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Books on the topic 'Stigma and Perception'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Stigma and group inequality: Social psychological perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2005.

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2

1966-, Roe David, and Stang Hector W. H, eds. Challenging the stigma of mental illness: Lessons for therapists and advocates. Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.

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3

McMenamin, Dorothy. Leprosy and stigma in the South Pacific: A region-by-region history with first person accounts. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland, 2011.

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4

Stigma and Group Inequality: Social Psychological Perspectives (Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology). Lawrence Erlbaum, 2005.

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5

Roe, David, Patrick W. Corrigan, and Hector W. H. Tsang. Challenging the Stigma of Mental Illness: Lessons for Therapists and Advocates. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2011.

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6

Roe, David, Patrick W. Corrigan, and Hector W. H. Tsang. Challenging the Stigma of Mental Illness: Lessons for Therapists and Advocates. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2011.

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7

Roe, David, Patrick W. Corrigan, and Hector W. H. Tsang. Challenging the Stigma of Mental Illness: Lessons for Therapists and Advocates. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2010.

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8

(Editor), Shana Levin, and Colette Van Laar (Editor), eds. Stigma and Group Inequality: Social Psychological Perspectives (Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology). Lawrence Erlbaum, 2005.

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9

(Editor), James Flynn, Paul Slovic (Editor), and Howard Kunreuther (Editor), eds. Risk, Media and Stigma: Understanding Public Challenges to Modern Science and Technology. Earthscan Publications Ltd., 2001.

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10

Slovic, Paul, James Flynn, and Howard Kunreuther. Risk, Media and Stigma: Understanding Public Challenges to Modern Science and Technology. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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11

1934-, Flynn J., Slovic Paul 1938-, and Kunreuther Howard, eds. Risk, media, and stigma: Understanding public challenges to modern science and technology. London: Earthscan, 2001.

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12

Mendes, Wendy Berry, and Keely A. Muscatell. Affective Reactions as Mediators of the Relationship Between Stigma and Health. Edited by Brenda Major, John F. Dovidio, and Bruce G. Link. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190243470.013.10.

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This chapter provides an overview of how emotions can contribute to poorer health among stigmatized populations. First, it describes some of the primary affective responses that stigmatized individuals might experience, including externalizing emotions, uncertainty, and anxious affect. These affective responses can occur as a result of interacting with individuals who display subtle or overt signs of bias or perceiving a system as unfair, or they can occur from expectations based on prior experiences that shape perception. Second, this chapter reviews how these affective states may alter underlying biological processes to directly influence health. Finally, it examines indirect pathways whereby emotion processes potentiate health-damaging behaviors, such as poor eating habits, restless sleep, excessive alcohol and drug abuse, and risky behavior. Overall, research in this area suggests that affective experiences resulting from stigmatization can change biology and behavior in ways that can ultimately lead to poor health.

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13

Perceptions of 'neighbourhoodism': A case study of community-level stigma. Ottawa: National Library of Canada, 2002.

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14

Jetten, Jolanda, S. Alexander Haslam, Tegan Cruwys, and Nyla R. Branscombe. Social Identity, Stigma, and Health. Edited by Brenda Major, John F. Dovidio, and Bruce G. Link. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190243470.013.18.

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This chapter argues that an understanding of social identity processes is critical to understand when and how stigma affects health. This chapter presents a social identity analysis of the relationship between stigma and health and starts from the premise that it is particularly difficult for individuals who belong to stigmatized groups to derive a positive identity from their social group memberships. However, when individuals turn to the stigmatized group, identify with it, and draw social support from others within it, their health will be buffered against some of the negative consequences of discrimination because group memberships—and the social identities that are derived from them—act as psychological resources. Perceptions of the broader sociostructural context that affect appraisals of discrimination and coping with stigma play an important role in determining whether the curing properties of group memberships are unlocked, turning the curse of belonging to a stigmatized group into a cure.

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15

Ryan, Ann Marie, and Jennifer Wessel. Fairness in Selection and Recruitment: A Stigma Theory Perspective. Edited by Susan Cartwright and Cary L. Cooper. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199234738.003.0022.

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This article explores how concepts from research on stigmatization can inform and enhance the understanding of applicant reactions to selection procedures. It is important to emphasize that the article is not about what might lead an organization's representatives to engage in discriminatory practices or about the adverse impact of different selection tools; it is about the perceptions and behaviors of those applicants who are members of stigmatized groups. It begins with a very brief, general review of the literature on applicant perceptions, where it discusses the importance of studying, in particular, the reactions of individuals who might be considered members of stigmatized groups in any given society. Next, the article introduces some core concepts from the literature on stigmatization. Finally, it discusses how these concepts might inform understanding of how individuals react to recruitment and selection processes beyond what has been established in the literature on applicant reactions.

