Journal articles on the topic 'Stoici romani'

Abstract One of the major issues in Pauline studies of the last decades has been the picture of Judaism painted by Paul especially in his Letter to the Romans. To that end, scholarship first and foremost adduced contemporary Jewish sources without, however, reaching satisfactory results. The present paper, therefore, takes a different approach in that it works out the Stoic influence on Paul’s argumentation. To begin with, the Stoic character of the dilemma of the “I” in Rom 7:14–25, that wills the good, but fails to do so, is demonstrated. Thereupon, it is shown that Paul transfers insights of Stoic psychology not only to the Jewish-Adamitic “I” but also to Israel’s approach to the law that is reached by neither one. Paul in Romans, therefore, can be said to stoify the Jewish approach to the law which especially reflects in the formula “righteousness by works of the law”.

Scholars have long recognized how Romans 1–2 is replete with resonances of Stoic traditions as they have referred to specific similarities in Seneca’s writings and the impact on the interpretation of the letter. Nevertheless, a significant parallel to Paul’s polemic against his fictitious opponent in Rom 2:17–24 has been neglected, namely, Seneca’s invective in Epistle 59. There, the Stoic calls out the “yonder man,” who harms others despite being known as “most gentle”; who robs others despite being considered “most generous”; and who engages in drunkenness and lust despite his reputation of being “most-temperate.” This parallel is also relevant because, like that of Romans 2, the larger context of Epistle 59 also regards human depravity. Therefore, in this article, I will seek to buttress the conclusions from scholars regarding how well Romans 2 aligns with passages from Seneca. I will also aim to show, however, that—in contrast to Paul—Seneca shows solidarity with his interlocutor by recognizing his own shortcomings. Hence, while the similarities help scholars understand how Stoic traditions impact the creation and interpretation of Romans, the convergence between Epistle 59 and Romans 2 also highlights their great divergence. Thus, while the comments in Epistle 59 support the arguments regarding Stoic influence in Romans, the parallels remind the scholar that even as Paul draws upon Stoic ideas and rhetorical devices to deride his interlocutor, he would also consider himself and his fellow believers as not only distant from the likes of the pretentious yonder man but from the humble hypocrisy of Seneca too.

Paul's problems with the law are notorious today; they were problematic in his own day too. Less notorious is Paul's view of nature. The two concepts come together in a unique passage in the Pauline corpus, one which seems to indicate that Paul knows of people, Gentiles no less, who do the law – though it is not certain what law – by nature. This contradicts much of what Paul says about Jewish inability to do the Mosaic law. I would like to argue, however, that Paul perceives this ability to do the law by nature as practically impossible. The basis for this argument is not a desire to save Paul from possible contradiction, but Stoic claims about the wise man, the only person capable of following the law of nature.

‘CONTINUISTI’, CATASTROFISTI E LA CITTÀ DELL'ITALIA SETTENTRIONALE POST-ROMANANegli ultimi quindici anni si è sviluppato un vivace dibattito sulla natura delle città nell'Italia settentrionale post-Romana. Tale discussione ha avuto luogo poichè resti di questo periodo rinvenuti in recenti scavi urbani si sono rivelati sistematicamente poco appariscenti. In questo articolo l'autore discute i principali articoli e libri — elencati e brevemente descritti in bibliografia — che hanno contribuito al dibattito. In particolare viene evidenziato che, sebbene gli studiosi tendono a giungere a conclusioni molto diverse su quanto ‘urbanizzate’ le città post-romane fossero, di fatto hanno molto in comune per quanto riguarda i dati specifici in discussione. L'autore ipotizza che la differenza nelle conclusioni raggiunte dagli studiosi è dovuta in gran parte alle diverse aspettative su cosa una ‘città’ dovrebbe essere. Tale divergenza è stata incoraggiata dalla natura molto diversa dell'evidenza materiale e dei testi scritti e dalle differenze in aspettativa tra romanisti e medievisti, tra autori italiani e britannici e tra storici ed archeologi. Le città dell'Italia post-romana si sono rivelate un vivace campo di battaglia nel più ampio dibattito sulla natura della ‘Dark Age’.

Diogenes of Babylon, or Diogenes of Seleucia (c. 240–150 BC) — a disciple of Chrysippus, a prominent representative of the last period of the Early Stoa, the head of the Stoic school after Zeno of Tarsus. In the writings of Diogenes, of which few fragments have been preserved, almost all the main and many auxiliary issues of stoic dogmatics were touched upon. Being more of a traditionalist than an innovator, Diogenes, nevertheless, specified and clarified school definitions, in some cases offered his own ones and sometimes deviated from stoic canons. He also paid attention to special topics, such as music. Diogenes enjoyed great authority, including among the Romans (Cicero called him "an authoritative and influential Stoic"). In 155 Diogenes visited Rome as a member of the Athenian embassy. Among his students was the founder of the Middle Stoa, Panaetius of Rhodes.

GLI STUDI MEDIEVALI E LA ‘BRITISH SCHOOL AT ROME’Le ricerche in campo medievale hanno costituito uno dei tratti distintivi dell'attività della ‘British School at Rome’ sin dagli esordi, con la pubblicazione di consistenti ricerche storico artistiche (Rushforth) e di storia amministrativa (Jamison) nella prima decade del ventesimo secolo. Successivamente, però, fino al secondo dopoguerra, itemi medievali vennero trattati in maniera piuttosto discontinua. Negli anni '50 l'attenzione si concentro sugli studi storici, mentre quelli archeologici iniziarono negli anni '60. Questi ultimi conobbero un intenso sviluppo in seguito alla ricognizione dell'Etruria meridionale (‘South Etruria Survey’) condotta dalla ‘British School at Rome’, concentratasi sul periodo romano ma che sollevo numerose questioni relative al periodo successive All'inizio degli anni '60, gli scavi di Santa Cornelia furono tra i primi scavi medievali in Italia. A meta del decennio, le ricerche di David Whitehouse sulla ceramica resero possibile per la prima volta datazioni accurate. Da queste premesse scaturirono tre decenni di lavoro intenso sull'archeologia medievale italiana, nel quale gli archeologici britannici, di solito legati alla ‘British School at Rome’, ebbero un ruolo importante. I decenni piu recenti hanno inoltre contributo allo sviluppo delle discipline storiche è storico-artistiche; John Osborne e stato particolarmente attivo nello sviluppo degli studi sulla cultura visiva altomedievale romana.

Abstract This article compares De clementia, a somewhat neglected minor work of the Roman Stoic philosopher L. Annaeus Seneca, and Paul’s Letter to the Romans. First, Seneca’s ideas about rule as a god-given task of moral improvement of the subjects and the role of mercy (clementia) within it are analysed. Then, Seneca’s argument is compared with Paul’s thoughts concerning salvation by grace in his Letter to the Romans. Seneca’s short political treatise De clementia shows a considerable number of interesting and specific agreements with Paul’s reasoning in the Letter to the Romans, even more than his other writings, which have been in the focus of scholarly investigation. Finally, some suggestions are made about the possible source(s) of the convergences and how they could be interpreted.

Il termine crisi - spesso utilizzato per indicare questo momento di difficoltà economica e politica - aveva inizialmente un significato diverso, non necessariamente negativo; per Santi Romano indicava una fase di “passaggio”, una transizione tra due momenti storici, tra due modelli di organizzazione statale . Oggi, nell’accezione più comune, il lemma è utilizzato per indicare una rottura dell’ordinamento. I giuristi hanno sempre prestato particolare attenzione ai cambiamenti radicali cui le società e il diritto sono stati sottoposti nel tempo. In particolare, quando nei primi anni del XX secolo si assisteva a una potente rottura dell’ordinamento giuridico originata dalla Prima guerra mondiale, essi si occuparono a vario titolo della crisi dello Stato ; Santi Romano stesso si soffermerà ancora sul tema proponendo una nuova lettura della crisi nella prolusione nel Regio istituto di Scienze sociali “Cesare Alfieri” a Firenze .

