatise entitled Il Guerriero prudente e politico. The paper reconstructs the repertoire of ancient exempla quoted by Priorato, the reference tools he used to understand Greek and Roman history, as well as the different ways in which ancient warfare contributed to shaping Priorato’s own views on politics and war. What emerges is a peculiar approach to antiquity which is extravagant and naive, very distant from that of philologists and antiquarians, but nonetheless fostering an original political thought rooted in the Machiavellian tradition.

It is now twenty years since Fergus Millar highlighted the importance of the spectacular archaeological discoveries made at the ancient city known today as Dura-Europos. While praising the energy of the original excavators, he set out the shortcomings of the limited available publications, and called for ‘the entire corpus of material from Dura’, published and unpublished, ‘to be systematically reviewed’ (Millar 1998, 474). Research and publication had, in fact, never entirely ceased, and a new generation of scholars was already busy on both archive and site when Millar wrote. Since then, both the scale and pace of work have sharply increased, effectively developing into a renaissance in Dura studies. It is hoped that what follows will constitute a significant contribution to this wider current enterprise, regarding a key aspect of the city in the final century of its existence: the highly obtrusive Roman military presence. Imperial soldiers were always central to the story of Dura- Europos on the Syrian Euphrates. Founded by soldiers of one empire, it was eventually destroyed in conflict between those of two more, and was even revealed to modern scholarship by troops of a fourth. In 1920 Indian soldiers of the British empire, on what we would now call counter-insurgency operations, camped in the ruins known as Salhiyeh, the ancient name of which was unknown. They started digging defensive trenches, and were surprised to discover wall paintings, one of which depicted a Roman auxiliary regiment making sacrifice (Breasted 1924). The military tribune Julius Terentius, named in Latin, is seen offering incense before three Palmyrene gods, and the Tychai of Palmyra and Dura. Thus the name—as it turned out, one of the twin names—of the city was rediscovered, as was the fact that it had a Roman garrison, here on the eastern fringe of Rome’s empire. Subsequent scientific excavations revealed its other name given by its original Macedonian soldier-settlers: Europos. They also revealed that, in the decades before Dura’s violent destruction by the Sasanians (AD c.256) and permanent abandonment, one of the most prominent features inside its walls was a sprawling Roman military base.

This project has explored the archaeology of Dura’s imperial Roman military base, and also considered other material traces of the presence of soldiers in the city, e.g. at the Palmyrene Gate and creation of urban baths. As such it here synthesizes the archaeological evidence of a literal quarter (or more) of this globally important archaeological site. It offers an example of the still under-appreciated potential of ‘legacy data sets’ and archival archaeology, and of resurveying ‘old sites’, to generate significant new knowledge, making best use of limited resources. It also considers ‘legacy ideas’ as well as more recent publications to generate new understandings of garrison, base, and city. I hope that this volume will further constitute a useful contribution to the study of the Roman armies, and the soldiers in their ranks. I also hope that it will establish that the military aspect is a vital part of the story of Dura itself, especially for the Roman era, and that the military base and the people who lived in it cannot be treated as literally and figuratively peripheral to Durene studies. The foregoing presents what has been a visually led project, and also one of space and of movement within it. It was conducted through a combination of examining the largely image-based archival records of the Yale/French Academy expedition and direct observation of the fabric of the city, especially of the remains exposed by the original excavations as they were between 2005 and 2010. It has also generated entirely new data expanding the picture through geophysical prospection of the unexcavated portions of the base area and vicinity. Physically moving around the topography of the former city and, where it was still partially upstanding, through some of its spaces, provided many key insights. Others derived from considering plans, aerial photographs, magnetometry plots, and recent satellite images. Not least, interpretations arose from generating the new drawings, largely plans, featured in this book.

Stalin’s major strategic interest in the Balkans was to secure a preponderant influence in Romania and Bulgaria in his negotiations with Germany leading to the Nazi–Soviet Pact and with Great Britain leading to the October 1944 spheres of influence deal. His territorial claims were limited to Bessarabia, a historic Russian claim necessary to gain control of the mouths of the Danube and secure the western shore of the Black Sea on the approaches to the Turkish Straits. Although he encouraged the resistance to the Axis occupation of the Balkans, he did not provide military assistance to the local communist dominated Partisan bands until late in the war when his armies crossed into the region. His ideological aims developed gradually, moving from the idea of national roads to socialism to the formation of popular democracies of coalition governments in which the communists would dominate.

