Academic literature on the topic 'Stores, Retail – Ontario – Toronto Region'

Background: Canadian provincial policies, like Ontario’s School Food and Beverage Policy (P/PM 150), increasingly mandate standards for food and beverages offered for sale at school. Given concerns regarding students leaving school to purchase less healthy foods, we examined student behaviours and competitive food retail around schools in a large urban region of Southern Ontario. Methods: Using a geographic information system (GIS), we enumerated food outlets (convenience stores, fast-food restaurants, full-service restaurants) within 500, 1000 and 1500 m of all 389 regional schools spanning years of policy implementation. Consenting grade 6–10 students within 31 randomly selected schools completed a web-based 24-h diet recall (WEB-Q) and questionnaire. Results: Food outlet numbers increased over time (p < 0.01); post-policy, within 1000 m, they averaged 27.31 outlets, with a maximum of 65 fast-food restaurants around one school. Of WEB-Q respondents (n = 2075, mean age = 13.4 ± 1.6 years), those who ate lunch at a restaurant/take-out (n = 84, 4%) consumed significantly more energy (978 vs. 760 kcal), sodium (1556 vs. 1173 mg), and sugar (44.3 vs. 40.1 g). Of elementary and secondary school respondents, 22.1% and 52.4% reported ever eating at fast food outlets during school days. Conclusions: Students have easy access to food retail in school neighbourhoods. The higher energy, sodium and sugar of these options present a health risk.

The T Eaton company, considered the world's first department store, was named after its founder Timothy Eaton. In 1869, it as a small dry goods business in Toronto. By 1907, at the death of its founder, it was a giant retail store, with a branch in Winnipeg, alongside a country-wide mail-order business. Innovative practices established during his time included sales for cash only and satisfaction guaranteed or money refunded. Eaton's successors extended the Eaton empire across Canada, continuing the tradition of quality goods, prices, customer service and also fair labour practices. It became a Canadian institution. Eaton's filed for protection from its creditors in February 1997 and once again in August 1999 (see Appendix 1 for a chronology of events) under the federal Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act and the Ontario Business Corporations Act (Closings). The restructuring that followed the first bankruptcy was only partially successful. However, it had a significantly positive impact on Eaton's operations, and seemed to turn things around. Were it not for bad economic news and misfortune in mid-to-late 1998 (CNW 3 and CNW 5), the plan might have worked. Store-closings, employee terminations, and a huge liquidation sale followed the second bankruptcy declared in August 1999, as did the suspension of the trading of Eaton's stock (Chron). Sears Canada Inc. agreed to purchase 16 of the Eaton's stores in September 1999 (Sears 1; Material 1). These will open by the fall of 2000 (Material 2; Sears 1). A compromise was made with Eaton's creditors (including the employees) to give them approximately $0.50 on the dollar (Olijnyk 1). A compromise was also arrived at with Eaton's shareholders whereby the latter would be given participation units in exchange for their common shares (on a one-for-one trade) (Amended; Trachuk). These participation units are to be used in a contingent and conditional settlement based upon the possible utilization of tax credits by Sears acquired as a result of Eaton's $390 million in losses since 1996 (Receivership; Amended; Trachuk). These settlement monies might or might not be realized by the former shareholders (Amended; Trachuk). Today, Eaton's is no more. In its place are many great memories by a former generation of Canadians who used to go to the Eaton's stores to buy big things that were always of high quality. "Agnes Lunn, who was visiting [Edmonton, Calgary,] from Dartmouth, N.S., said she will miss the chain because of its trustworthiness. "If you bought something from Eaton's, you knew it was worth having, you knew it would be quality," she said (Auction)." Perhaps having six of the Eaton's stores open up this fall with the Eaton's name on them will rekindle a loyalty in a new generation of Canadians?

This study examined the prevalence, counts, and subtypes of Campylobacter, Salmonella, Listeria monocytogenes, verotoxigenic Escherichia coli (VTEC), and E. coli on raw retail chicken breast with the skin on versus the skin off. From January to December 2007, 187 raw skin-on chicken breasts and 131 skin-off chicken breasts were collected from randomly selected retail grocery stores in the Region of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. Campylobacter isolates were recovered from a higher proportion of the skin-off chicken breasts, 55 (42%) of 131, than of the skin-on chicken breasts tested, 55 (29%) of 187 (P = 0.023). There was no difference in the proportion of Salmonella isolates recovered from the two meat types (P = 0.715): 40 (31%) of 131 skin-off chicken breasts versus 61 (33%) of 187 skin-on chicken breasts. L. monocytogenes isolates were recovered from a statistically lower proportion of the skin-off chicken breasts, 15 (15%) of 99, than of the skin-on chicken breasts, 64 (34%) of 187 (P = 0.001). There was no difference in the proportion of E. coli isolates recovered from the skin-off chicken breasts, 33 (33%) of 99, than from the skin-on chicken breasts, 77 (41%) of 187 (P = 0.204). VTEC was detected on a single skin-off chicken breast. Campylobacter jejuni was the most frequent species isolated on both types of chicken meat: skin-on, 48 (87%) of 55, and skin-off, 51 (94%) of 54. Salmonella serotypes Kentucky and Heidelberg and L. monocytogenes serotype 1/2a were the most frequently detected serotypes from both skin-off and skin-on chicken breasts. Although there appeared to be a trend toward higher enumeration values of these pathogens and E. coli on the skin-on chicken, the differences did not exceed 1 log. This study suggested that skin-off chicken breast may represent a higher risk of consumer exposure to Campylobacter, a similar risk for Salmonella, VTEC, and E. coli, and a lower risk for L. monocytogenes than skin-on chicken breast.

Each year, 500 to 700 million dew worms are sold from thousands of gas stations, convenience stores, big box retailers, making this particular species, Lumbricus terrestris, the most popular live bait for recreational freshwater fisherman across North America. In fishing parlance, these effective bait worms are referred to as “Canadian Nightcrawlers,” not because they are native to the region (they are not) or because they cannot be found elsewhere (they can), but because the entire global supply comes from a stretch of rural land between Toronto and Windsor in Ontario, Canada. How did this simple garden worm become a valuable commodity, and why is production relegated to one single region in the world? In this paper, I rely on newspaper archives and key informant interviews to construct a “capitalist commodification story” that explain why demand for Canadian Nightcrawlers emerged in North America, why the production of nightcrawlers is relegated to southwestern Ontario, and how this lowly living, breathing, squirming creature beneath our feet became a capitalist commodity producing value through competitive markets. In sum, I argue L. terrestris became a capitalist commodity when burgeoning demand from a new class of recreational fishermen increased competition between nightcrawler suppliers. The inability of capital to take hold of the ecological conditions of nightcrawler production relegated the most productive producers to southwestern Ontario who had the contingent privileges of useful soils combined and cheap and efficient labor. The materiality of L. terrestris physiology is thus constitutive of how capital seeks to accumulate surplus value in a peculiar industry. At the same time, this research shows that no matter how peculiar or banal a commodity may be capitalist logics are constantly experimenting with heterogenous peoples and environments to find a way to increase productivity and accumulate surplus value through market exchange.