INTRODUZIONENell’ultimo decennio dell’Ottocento emerse l’esigenza di formare una figura infermieristica che assistesse i malati efficacemente. In Italia vennero istituiti i primi Corsi per Infermiere laiche con l’obiettivo di introdurre un’istruzione adeguata per lo svolgimento della professione. Questo fu possibile grazie alla collaborazione di due figure di rilievo dell’epoca, Anna Frantzel Celli (1878-1958) ed Ersilia Majno (1859-1933), attiviste dell’Unione Nazionale Femminile che riuscirono a porre le prime basi della formazione professionale Infermieristica. SCOPORipercorrere ed indagare il ruolo che ebbe Anna Fraentzel Celli nello sviluppo della professione infermieristica. MATERIALI E METODIPer la realizzazione dell’elaborato sono state consultate le banche dati PubMed, JSTOR e Historical Abstracts, testi storici e fonti archivistiche fra cui “Uomini che non scompaiono”, biografia scritta dalla stessa Celli sotto lo pseudonimo di “Heid L.M.” esistente in poche copie nel mondo. RISULTATISono state approfondite tematiche legate alla formazione infermieristica attraverso l’istituzione dei primi corsi per Infermieri laici sul territorio nazionale antecedente al Regio Decreto 1832 del 1925, che contribuì ad assicurare la graduale evoluzione del personale assistenziale, la fondazione del Comitato per le Scuole e la successiva costruzione di scuole nell’Agro Romano. E’ stato reperito materiale concernente un’estesa campagna di ricerca, prevenzione e cura contro la malaria nelle Campagne Romane e l’apertura di uno fra i primi ambulatori a gestione infermieristica denominato “La Scarpetta”. DISCUSSIONI E CONCLUSIONISono state evidenziate tappe inattese che hanno caratterizzato la vita e il percorso di Anna Fraentzel Celli, identificando in esse la chiave di volta nel raggiungimento dell’assistenza moderna.

This paper is devoted to the humour in Plutarch’s speech De Vitando Aere Alieno (That One Ought Not to Borrow). Although the problem raised in this work appears to be serious, Plutarch included humorous elements. Among the ancient Greeks and Romans, not only was usury a grave issue, but also one which gave rise to humour. Plutarch used the tradition of comedy and Cynic-Stoic diatribe in a rhetorical purpose. His aim was to persuade the listener or the reader to adopt a moral attitude towards usury.

"Anti-communist by excellence in spirit, the painter, sculptor and illustrator Camilian Demetrescu left Romania and went to Italy, tired of the continuous persistent attempts of the Securitate to attire him into becoming a collaborator. He left Romania legally in 1969, with a passport, and when the visa expired, he asked for political asylum. His stay in a capitalist country, but most of all the depths of his cultural and political exile, reflected in the articles of the Italian printed press and in the participation to actions or congresses, determined the Securitate not only to target him informatively, but also to threaten him, fact that did not stop him from being up to the end, with stoicism and determination, a convinced and militant anti-communist, a promoter of democracy and of human rights, but also an artist, who kept in his paintings, illustrations and sculptures the emotional relationship with Romania. Keywords: anticommunism, political exile, militantism, art, democracy "

UN CONFRONTO TRA L'ETRURIA SETTENTRIONALE E MERIDIONALE DAL PUNTO DI VISTA DELLA CERAMICA A VERNICE NERAQuesto articolo propone una comparazione dell'Etruria settentrionale e meridionale dal punto di vista del ‘comportamento’ della ceramica a vernice nera, il principale fossile guida dell'età repubblicana e tra i principali indicatori della conquista romana e dell'integrazione dei popoli dell'Italia antica. La base documentaria da cui parte lo studio è costituita dalla ceramica a vernice nera proveniente dallo scavo del teatro romano di Volterra, sito in località di Vallebuona, e dalla South Etruria Survey condotta tra gli anni Cinquanta e Settanta da John Ward-Perkins e la sua équipe. La confrontabilità dei due contesti risiede nel fatto che, pur essendo essi stati indagati con tipi di ricerca differenti — uno scavo e una ricognizione — hanno entrambi restituito materiale residuo rappresentato da un numero di frammenti (ca. 11.000, precisamente 3.972 da Volterra e 6.985 dalla South Etruria Survey) sufficientemente significativo dal punto di vista statistico e cronologico, coprendo l'intero arco di produzione e d'uso della classe (IV–I secolo a.C). L'articolo è strutturato in diverse sezioni: una premessa in cui vengono esplicitate le finalità del lavoro, una discussione sui diversi approcci allo studio della ceramica a vernice nera, l'analisi del caso di Volterra, l'analisi del caso dell'Etruria meridionale e la comparazione finale delle due aree. Lo strumento principale di analisi è costituito da un approccio quantitativo che include la cronologia, le produzioni e le forme in uso nelle due aree. Attraverso i momenti di crescita e crollo della ceramica si cercherà di comprendere non solo la storia della sua produzione, ma anche di leggere i più ampi fenomeni storici alla base dei risultati diversi ottenuti nei due comprensori dell'Etruria.

La lettura dei materiali bibliografici sulla romanistica polacca porta ad osservare che, negli ultimi anni, questo campo d’indagine ha beneficiato di un rigoglioso sviluppo. II numero degli scritti dedicati al diritto e al pensiero antichi nonché al loro influenza su epoche posterioriè cosi considerevole che sembra uguagliare la produzione romanistica degli ultimi 35 anni. Nel presente articolo mi limitero pertanto a darne una presentazione estremamente succinta, rinunciando al discorso più articolato. In questo inventaio si è tenuto conto degli scritti di romanistici (ma soltanto concernenti il diritto e il pensiero antichi), delle recensioni di testi polacchi e stranieri nonchè di quelle opere di autori - in primo luogo storici - legati a campi d’indagine diversi, ma affini che risultassero importanti per gli studiosi di diritto romano.

Résumé: La question de la citoyenneté a très vite dépassé dans le cadre de l’empire territorial romain le problème du simple statut juri­dique pour poser la question de l’articula­tion philosophique et politique d’une ci­toyenneté en quelque sorte déterritorialisée puisqu’être citoyen romain ne signifie plus forcément habiter Rome ou venir exercer ses droits civiques à Rome.L’extension territoriale et l’intégra­tion plus ou moins rapide des opulations a suscité une réflexion sur le rapport entre l’individu citoyen et le groupe civique dé­sormais dispersé à l’échelle de l’empire. S’il existe des citoyens romains sur l’ensemble territorial de l’empire, la citoyenneté est-elle simplement une citoyenneté romaine qui se répand dans l’espace impérial en conser­vant la centralité romaine ou, au contraire, est-elle en train d’acquérir une spécificité telle qu’elle peut être comprise comme une citoyenneté supra-civique qui acquiert un caractère universel tout en gardant ces spé­cificités initiales ou alors devient-elle une citoyenneté qui se substitue à l’idée même du civique ? Les débats sur ces mutations potentielles ont agité les juristes, les philo­sophes et les hommes politiques entre Ré­publique et Empire.Abstract: The question of citizenship very quickly went beyond the problem of simple legal status within the Roman territorial empire to raise the question of the philosophical and political articulation of a somewhat deterritorialized citizenship, since being a Roman citizen no longer necessarily means living in Rome or coming to exer­cise your civil rights in Rome.The territorial extension and the more or less rapid integration of populations has prompted reflection on the relation­ship between the individual citizen and the civic group now dispersed through­out the empire. If there are Roman citi­zens throughout the empire, is citizenship simply a Roman citizenship that spreads throughout the imperial space while pre­serving Roman centrality or, on the con­trary, is it acquiring such a specificity that it can be understood as a supra-civic citi­zenship that acquires a universal character while retaining its initial specificities or does it become a citizenship that replac­es the very idea of the civic? The debates on these potential changes have stirred up lawyers, philosophers and politicians be­tween the Republic and the Empire.Mots clé: Citoyenneté, Rome, Universalisme, Cosmopolitisme, Stoïcisme.Key words: Citizenship, Rome, Universalism, Cos­mopolitanism, Stoicism.