This introductory chapter give an overview of dress objects from the Roman and late antique periods in Egypt and provides insights into their social function and meaning. It first surveys the site provenances of the dress objects in the Petrie Museum collection, and discusses particular issues that arise in their study (for instance, the use of material from grave assemblages to study dress). The wider range of dress objects in the Petrie museum collection is then surveyed, drawing out examples of notable artefacts that provide insights into important social phenomena in Egypt across the period studied. A strong relationship between dress objects and various stages of the life course is demonstrated, further explored elsewhere in Part I. Other notable insights relate to diachronic change in the construction of life course identities, the embodiment of identities through jewellery that was worn permanently, and the Roman discourse of beauty and adornment as represented in objects like hairdressing equipment. Questions of value, including jewellery as a store of wealth, and the different types of value demonstrated through evidence of wear and repair, are also discussed. Evidence of cosmopolitan societies is presented, especially resulting from the posting of military troops to Egypt. This comprises not only military brooches but also dress objects of Germanic origin such as dress pins and bucket pendants. The changing, context-dependent meaning of jewellery from Egypt with Christian themes and motifs is the final topic, discussing its multiple significance as material embodiment of faith, protective amulet, and expression of religious identity.

In the years between Plautus and the heyday of Terence (160s BCE), Rome made a series of momentous conquests, including victory over Antiochus III in Asia Minor. Beginning from this historical background, Chapter 2 considers the wandering, exilic journey of a soldier, Clinia, in Asia while in service to an unnamed “King,” and his Odysseus-like return to his waiting girlfriend, Antiphila. Clinia’s story forms a part of Terence’s Heautontimorumenos, a play put on at the Roman festival of Cybele in 163 BCE. Other plays of Terence as well as the fragments of Caecilius Statius and Ennius add depth and context to the discussion. The chapter argues that Clinia’s lovelorn wandering presents an amusing image of Greek military activities in the East, but simultaneously alludes to Roman expansion through its recollection of Seleucid aggression. Further, by portraying the residents of an Attic deme struggling with the negative effects of an alluring Dionysiac figure, the itinerant prostitute Bacchis, Terence presents Bacchus’s cult in a less favorable light than that of Cybele. Bacchis’s submissive lover, Clitipho, who expresses a close bond with Clinia, is in his own fashion becoming lost, morally as well as spatially, from the moment we first meet him. The behavior of the comic adulescentes Clinia and Clitipho, the chapter suggests, is usefully regarded as queerly deviant in Ahmed’s terms, because seeing their behavior in this way helps illuminate the connection between their failure to live up to Roman gender expectations and the disorienting effects of the East.

In the Dichin (north central Bulgaria) store-buildings destroyed in about the 480s, the large quantities of imported Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea amphorae typify late Roman military supply (annona) to the forts of the lower Danube limes. A dearth of amphorae at Dichin for most of the sixth century is linked ultimately to alterations in trading patterns in the Mediterranean as a whole. A slight increase in amphorae shortly before the final destruction of c.580 reflects a significant recasting of supply sources. The few imported red-slipped wares are mostly late fifth century and of Pontic origin. During the sixth century, modifications in the local coarse pottery reflect cultural changes in the region — the decline of Romanized eating practices and the impact of the barbarian social traditions. The wider significance of ‘foederati ware’ for the Germanic settlement of the region and its influence on the technology of indigenous ceramics production are also explored.

Roman historians developed a tradition of placing ethno graphic information into their works. The “Other” was an everyday reality of the Roman state. With its expansion more nations came into its orbit and thus to the attention of its writers. Arabs were among many others whom the Romans confronted. The position of the Arabs changed rapidly since the emergence of Islam in the 7th century. From a peripheral nation they became the major superpower in the East. The Roman/Byzantine perception did change due to various factors, such as the emergence of new religion as well as military expansion of the newly founded Arab state. It was in this period when ethnographic tradition under went a major transformation. Ethnography was in decline with snippets of information throughout literary works instead of vast descriptions of the “Other” as known in antiquity. Merging the snippets, however, a more coher ent image may occur. The aim of this paper is to look on the ethnographic information about Arabs in three literary works of the 10th century Byzantium – the Taktika, De administran do imperio and History of Leo the Deacon. Arabs will be analysed under the scope of elements that affected Byzantine perception on them – religion, military, and ethnic stereotypes. With the analysis I intend not only to gain a more coherent picture about the ethnographic perception of the Arabs in Byzantium, but also the differ ence of the perception among its various social classes.