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16

Ramirez-Valles, Jesus. The Meanings of Latino. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036446.003.0004.

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This chapter discusses the ways in which Latino GBT activists live their lives as “Latinos” in a racial social system. In a parallel fashion to stigma related to gender nonconformity, it treats the racial labeling of groups as stigma. That is, to call someone Latino or to use the label Latino is part of the process of marking differences between groups, creating social separation, and establishing discriminatory practices. This stigmatization reinforces, if not creates, relations of power. From the viewpoint of the labeled group, stigma can take the form of actual experiences; perceptions about how others or the society at large see them; and internalization of the negative views others have in the self.

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17

Friedman, Sally, and Richard K. Scotch. Politicians with Disabilities: Challenges and Choices. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.207.

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Persons with disabilities make up a large and significant segment of the American public; however, Americans with disabilities have rarely been considered an important political constituency or received public (or scholarly) attention in terms of their representation among political candidates or office holders. To the extent that people with disabilities have been addressed in American political discourse, they have been associated with the receipt of public benefits and services instead of being thought of as people with the potential to actively participate. Having a physical or mental impairment has typically carried with it a considerable degree of social stigma, and to be disabled is, in the minds of many, to be incapable and incompetent, dependent on others, and even morally questionable. Thus, for much of American history, the perception of an individual as disabled has been inconsistent with the personal qualities that the voting public and political gatekeepers view as desirable for public officials.While there have always been politicians with disabilities in government, many of them have chosen to hide or minimize the visibility and extent of their impairments. However, cultural changes in part provoked by the disability rights movement have meant that many impairments have become less discrediting, and that people with disabilities are more likely to be seen as having the potential to be contributing citizens. The number of political candidates and officeholders with disabilities appears to be increasing, and some have chosen to include or even highlight their disabling condition as they present themselves to their constituents.

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18

Nichols, Nikki H. Life After Incarceration. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037702.003.0007.

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This chapter draws upon in-depth interviews with formerly incarcerated women to examine the kinds of support they most appreciated, or would like to have received, while transitioning from prison back to free society. As the interviewees demonstrate, the notion of freedom is complicated, for even after incarceration the women's sense of self is impacted heavily by their experiences in prison. The evidence in this study suggests complex layers of identity that defy the unidimensional stigma of “convict” that is often imposed on women who have been incarcerated. The women's personal stories convey their perceptions of themselves, their perceptions of how they are viewed by society, and the kinds of resources they need for a successful return to their communities.

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19

Muessig, Carolyn. The Stigmata in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198795643.001.0001.

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Francis of Assisi’s reported reception of the stigmata on Mount La Verna in 1224 is often considered to be the first account of an individual receiving the five wounds of Christ. The thirteenth-century appearance of this miracle, however, is not as unexpected as it first seems. Interpretations of Galatians 6:17—I bear the stigmata of the Lord Jesus Christ in my body—had been circulating in biblical commentaries since late antiquity. These works explained stigmata as wounds that martyrs received, like the apostle Paul, in their attempt to spread Christianity in the face of resistance. By the seventh century, stigmata were described as marks of Christ that priests received invisibly at their ordination. In the eleventh century, monks and nuns were perceived as bearing the stigmata in so far as they lived a life of renunciation out of love for Christ. By the later Middle Ages holy women like Catherine of Siena (d. 1380) were more frequently described as having stigmata than their male counterparts. With the religious upheavals of the sixteenth century, the way stigmata were defined reflected the diverse perceptions of Christianity held by Catholics and Protestants. This study traces the birth and evolution of religious stigmata as expressed in theological discussions and devotional practices in Western Europe from the early Middle Ages to the early seventeenth century. It also contains an introductory overview of the historiography of religious stigmata beginning in the second half of the seventeenth century to its treatment and assessment in the twenty-first century.

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20

Dowd, Timothy G. HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa: An examination of how stigma affects United States college students' perceptions of HIV infected populations and the responsibility of the United States to provide assistance. 2003.

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21

Dowd, Timothy G. HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa: An examination of how stigma affects United States college students' perceptions of HIV infected populations and the responsibility of the United States to provide assistance. 2003.

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