The paper investigates how formal/informal networks of scientists, while facilitating the scientific West-East transfer in the Cold War context, shaped the scientific field of sexology by imposing personal scientific credos, in a particular national context. The paper shows that in the Cold War context, sexual science was present in Communist Romania, but neither as imitation of the regional scholarship, nor as a simple reproduction of western advancements in the field. The post-war Romanian scholarship in the field of sexology was the result of scientific interests of Stefan Milcu – long time party protégée and respected member of the international scientific community – and of its personal circle that included remarkable personalities such as Victor Săhleanu or Tudor Stoica. Presenting the public with information about sexual and re­productive functions, and sometimes even elaborated descriptions of sexual techniques, certainly was never meant to enhance the individual gratification or provoke any form of sexual revolution. The Romanian production of sex/educational manuals and of sexology works was part of a state policy towards a better, stable, family life, aiming for collective and social happiness.

VITRUVIO E GLI ACQUEDOTTI GRECILa sezione di Vitruvio (VIII 5-6.9) sugli acquedotti ha causato molte difficoltà agli studiosi della materia che non riescono a riconciliarlo né con le pratiche conosciute nell'occidente romano, né con le teorie dell'idraulica moderna. In questo articolo si sostiene che, con l'eccezione dei passaggi sulle dimensioni dei tubi e sulla distribuzione urbana, le fonti di Vitruvio siano interamente greche. La sua descrizione dei chorobates deriva da Carpo di Antiochia, i suoi dati sul gradiente da Filone di Bisanzio, mentre le sue specifiche riguardanti le condutture dell'acqua, complete con un sifone invertito, corrispondono esattamente all'acquedotto Karapinar a Smirne. Tre grandi sifoni del secondo secolo a.C. (Smirne, il Madra Dag a Pergamo e l'esempio di stile ellenistico ad Alatri) tutti includono una caratteristica ingegneristica che spiega l'enigmatico colluviaria di Vitruvio. Le ‘pietre rosse’ che Vitruvio consiglia come ancore di sifoni possono essere ritrovate solo negli acquedotti dell'Asia Minore occidentale. La sua teoria idraulica è comprensibile più in termini di disciplina stoica che di fisica moderna. Se ne conclude che Vitruvio fosse ampiamente influenzato da fonti pergameniche del secondo secolo a.C, e che forse perfmo il suo resoconto del tipico acquedotto romano con tubazioni, che sembra descrivere l'Anio Vetus, possa derivare di seconda mano dalle stesse fonti.

O presente artigo tem por objetivo descrever as técnicas de si estoicas segundo o pensamento de Michel Foucault. O artigo será realizado em dois momentos: primeiramente serão feitos alguns esclarecimentos conceituais a fim de que entendamos como se relacionam alguns termos frequentemente empregados por Foucault, como cultura de si, técnicas de si e cuidado de si, apontando alguns aspectos históricos relevantes no surgimento do cuidado de si estoico; no segundo momento nos dedicaremos a realizar uma descrição das técnicas de si apresentadas na obra Technologies of the Self. Utilizaremos como referência principal a obra citada, complementando a descrição das mesmas por meio das obras A Hermenêutica do Sujeito e A História da Sexualidade III.

The Sayings Gospel Q is notable for lacking an account of Jesus' death.1 It is surprising that one early Christian document is apparently so indifferent to an event which plays a profound role in others (e.g., Romans, Mark). Scholars have, to be sure, observed that the issue of persecution and/or death is often referred to in Q, and many have come to believe that these references are casting an implicit glance at the death of Jesus himself. According to this line of thought, early Christians would have used the deaths of the prophets to connect Jesus' death with those of his followers. I do not intend to argue against this. Rather, I will propose that there is also another view according to which Q related Jesus' death and those of his followers. This view involved common, Cynic-Stoic ideas of the time.

This paper focuses on the equivalence between Greek phronesis, a very hard word to translate, and Latin prudentia. Based on the word phren, phronesis means ‘thought’, ‘intellectual perception’, ‘sense’, ‘prudence’, ‘practical wisdom’, while prudentia is derived from prouidentia, meaning ‘ability to look ahead’, ‘forecast’, ‘foresight’ and also ‘Providence’. Why, although their etymological roots were apparently different, did the Romans choose the word prudentia in order to translate Greek phronesis? And how did such a translation alter the evolution of the philosophical concept of prudence in Latin culture? It seems that Cicero offers a new analysis of prudentia by dividing the term prouidentia, from which it was formed, into two parts. The prefix pro- alludes not only to Aristotelian phronesis (a virtue especially related to the future and most important in political field), but also to Stoic pro-noia (or Pro-vidence) on a cosmological level, while the Latin verb videre (‘to see’) leads Ciceronian prudence, in ethics, towards a theoretical, i.e. contemplative, wisdom (sophia), inspired by Plato.

Il tema viene affrontato alla luce degli avvenimenti storici che hanno caratterizzato le vicende della Chiesa in Italia dal 20 settembre 1870, occupazione di Roma da parte dell'esercito italiano, fino ai nostri giorni. L'esposizione si fonda sull'analisi di documenti ufficiali. La storia del muro tra Vaticano e Italia č proposta in tre fasi. La prima, definita di conflittualitŕ insanabile, descrive la situazione venutasi a creare con la breccia di Porta Pia, che determinň l'opposizione assoluta del Papa al nuovo assetto della cittŕ di Roma e dell'Italia. Iniziň da questo evento la cosiddetta "questione romana", incentrata sul mancato reciproco riconoscimento delle due istituzioni (la Santa Sede e il Regno d'Italia). Inoltre, il Papa rifiutň la tutela unilaterale proposta dal governo italiano formulata con la cosiddetta Legge delle Guarentigie. La seconda fase, caratterizzata da reciproco riconoscimento e collaborazione, inizia l'11 febbraio 1929, data in cui furono sottoscritti i Patti lateranensi con i quali fu sancita la riconciliazione tra l'Italia e il Papato. Dopo una trattativa lunga e complessa, si pervenne alla soluzione della questione romana, formalizzata nel "Trattato" e nella "Convenzione finanziaria", documenti che sancirono la nascita dello Stato della Cittŕ del Vaticano e ne riconobbero l'indipendenza e la sovranitŕ, garanzie per l'esercizio libero del ministero del Papa, capo della Chiesa universale. A ciň si aggiunse la sottoscrizione del "Concordato", con il quale furono regolamentate le materie di competenza mista tra Stato e Chiesa. La terza fase č quella della revisione concordataria, motivata dagli eventi seguiti al Secondo conflitto mondiale (caduta del regime fascista e instaurazione di uno stato democratico repubblicano, fondato su una nuova Costituzione) e segnata anche dagli eventi che caratterizzarono la vita ecclesiale (celebrazione del Concilio ecumenico Vaticano e promulgazione di un nuovo Codex iuris canonici). In questa fase, il 18 febbraio 1984 fu sottoscritto l'"Accordo di revisione del Concordato lateranense", con il quale la normativa pattizia fu adeguata alle mutate condizioni sociali, culturali e religiose del Paese della Chiesa.

Summary The dialogical exchange with a fictitious opponent is the main feature of the so-called Cynic-Stoic Diatribe, a mode of exposition that was developed in Ancient Greek and Roman literature. In Greek diatribe, the formula μὴ γένοιτο ‘far from it’ is used to reject the views of the fictitious opponent. The Apostle Paul, whose writings exhibit many features of diatribe, makes ample use of this formula. In the Church Slavonic translation of the New Testament, μὴ γένοιτο appears as да не бѫдетъ or (less often) не бѫди. In the Fourth (Athonitic) redaction of this translation, да не бѫдетъ is used throughout. This text served as the basis for the first printed edition of the second part of the New Testament, the Apostolos (Vilna, 1525). The editor, Franciscus Skorina, tried – albeit in a very inconsistent manner – to modernize the text. He either retained the diatribal formula да не бѫдетъ or replaced it by то не естъ, да не будеть сеє при насъ, никако, да не будеть то, да не будемъ, никакоже and николиже. This diversity arose independently of the Czech Bible of Venice (1506), which was the second main source of Skorina’s Bible translations. The use of the 1st person plural (при насъ, да не будемъ) reflects similar forms in the preceding context of Paul’s Letter to the Romans.

This article examines the New Testament teaching about man in the authentic epistles of Paul the Apostle. In particular, it studies the anthropological phenomenon of conscience as one of the important ethical terms in Christian worldview. In spite of the fact that this topic has been thoroughly investigated by Western biblical science, Russian theological environment has not been paying it sufficient attention. Therefore, from the position of theological and philological research within the framework of the historical and cultural approach, the article dwells on conscience expressed by Paul the Apostle through the term συνείδησις in the epistles to the Corinthians and the Romans, whose authorship as St. Paul’s is unquestioned by modern biblical studies. The research shows that Paul the Apostle used the term συνείδησις in a sense related to human awareness, without any explicit emphasis on morality as in the works by Stoic philosophers. For St. Paul, the term συνείδησις in a general sense means an autonomous anthropological instance of a person’s judgеment/assessment of his/her own behaviour in relation to the norms, laws and rules adopted by him/her. However, depending on the historical circumstances in the life of Christian communities, Paul the Apostle gave this term his own semantic connotations. According to this research, in the text of the Pauline epistles συνείδησις appears not only as a general anthropological phenomenon, but also as an independent (autonomous) personified witness to the truth, as an instance that checks the correspondence between the declared value norms in the mind and the person’s own behaviour. This instance reflects the mental activity of a conscious human as a person in any cultural and historical epoch regardless of his/her religious preferences.

Настоящая работа является первым общим описанием на русском языке двух некрополей Кампокиаро (Кампобассо, Италия) – Виченне и Морионе, датируемых последней третью VII в. – началом VIII в. Культурное содержание некрополей показывает прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения. Важнейшим признаком некрополей являются захоронения с конем, соответствующие евразийскому кочевому погребальному обряду. Автор поддержал выводы европейских исследователей о том, что с большой долей вероятности некрополи оставлены булгарами дукса–гаштальда Алзеко, зафиксированными Павлом Диаконом в VIII в. на территориях Бояно, Сепино и Изернии. Аналогии некрополей Кампокиаро с погребениями Аварского каганата показывают присутствие в аварском обществе булгар со схожим погребальным обрядом. Из тысяч погребений с конем, оставленных аварским населением, булгарам могла принадлежать большая часть. Авары и булгары составляли основу и правящую верхушку каганата. 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The paper presents the results of studies of epitaphs for children up to almost eight years of age from the city of Rome (3rd-4th c. – B. Stawoska-Jundziłł, Vixit cum parentibus. Children aged under seven in Christian families from Rome of 3rd-4th c., Bydgoszcz 2008) in comparison with the views of John Chrysostom on the upbringing of small children. The content of over 2000 children from Rome demonstrates a high status of even the youngest offspring in the Christian families from this city. The founders cared for their religious „endowment”, bestowed their love on them and tried to remember them as members of the family even if they had died after a few days or months. It was unquestionably believed that small children are immediately saved, go to God and commune with the saints. Thanks to this the family could hope for their support and prayers. Whereas, John Chrysostom only casually mentions small children and, what is more, ambivalently: on one hand presenting them on the basis of thorough observations of their behavior and looking after them and on the other hand as mindless creatures, a harbinger of va­luable person following the Stoics e.g. Seneca. As far as the most important for me question of the death of small children is concerned he takes a stand similar to that of the Romans. The children are really without sins (they did not commit them consciously) so God shall accept them only through the hardships of illness and death. Now they are asleep (unlike in the studied epitaphs) but they will rise from the dead and join their parents. Thus, the despair after their death is pointless; God decided the best for them. The difference lies in the fact that the founders of epitaphs more decidedly see the perfection of posthumous existence of even the smallest children who there reach their full maturity whereas John does not seem to be interested in this issue since he directs his teaching mostly to maturing and mature Christians in the earthly life and not in the beyond.

A proposta deste texto é oferecer alguns aportes acerca da investigação dos problemas ético-estéticos por meio de uma análise teórico-conceitual que privilegia as interseções entre a Filosofia e a Literatura. O objetivo central é o de trabalhar a partir de autores filiados ao movimento romântico-idealista alemão destacando, em suas produções, a presença, direta ou inspirada, dos filósofos antigos, especialmente aqueles filiados à corrente estoica. Isto nos permite ampliar a discussão acerca das valorações morais por meio do resgate do conceito de “representação” a fim de propô-lo como um operador conceitual chave para as respostas acerca dos problemas éticos e estéticos contemporâneos. Para tanto, acredito ser possível uma investigação que aborde sempre uma dupla leitura, tematicamente bem recortada, mas que partirá de um referencial teórico-conceitual filosófico e uma obra literária afim (o diálogo entre Schopenhauer e Thomas Mann ou Augusto dos Anjos; Nietzsche e Dostoiévski; Kierkegaard e Ibsen, por exemplo), no intuito de mostrar como um estudo cuidadoso dessas “fronteiras” entre o discurso filosófico e o literário pode oferecer um mapeamento dos problemas relacionados ao debate Ética-Estética. O ponto de apoio fundamental desta proposta é o resgate da concepção “unicista” greco-romana entre as questões estéticas e as filosófico-morais com vistas à pergunta acerca de como seres humanos deveriam viver, o que nos leva a demonstrar como a compatibilização entre os campos de investigação ético e estético oferecem uma visão de mundo mais esclarecedora e ampliada da realidade.Abstract: this paper aims at pointing out some issues concerning the dialogical approach between ethics and esthetics by means of a reflection on the theoretical-critical problems purported by Philosophy and Literature. The main objective is to introduce a proposal of analysis that is centered on the authors of the German Romanticism-Idealism emphasizing the intercourse between their philosophy and the Ancients’ presence in them, moreover the Stoicism. Bearing that in mind, the purpose is to widen the scope of our moral evaluations using as a guideline the conception of “representation”. That allows us to investigate our main contemporary ethical-esthetical issues bringing together a theoretical-philosophical conception and an alike literary work (the dialogue between Schopenhauer and Thomas Mann or Augusto dos Anjos; Nietzsche and Dostoevsky; Kierkegaard and Ibsen, for instance). Our goal is to demonstrate that carefully analyzing those “frontiers”, the ones that demarcate literature and philosophy, is a fruitful mapping of the Ethics-Esthetics debate. In the end, we tend to opt for a “unifying” assumption of the Greco-Roman point of view on the way human beings should lead their lives in order to fashion themselves according to a good character model based on a moral-esthetical grounding. That could open up a wider perspective of our reading of our own reality. Key words: Stoicism; German Idealism-Romanticism; Philosophy and Literature; Tragic Philosophy; Representation.

After the Athenian crisis of the early 80’s, which saw the ancient city held hostage between an Anatolian military expedition (whose leader at least claimed some intellectual credentials from Athenian schools including the Lyceum) and a renegade Roman with only the most cynical interest in heritage or culture, the schools of Athens – in particular the “peripatetic” school which dated back to Aristotle – faced challenges of identity, recruiting students, and in holding its own, perhaps too “peripatetic,” faculty. In early post-classical and Hellenistic times the second and third generation Lyceum had been successful, even when it had lost intellectual “stars” like Theophrastus, and (worse) its original library, to rivals like Pergamum – but as the other schools attracted career-minded students from the west, Aristotle’s foundation of a broad-minded liberal arts approach to learning in the Lyceum grove was in danger. The Lyceum seems actually to have failed for a time, or at least to have limped through the middle first century with faculty borrowed from the Akademe, in spite of a reputation for teaching practical politics which neither the Epicureans nor the Stoics could substitute for very well. Experts of the Aristotelian sort found either too-attractive employment in an Italy closer to the centers of power, or too strong a lure toward traveling consulting positions with neophyte Romans trying to learn the eastern Mediterranean “on their jobs.” At its Athenian home, it moved a significant part of its teaching into the city and melded it into the ephebeia or “civic school” for young Athenian citizens (but in the new Athens, those included a more and more multi-cultural mix of foreign youth as the Republic’s business class and students arrived in town). And then, it also attracted those in retirement from the turmoil of the disintegrating Republic, who valued the Lyceum more as a refuge than as a provider of power-skills for “players,” the sort of thing the Akademe or the Epicurean ‘Garden’ did. The solution itself endangered Aristotle’s idea for the school. As the Republic died, the “Peripatetic” school’s greatest teachers were more often on the road with its “players” than home. What it kept at its home, though, it re-invested in the educational life of its own city. The Lyceum, like the Stoa, found its new Athenian home “downtown” in more ways than one, and faced challenges quite familiar both in modern “peripatetic” and in “career-direct” higher education.

La tarda antichità fu un periodo di profondi cambiamenti che coinvolse l’Europa, il mediterraneo e il cosiddetto Vicino Oriente, dal IV-V al VII-VIII secolo. Questo paradigma è ormai ampiamente utilizzato negli studi islamici, dagli studi coranici, dove Angelika Neuwirth ha ampiamente scritto sul tema delle basi bibliche della rivelazione coranica come manifestazione dello scritturalismo tardo antico, agli studi storici relativi al Corano e all’Arabia preislamica, come nel libro di Aziz al-Azmeh The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity, che riprende il filone di studi instaurato da Julius Wellhausen e Toufic Fahd. Sono pienamente d’accordo con la necessità di inserire l’Islam, la sua nascita e il suo sviluppo storico, religioso e filosofico nel contesto della tarda antichità, ma è necessario sottolineare quali temi hanno fatto dell’Islam una nuova religione rispetto al giudaismo e al cristianesimo. Questo è il tema del presente articolo che si articola nei seguenti momenti: 1) una breve rassegna critica della letteratura sulla tarda antichità; 2) il rapporto tra gli imperi – romano, bizantino e sasanide – della tarda antichità e il trionfo del monoteismo; 3) il concetto di hanifiyya. La conclusione è che il messaggio coranico trasmesso da Maometto ha diviso la storia in due parti: prima e dopo la venuta della verità. Late Antiquity describes a period of profound transformations that involved Europe, the Mediterranean world and the so-called Near East, from IV-V to VII-VIII centuries. This paradigm has now become widely used in Islamic studies, from Qurʾānic studies, where Angelika Neuwirth has extensively published in the past on the subject of the biblical underpinnings of the Qurʾānic revelation as a manifestation of late antique scripturalism, to historical studies related to the Qurʾān and pre-Islamic Arabia, as in Aziz al-Azmeh’s book The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity, which takes up the trend of scholarship established by Julius Wellhausen and Toufic Fahd. I completely agree with the need to put Islam and its historical, religious, philosophical birth and development in the context of the Late Antiquity, but what is at stake is to emphasize which themes made Islam a new religion with respect to Judaism and Christianity. This is the focus of the present paper which deals with: 1) a brief critical survey of the literature on Late Antiquity; 2) the relationship between the empires – Roman, Byzantine and Sasanid – of Late Antiquity and the triumph of monotheism; 3) the concept of hanifiyya. The conclusion is that the Qurʾānic message conveyed by Muhammad broke the history into two parts: before and after the coming of truth.

Mit Mythen Leben, the 2004 study of Roman sarcophagi by Paul Zanker and Björn Ewald, has appeared (with updated references) in English. This is a cause for gladness among all Anglophones engaged in the teaching of ancient art, because for non-German readers there was frankly nothing to match the intellectual scope and illustrative quality of Zanker–Ewald. Our only regret may be that students will find this explanation of the imagery on the sarcophagi so convincing that further debate seems futile. It is well known that Roman sarcophagi, of which thousands survive from the second and third centuries ad, have had a ‘presence’ or ‘afterlife’ in Western art history for many centuries: some were even re-used for Christian burials (the tale of one such case in Viterbo, the so-called ‘Bella Galiana’ sarcophagus, might be one addendum to the bibliography here). But what did they once signify? Many were produced in marble workshops of the eastern Mediterranean, from which the suspicion arises that Roman customers may not have exercised much discrimination when it came to selecting a subject or decorative scheme. (Our authors rather sidestep the question of how much was carved at sites of origin, such as Aphrodisias, then completed – with portrait features added? – in Rome.) Accepting, however, that an elaborate sarcophagus was a considerable investment – the cost calculated as about six months’ or even a year's salary for a captain in the Praetorian Guard – and supposing that the imagery were more than a status symbol, we are left with essentially two options. One is to follow the Belgian scholar Franz Cumont and others in analysing the iconography in terms of its clues to Roman beliefs about the afterlife. For certain images of myth this seems to work very well – the story of Alcestis, for example; for others, rather abstruse allegories must be sought: what eschatology is lodged in Medea's tragedy, or a scene of Achilles on Skyros? The alternative is to follow Zanker and Ewald in supposing that the sarcophagi do not so much represent the belief systems of the deceased as offer a sort of visual counselling to the bereaved. Hence the title – living with myths, not dying with them: for the regular occasions on which Romans were obliged to remember and honour the dead (parentalia, rosaria, etc.), sarcophagi on display in family burial enclosures provided ‘encouragement to free association’ (31) in various therapeutic and consolatory ways. These of course encompass some of Cumont's reconstructions of Stoic comfort and so on – but with its emphasis upon the response of viewers, the Zanker–Ewald approach clearly allows more flexibility of significance. To say that the message often reduces to ‘it could be worse’ is a brutal summary of the sympathetic and subtle readings expounded in this book. Yet occasionally one could wish for more sophistry. For example, in discussing the consolatory potential of images of Niobe and her unfortunate offspring – a ‘massacre of the innocents’ with obvious pertinence to mors immatura – the authors allude (74) to the curious persuasive strategy deployed by Achilles when he, at last in a mood to yield up the mangled body of Hector, invites the grief-stricken Priam to supper (Il. 24.603 ff.). As Malcolm Willcock long ago showed (CQ 14 [1964], 141 ff.), Achilles resorts to a formulaic paradeigma: ‘You must do this, because X, who was in more or less the same situation as you, and a more significant person, did it.’ Only in this the case the a fortiori argument relies upon a rather implausible twist to the usual story, namely that Niobe, having witnessed the deaths of her twelve children – and with their corpses still unburied, since everyone in the vicinity has been turned to stone – adjourns to dinner. No other telling of the myth mentions this detail: indeed, Niobe herself is usually the one turned to stone. Of course this version suits Achilles well enough: if Niobe lost all her children but not her appetite, why should Priam, who has lost merely one of his many sons and daughters, hesitate to share a meal? But did Homer expect his audience to be disconcerted by such mythical manipulation, or was it typical of what happened when myth served as consolation? And if Achilles/Homer may resort to such embroidery, did educated Romans feel inclined to do likewise? Was this part of the presence of myth in ‘everyday life’?

Increasing preoccupations and interest manifested for the Romanian language as a foreign language compose a focused and clear expression in the volume “Romanian as a foreign language. Methodology and cultural applicability”, launched at the Turku University publishing house, Finland (2018). The editors, Paul Nanu (Department of Romanian Language and Culture, University of Turku, Finland) and Emilia Ivancu (Department of Romanian Studies of the Adam Mickiewicz University of Poznań, Poland) with this volume, continue a series of activities dedicated to the promotion of the Romanian language and culture outside the country borders. This volume brings together a collection of articles, previously announced and briefly presented at a round table organized by the two Romanian lectors, as a section of the International Conference “Dialogue of cultures between tradition and modernity”, (Philological Research and Multicultural Dialogue Centre, Department of Philology, Faculty of History and Philology, “1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia). The thirteen authors who sign the articles are teachers of Romanian as a foreign language, either in the country or abroad. The challenge launched by the organisers pointed both at the teaching methods of Romanian as a foreign language – including the authors’ reflections upon the available textbooks (Romanian language textbooks) and the cultural implications of this perspective on the Romanian language. It is probably no accident that the first article of the aforementioned volume – “Particularities of teaching Romanian as a foreign language for the preparatory year. In quest of “the ideal textbook’’ (Cristina Sicoe, University of the West, Timișoara) – brings a strict perspective upon that what should be, from the author’s point of view, “the ideal textbook”. The fact that it does not exist, and has little chances ever to exist, could maybe be explained by the multitude of variables which appear in practice, within the didactic triangle composed by teacher – student – textbook. The character of the variables is the result of particular interactions established between the components of the triad. A concurrent direction is pointed out by the considerations that make the object of the second article, “To a new textbook of Romanian language as a foreign language’’ (Ana-Maria Radu-Pop, University of the West, Timișoara). While the previous article was about an ideal textbook for foreign students in the preparatory year of Romanian, this time, the textbook in question has another target group, namely Erasmus students and students from Centres of foreign languages. Considering that this kind of target group “forms a distinct category”, the author pleads for the necessity of editing adequate textbooks with a part made of themes, vocabulary, grammar and a part made of culture and civilization – the separation into parts belongs to the author – that should consider the needs of this target group, their short stay in Romania (three months to one year) and, last but not least, the students’ poor motivation. These distinctive notes turn the existent RFL textbooks[1] in that which the author calls “level crossings”, which she explains in a humorous manner[2]. Since the ideal manual seems to be in no hurry to appear, the administrative-logistic implications of teaching Romanian as a foreign language (for the preparatory year) should be easier to align with the standards of efficiency. This matter is addressed by Mihaela Badea and Cristina Iridon from the Oil & Gas University of Ploiești, in the article “Administrative/logistic difficulties of teaching RFL. Case study”. Starting from a series of practical experiences, the authors are purposing to suggest “several ideas to improve existent methodologies of admitting foreign students and to review the ARACIS criteria from March 2017, regarding external evaluation of the ‘Romanian as a foreign language’ study programme”. Among other things, an external difficulty is highlighted (common to all universities in the country), namely the permission to register foreign students until the end of the first semester of the academic year, meaning around the middle of February. The authors punctually describe the unfortunate implications of this legal aspect and the regrettable consequences upon the quality of the educational act. They suggest that the deadline for admitting foreign students not exceed the 1st of December of every academic year. The list of difficulties in teaching Romanian as a foreign language is extremely long, reaching sensitive aspects from an ethical perspective of multiculturalism. This approach belongs to Constantin Mladin from Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Macedonia, who writes about “The role of the ethical component in the learning process of a foreign language and culture. The Macedonian experience”. Therefore, we are moving towards the intercultural competences which, as the author states, are meant to “adequately and efficiently round the acquired language competences”. In today’s Macedonian society, that which the author refers to, a society claimed to be multiethnic, multilingual and pluriconfessional, the emotional component of an intercultural approach needs a particular attention. Thus, reconfigurations of the current didactic model are necessary. The solution proposed and successfully applied by Professor Constantin Mladin is that of shaking the natural directions in which a foreign language and culture is acquired: from the source language/culture towards the target language/culture. All this is proposed in the context in which the target group is extremely heterogeneous and its “emotional capacity of letting go of the ethnocentric attitudes and perceptions upon otherness” seem to lack. When speaking about ‘barriers’, we often mean ‘difficulty’. The article written by Silvia Kried Stoian and Loredana Netedu from the Oil & Gas University of Ploiești, called “Barriers in the intercultural communication of foreign students in the preparatory year”, is the result of a micro-research done upon a group of 37 foreign students from 10 different countries/cultural spaces, belonging to different religions (plus atheists), speakers of different languages. From the start, there are many differences to be reconciled in a way reasonable enough to reduce most barriers that appear in their intercultural communication. Beneficial and obstructive factors – namely communication barriers – coexist in a complex communicational environment, which supposes identifying and solving the latter, in the aim of softening the cultural shock experienced within linguistic and cultural immersion. Several solutions are recommended by the two authors. An optimistic conclusion emerges in the end, namely the possibility that the initial inconvenient of the ethnical, linguistic and cultural heterogeneity become “an advantage in learning the Romanian language and acquiring intercultural communication”. Total immersion (linguistic and cultural), as well as the advantage it represents as far as exposure to language is concerned, is the subject of the article entitled “Cultural immersion and exposure to language”, written by Adina Curta (“1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia). Considered to be a factor of rapid progress and effectiveness of acquisition, exposure to language that arises from the force of circumstances could be extended to that what may be named orchestrated exposure to language. This phrase is consented to reunite two types of resources, “a category of statutory resources, which are the CEFRL suggestions, and a category of particular resources, which should be the activities proposed by the organizers of the preparatory year of RFL”. In this respect, we are dealing with several alternating roles of the teacher who, besides being an expert, animator, facilitator of the learning process or technician, also becomes a cultural and linguistic coach, sending to the group of immersed students a beneficial message of professional and human polyvalence. A particular experience is represented by teaching the Romanian language at the Sapienza University of Rome, Italy. This experience is presented by Nicoleta Neșu in the article “The Romanian language, between mother tongue and ethnic language. Case study”. The particular situation is generated by the nature of the target group, a group of students coming, on the one hand, from Romanian families, who, having lived in Italy since early childhood, have studied in the Italian language and are now studying the Romanian language (mother tongue, then ethnic language) as L1, and, on the other hand, Italian mother tongue students who study the Romanian language as a foreign language. The strategies that are used and the didactic approach are constantly in need of particularization, depending on the statute that the studied language, namely the Romanian language, has in each case. In the area of teaching methodology for Romanian as a foreign language, suggestions and analyses come from four authors, namely Eliana-Alina Popeți (West University of Timișoara), “Teaching the Romanian language to students from Romanian communities from Serbia. Vocabulary exercise”, Georgeta Orian (“1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia) “The Romanian language in the rhythm of dance and hip-hop music”, Coralia Telea (“1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia), “Explanation during the class of Romanian as a foreign language” and Emilia Ivancu (Adam Mickiewicz University of Poznań, Poland), “Romanian (auto)biographic discourse or the effect of literature upon learning RFL”. The vocabulary exercise proposed to the students by Eliana-Alina Popeți is a didactic experiment through which the author checked the hypothesis according to which a visual didactic material eases the development of vocabulary, especially since the textual productions of the students, done through the technique that didactics calls “reading images”, were video recorded and submitted to mutual evaluation as well as to self-evaluation of grammar, coherence and pronunciation. The role of the authentic iconographic document is attested in the didactics of modern languages, as the aforementioned experiment confirms once again the high coefficient of interest and attention of the students, as well as the vitality and authenticity of interaction within the work groups. It is worth mentioning that these students come from the Serbian Republic and are registered in the preparatory year at the Faculty of Letters, History and Theology of the West University of Timișoara. Most of them are speakers of different Romanian patois, only found on the territory of Serbia. The activity consisted of elaborating written texts starting from an image (a postcard reproducing a portrait of the Egyptian artist Eman Osama), imagining a possible biography of the character. In the series of successful authentic documents in teaching-learning foreign languages, there is also the song. The activities described by Georgeta Orian were undertaken either with Erasmus students from the preparatory year at the “1 Decembrie 1989” University of Alba Iulia, or with Polish students (within the Department of Romanian Studies in Poznań), having high communication competences (B1-B2, or even more). There were five activities triggered by Romanian songs, chosen by criteria of sympathy with the interests of the target group: youngsters, late teenagers. The stake was “a more pleasant and, sometimes, a more useful learning process”, mostly through discovery, through recourse to musical language, which has the advantage of breaking linguistic barriers in the aim of creating a common space in which the target language, a language of “the other”, becomes the instrument of speaking about what connects us. The didactic approach, when it comes to Romanian as a foreign language taught to students of the preparatory year cannot avoid the extremely popular method of the explanation. Its story is told by Coralia Telea. With a use of high scope, the explanation steps in in various moments and contexts: for transmitting new information, for underlining mechanisms generating new rules, in evaluation activities (result appreciation, progress measurements). Still, the limits of this method are not left out, among which the risk of the teachers to annoy their audience if overbidding this method. Addressing (Polish) students from the Master’s Studies Program within the Romania Philology at the Adam Mickiewicz University of Poznań, Emilia Ivancu crosses, through her article, the methodological dimensions of teaching Romanian as a foreign language, entering the curricular territory of the problematics in question by proposing an optional course entitled Romanian (auto)biographic discourse”. Approaching contact with the Romanian language as a foreign language at an advanced level, the stakes of the approach and the proposed contents differ, obviously, from the ones only regarding the creation and development of the competence of communication in the Romanian Language. The studied texts have been grouped into correspondence/epistolary discourse, diaries, memoires and (auto)biography as fiction. Vasile Alecsandri, Sanda Stolojan, Paul Goma, Neagoe Basarab, Norman Manea, Mircea Eliade are just a few of the writers concerned, submitted to discussions with the help of a theoretical toolbox, offered to the students as recordings of cultural broadcasts, like Profesioniștii or Rezistența prin cultură etc. The consequences of this complex approach consisted, on the one hand, of the expansion of the readings for the students and, on the other hand, in choosing to write dissertations on these topics. A “tangible” result of Emilia Ivancu’s course is the elaboration of a volume entitled România la persoana întâi, perspective la persoana a treia (Romania in the first person, perspectives in the third person), containing seven articles written by Polish Master’s students. Master’s theses, a PhD thesis, several translations into the Polish language are also “fruits” of the initiated course. Of all these, the author extracted several conclusions supporting the merits and usefulness of her initiative. The volume ends with a review signed by Adina Curta (1 Decembrie 1918 University of Alba Iulia), “The Romanian language, a modern, wanted language. Iuliana Wainberg-Drăghiciu – Textbook of Romanian language as a foreign language”. The textbook elaborated by Iuliana Wainberg-Drăghiciu (“1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia) respects the CEFRL suggestions, points at the communicative competences (linguistic, sociolinguistic and pragmatic) described for levels A1 and A2, has a high degree of accessibility through a trilingual dictionary (Romanian-English-French) which it offers to foreign students and through the phonetic transcription of new vocabulary units.

Trata-se de uma edição bilíngue (inglês-grego) contendo uma tradução, introdução e comentário, feitos por Ramelli, dos trabalhos sobreviventes de Hieroclés, filósofo estoico da primeira metade do século II. O prefácio do texto nos dá noções gerais acerca do foco sobre o qual esse estoico se debruçou, explicitando cada ponto de sua doutrina, bem como cita os autores que tornaram possível o reconhecimento do estoicismo a partir desse filósofo romano. E segue apresentando a tradução das duas obras desse autor: Elementos de ética e Sobre os atos apropriados, traduções seguidas de comentários sobre cada conceito-chave e suas implicações.

First of all, COFRET is an acronym coming from the French expression “Colloque Francophone en Energie, Environnement, Economie et Thermodynamique”, meaning Conference on Energy, Environment, Economy and Thermodynamics. Thus, COFRET is a scientific event initiated in 2002 by an enthusiastic Franch-Romanian group with the aim of organizing a conference on energy, the environment, the economy and thermodynamics every two years, once in France and another time in Romania. Professor Michel Feidt from the University of Lorraine-France, and Professors Stoian Petrescu and Vsevolod Radcenco from the “Politehnica” University of Bucharest-Romania are the founders of this international conference of French-speaking origin. Since its creation, COFRET has sought to bring together specialists from academia and industry to present their achievements and thus, to create opportunities for collaboration in the fields of energy, environment, economy and thermodynamics. List of Cofret 2021 – Scientific Committee are available in this pdf.

Resumo: O presente artigo aspira promover reflexões sobre o entendimento estoico de Lúcio Aneu Sêneca, escritor, filósofo e político romano do século I da era cristã, no que diz respeito à morte, seja esta ocasionada de forma natural ou disposta por suicídio, exibida pelo pensador supracitado como parte constituinte de extrema relevância para a concepção de Sêneca do homem ideal. Para tanto serão utilizadas algumas Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium e De Breitate Vitae. A compreensão senequiana denota a preocupação com a formação do homem que careceria ser preparado tanto para a vida como para a morte. Sêneca expõe que a morte é um dos pilares da existência, ou seja, um feito natural e previsto, cabendo ao homem ideal ser consciente dessa condição e, por conseguinte, desprender-se do medo da morte suscitado e, quando preciso, valer-se do suicídio a fim de resguardar a dignidade do ser humano. Assim, compete ao homem confrontar o temor e a angústia diante da morte, edificando-se, valorosamente, para essa realidade inevitável. Palavras-chave: Estoicismo; Morte; Sêneca. Providing yourself for death: senequian reflections Abstract: This article aspires to promote reflections on Lucius Anneus Seneca’s stoic understanding, writer, philosopher and roman politician of the 1st century of the christian era, with regard to death, whether caused naturally or willingly by suicide, being exhibited by the aforementioned philosopher as a constituent part of extreme relevance for the conception of the ideal man. In order to do so some, Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium and De Brevitate Vitae, will be consulted. Seneca's understanding presents a concern with the formation of the man who would need to be prepared for life and death. Seneca asserts that death is one of the necessities of existence, that is, a natural and foreseen condition, it being up to the ideal man to be aware of this condition and, therefore, to let go of the fear it arouses and, when necessary, to embrace suicide in order to protect the dignity of the human being. Then, it is up to man to face fear and anguish in the face of death, growing valiantly for this inevitable reality. Keywords: Stoicism; Death; Seneca. Data de registro: 21/04/2021 Data de aceite: 25/11/2021

Fate played an enormous role in the Ancient Mediterranean world. Fate was personified in numerous ancient deities such as the Keres, the Moirae, and Fortuna. At the same time Stoic views on fate, as a chain of causes, impacted hugely on the ancients’ general view on fate as an inexorable force which cannot be opposed, or whose direction and eventual outcomes cannot be changed. Against the backdrop, Paul’s understanding of the nature of God’s presence, actions and influence in the lives of believers in Romans 5:1–10 and 8:18–39 is discussed. Fate, in the sense of that which has been predetermined and written into the lives of individuals before birth, and which comes into existence in many different, fixed forms, or fate as a chain of causes, is never on Paul’s mind. God’s foreordained plan is not a predetermined, unalterable fate for each and every person over which they have no control or say whatsoever. Rather, God’s πρόθεσις (prothesis) relates to the salvation of all believers. God refuses to surrender his people to their fate, namely death and eternal destruction. He changes fate into destiny for all who believe in Christ.

BOARD President Sabine Koch, Sweden (2019 - 2021) President elect Jack Li, Taiwan (2019 - 2021) Past President Chris Lehmann, United States (2019 - 2021) Secretary Petter Hurlen, Norway (2015 - 2021) Secretary elect Ursula Hübner, Germany (2020 - 2021) Treasurer Phil Robinson, Australia (2020 - 2023) Vice Presidents MedInfoNajeeb Al-Shorbaji, Jordon (2020 - 2023)MembershipDaniel Luna, Argentina (2018 - 2021)ServicesLina Soualmia, France (2020 - 2023)Special AffairsJennifer Bichel-Findlay, Australia (2019 - 2022)Working & Special Interest GroupsLuis Fernandez Luque (2019- 2022) CEO Elaine Huesing, Canada IMIA Web site: www.imia.org Regional Vice Presidents to IMIA APAMI: Asia Pacific Association for Medical Informatics Naoki Nakashima, Japan EFMI: European Federation for Medical Informatics Lacramioara Stoicu-Tivodar, Romania HELINA: Pan African Health Informatics Association Ghislain Kouematchoua Tchuitcheu, Germany/Cameroon IMIA-LAC: Health Informatics Association for Latin America and the Caribbean Marcelo Lucio da Silva, Brazil MENAHIA: Middle East and North African Health Informatics Association Dari Alhuwail, Kuwait North American Region James Cimino, United States IMIA Liaison Officers, ex officio WHO Liaison OfficerPatrick Weber, SwitzerlandIFIP Liaison OfficerHiroshi Takeda, JapanISO Liaison OfficerMichio Kimura, JapanIAHSI (The Academy) Liaison OfficerWilliam Hersh

Mindszenthy Antal (1786–1859?) was a Hungarian erudite who travelled across Europe and Hungary, leaving behind a diary about his trip across the Hungarian Plane. The first part of his descriptions was published in 1831 and 1832, but due to the censorship of the period, the second part of his manuscript, the description of his trip from Titel to Pest, was not allowed to be printed. The diary of Mindszenthy is kept in the Széchenyi National Library from Budapest, Hungary and was entirely published recently by the Katona József Museum from Kecskemét. Due to the fact that the travel route included regions of Banat that are to be found today within the borders of Romania, one of the stops being the center of the region, namely Timișoara, we thought it would be of great interest to publish the description of the city, both in Hungarian language and translated into Romanian. Timișoara has underwent several reconstructions through the centuries (and it witnessed three major sieges in 1551/1552, 1718 and 1849), consequently the major part of it’s architectural heritage dates from the end of the 19th century, but especialy from the beginning of the following century. Such narrations from eye whitnesses are very scarce in the first part of the 19th century, a period when illustrations are as well extremely rare. A local priest, Nicolae Stoica de Haţeg has written his chronicle about the region of Banat a few years after Mindszenthy, between 1825–1827. Apparently for both of them the work of Francesco Griselini stood as a modell. The original text has been adnoted with comments and interpretations of the authors in order to establish the veridicity of the descriptions of the diary and to provide further information regarding the subject of the account. Since the diary did not included any illustration, for a better understanding we completed it with several images representing either the city plan or buildings, mainly dating from the 19th century or earlier, trying to illustrate the descriptions as faithfully as possible.The text also offered the authors the opportunity to discuss about some historical relics it refers to: an ottoman inscription that was inaccurately translated until now, the Horros Kapi (Rooster or later Forforosa Gate) of the Ottoman fortification of Timișoara and a presumably medieval flag kept in the artillery warehouse.

Abstract Background The incidence of cancer is increasing worldwide, which has led to greater public health focus on primary prevention. Ethnic minorities have lower awareness of cancer risk factors and services, and are at greater risk of cancer mortality. While Gypsies, Roma and Travellers have poor health outcomes even in comparison with other ethnic minorities, little is known about how they view and enact primary prevention. This study takes a participatory approach to explore knowledge and experience of cancer prevention and screening in these communities. Methods Peer researchers conducted interviews (n = 37) and a focus group (n = 4) with a purposive sample of community members in Wales and South-West England. Participants self-identified as Roma (from Slovakia and Romania) or as Gypsies, Travellers or Showpeople (here described as Gypsy/Travellers). A third of the sample were Roma, and a quarter male, with ages ranging from 18 to 77 years. Data were collected from October 2018 to March 2019. Results Women and men knew that lifestyle factors, such as healthy diet, stopping smoking, drinking less alcohol and using sun protection, contribute to cancer risk reduction. However, there was a widespread lack of confidence in the effectiveness of these measures, particularly in relation to smoking. Traditional cultural beliefs were shared by Roma and Gypsy/Travellers, but did not necessarily affect the behaviour of individuals. Most women participated in cervical and breast screening but few Gypsy/Traveller men would engage with bowel screening, which conflicted with community ideals of stoical masculinity. Roma participants described language barriers to screening, with confusion about differences in timing and eligibility between the UK and Slovakian programmes; this led some to access screening abroad. Conclusion This study provides new knowledge about how Gypsies, Roma and Travellers keep healthy and prevent disease, giving insights into similarities and differences between ages, sexes and communities. These culturally distinct and high-need ethnic minorities have specific needs in relation to cancer prevention and screening, which merit targeted and acceptable health promotion to reduce health inequalities.

In the present study we will analyze the way the decisions of the Plenary Sitting of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party from April 1968 – regarding the rehabilitation of some activists like Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu and Ștefan Foriș – reflected among the members of the party organizations from Timiș County. The Plenary Sitting of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party from the spring of 1968 (one of the outstanding political moments of that year) took place in a period of liberalization of the communist polity in Romania. The Plenary Sitting decided the political rehabilitation of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu and Ștefan Foriș the main culprits of their killing being the former leader of the party, Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej (whose merits in the „construction of the socialism” were however recognized) and the former Minister of the Interior Alexandru Drăghici. There is a similar situation in the U.S.S.R., where Nikita Hrușciov considered Stalin and Beria responsible of the mighty Stalinist terror.Through these rehabilitations, the party leadership, Nicolae Ceaușescu himself, intended to create the image of a communist party which aimed to definitely enthrone the socialist legality, the development of the party and state democracy, the observance of the collective work principle, its development in all fields, the rehabilitation of the historical truth. At the same time it was stated that the new party government didn’t want to assume and to be the accomplice of the political crimes from the 50s of the 20th century.On the other hand, Nicolae Ceaușescu wanted through the rehabilitation of the former leaders of the party and the conviction of Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej and Alexandru Drăghici to consolidate his own political power. Thus, the new leader of the party came off the Dej epoch and removed from power one of his main political rivals: Alexandru Drăghici. Concomitantly, other eminent communists (possible competitors for Ceaușescu), with years of service, like Emil Bodnăraș, Gheorghe Apostol, Chivu Stoica, who belonged to the ruling factors of the party and who didn’t stand out against Pătrășcanu’s conviction, were warned.Nor security either was exonerated of critics on this occasion, the general secretary of the party diminishing its merits in defeating the anti-communist resistance movement from Romania (allegation assumed also by other collaborators of the communist leader). Certainly, the assertion of the leader – that “the punitive activity” was not decisive in defeating the anti-communist opposition – was not true, as only through terror the resistence towards the Bolshevik regim could be defeated.Untrue was also the charge brought to the Security according to which the murders and the abuses of the 1950’s were possible because the security forces backed out of the control of the party. But at that time at the head of the secutity were two eminent activists of the Romanian Communist Party: Teohari Georgescu and Alexandru Drăghici. The killing of Ștefan Foriș and of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu was decided by the party leadership and not by Security. Even from the record of the Plenary Sitting, but also from the assertions of some speakers results the state of suspiciousness existing inside the party during Dej epoch and also the fact that those having different oppinions from the leader of the party were investigated by the security agents.Of course, through these accusations against Security they aimed to totally subordinate it to the party, in fact to its leadership. The fact that the rehabilitation of the two falsely convicted in the past was political and not juridical has to be kept in mind. On the other hand, there were brought into the open the murders perpetrated by the party and by the Security only towards some of the party members, the violent suppression of the Romanian political, cultural, economical elite being not a concern for the Roamnian Communist Party leadership in 1968. Thus, the Romanian communist leaders continued to approve the way their political opponents were eliminated.At the meeting of the Timiș County Party activists, the speakers appreciated that the murders “were done in the name of the party”, demanding also the penal conviction for the guilty ones.It has to be pointed out also the fact that the leaders of the Security Inspectorate, the Militia, the Magistracy, the County Court of Justice generally informed the participants at the meeting about the illegitimacies committed in Banat by their employees. Paul Niculescu Mizil, one of the close collaborators of Nicolae Ceaușescu at that date, brought into discussion the necessity of increasing the role of the Great National Assembly and of the Council of Ministers in the economical and political life of the country.Within the meetings of the local party committees of the county, the participants unanimously agreed with the decisions of the Plenary Sitting, some of the speakers referring to the abuses perpetrated in their localities by the militia and security forces. On the other hand some of the party members were afraid to accuse Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej and Alexandru Drăghici directly, fact that shows the fear and the uncertainty caused by the evolution of the reactions at the level of the party leadership.At the level of Timiș County Committeee of the Romanian Communist Party they observed that many of the local organisations party meetings were not well prepared, the discussed problems were superficially handled, the speakers scarcely expressed their own oppinions, preferring to lay out whole passages from the press published materials. As a consequence, they advised the speakers to state their own oppinions about the decisions of the plenary, positive fact that encouraged the democratization of the party. Thereby, we can assess that through the decisions of the Plenary Sitting of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party from April 1968 occurred a partial political rehabilitation, which aimed, besides the improvement of the image of the party, at the consolidation of Nicolae Ceaușescu’s political power.