Journal articles on the topic 'Steffen Family'

In her talk, Sigrid Steffen will speak about the core aims of EUFAMI in respect to family members and carers. Sigrid will base a lot of her talk around her own personal experience as a carer of a son who was diagnosed with schizophrenia, and she will augment this with experiences of other members of EUFAMI from across Europe. She will elaborate on the stresses and strains under which family members (the carers) come under and will discuss the challenges which carers face on a daily basis.Her talk will also include a description of a typical ‘journey’ which carers and families travel in the execution of their caring role in an attempt to describe the various feelings and pressures they experience. Sigrid will also discuss what she understands to be the critical needs of carers and the level of support required. In particular Sigrid will concentrate on the stigma which families feel and experience during their lifetime, a aspect which is little understood and appreciated by the wider public. In conclusion, Sigrid will detail some of the work which EUFAMI has been and is involved with and which is related to the subject of her talk.

To breve fra N. F. S. Grundtvig[Two letters from N. F. S. Grundtvig]By Kim Arne PedersenTwo letters written by N. F. S. Grundtvig from, respectively, Lisbeth and Povl Kiilerich’s and Steffen Lauge’s private collections are here published in transcription with an explanatory commentary. The first letter has belonged in Lisbeth Kiilerich’s family - in the possession, that is, of the Hvidt family - for several generations. In the letter, Grundtvig refers to a theological discussion he has had with its recipient, the speculative and Daub-influenced theologian V. H. Rothe (1777-1857). Grundtvig expresses himself forcibly but is not looking for hostilities. In the second letter, he tells his sister-in-law Jane Mathia Blicher (1792-1853) of his visit to Norway in 1851. The letter conveys a good and lively picture of the journey and the homage paid to Grundtvig there.

Cardinal Wyszyński was a defender of every individual, family, nation and Church during the time of communist enslavement of Poland. He was an ardent defender of the truth with regard to human being and its dignity, he constantly emphasized the significance of respecting basic rights and obligations of men, and strongly demanded the observance of these rights when the state violated them. Furthermore, he was radical defender of the freedom of human persons, families, nation and the Church, indicating that only in freedom can they truly develop and fulfill their vocation and goals. He constantly reminded us of the need for justice made in the spirit of love with regard to every individual, family and nation. He clearly defined the tasks and duties of the state and the Church in relation to every human person that should be regarded as the highest value in the world, as well as towards families that are to be considered the cradle of the nation, and towards the nation that he regarded as a family of families sui generis. Additionaly he emphasized that the Church has a unique role to perform in relation to these communities, bringing into their existence not only the supernatural dimension, sanctifying God’s grace, salvation, but also the natural dimension consisting in the care of the Church for the national raison d’etat. Last but not least, in his view, the Church must be free and independent in its activities to be able to perform its religious and social role properly. The Primate indicated the need for cooperation between the state and the Church for the benefit of man, family and nation. When the communist state did not fulfill its role and acted against the rights of citizens, especially believers, against families and nation, he radically opposed these actions, demanding respect for dignity, rights, truth, freedom and justice with regard to every human person, family and family of families – that is the nation.

In the present study, a checklist of new records of the family Chalcididae of Egypt is presented based on a total of 180 specimens collected from 24 different Egyptian localities between June 2011 and October 2016, mostly by sweeping and Malaise traps. Nineteen species as well as the subfamily Epitraninae and the genera Bucekia Steffan, Epitranus Walker, Proconura Dodd, and Tanycoryphus Cameron, are newly recorded from Egypt. A single species previously placed in the genus Hockeria is transferred to Euchalcis Dufour as E. rufula (Nikol’skaya, 1960) comb. nov.

Human stefin B is a protease inhibitor from the family of cystatins. It was reported that it forms oligomers in cells. We have shown that it has a role in cell’s response to misfolded proteins. We also have shown that its oligomers bind amyloid-beta (Aβ). Here, we discuss ways, how stefin B could reduce build-up of protein aggregates by other proteins and consequently reduces ROS and, how this might be connected to autophagy. When overexpressed, stefin B forms protein aggregates itself and these protein aggregates induce autophagy. Similarly, cystatin C was shown to bind Aβ and to induce autophagy. It is also suggested how more knowledge about the role of stefin B in a cell’s response to misfolded proteins could be used to modulate progressive myoclonus epilepsy of type 1 EPM1 disease.

This article refers to the problem of the relations between Kingdom of Poland and Moldova, especially to the 1509-year conflict and the role the Chodecki’s family played in it. Bogdan III – hospodar of Moldova who was desperately trying to find an ally, was able to give Pokuttya back to Poland in exchange for Polish agreement for his marriage with king’s sister Elisabeth. The mother and namesake of the latter - Elisabeth Habsburg didn’t accept this proposal. Bogdan however counted on support from Stefan of Chodcza. As a result of conducted negotiations the former got Pokuttya back to Poland. However, he didn’t receive Elisabeth’s hand. Bogdan blamed Stanislaw of Chodcza for this failure. The 1509 expedition was meant as revenge not only on Poland but also on Chodecki’s family.

The portrait of grand knez Vukan, the only modern and fragmentarily preserved one, was located on the North wall of the tower of the main entrance to the Studenica monastery. It is assumed that there was a composition on the North wall of the main entrance in which Simeon with his three sons approaches the Mother of God and Christ. There is a possibility that Vukan, as one of the ktetors of Studenica, was shown in the ktetor's composition. Since then, Vukan has been shown only with Stefan in compositions that illustrate scenes from the Life of Saint Simeon, in Radoslav's narthex and monasteries Gradac and Sopoćani. Due to the usurpation of Stefan's supremacy, Vukan became a sinner who broke his father's vow to live in harmony with his brother. However, after the end of the civil war, the brothers reconciled: Vukan repented for everything that he had done, and Stefan forgave him everything. The peace between them was established by Sava's arrival with the relics of Saint Simeon. Saint Sava arranged the reconciliation of the brothers, and he laid the ideal of brotherly love and harmony in the basis of the ruling ideology of Nemanjić's dynasty. He wanted to emphasize this through paintings, fitting the portraits of his brothers into the iconographic program of the frescoes of the Studenica monastery, and he introduced their names in the founder's inscription. After the frescoes created in 1208/9. Vukan was painted where it made sense, as someone who, in agreement with his brother Stefan, transfers theirs father's relics. Since he does not belong to the main lineage of the dynasty, his portrait wasn't painted in the family compositions of Nemanjićs in the 13th century.

Experimental laminar condensation heat transfer data are reported for fluids with Stefan number up to 3.5. The fluid used is a member of a family of fluorinated fluids, which have been used extensively in the electronics industry for soldering, cooling, and testing applications. Experiments were performed by suddenly immersing cold copper spheres in the saturated vapor of this fluid, and heat transfer rates were calculated using the quasi-steady temperature response of the spheres. In these experiments, the difference between saturation and wall temperature varied from 0.5° C to 190°C. Over this range of temperature difference, the condensate properties vary significantly; viscosity of the condensate varies by a factor of nearly 50. Corrections for the temperature-dependent properties of the condensate therefore were incorporated in calculating the Nusselt number based on the average heat transfer coefficient. The results are discussed in light of past experimental data and theory for Stefan number less than unity. To the knowledge of the authors, this is the first reported study of condensation heat transfer examining the effects of Stefan number greater than unity.

The family, as the basic microstructure of social life, constitutes, at the very least by supposition, the first and foremost educational environment of a child; an environment which should correspond to the child’s natural needs, especially psychological ones, such as the need for love, unconditional acceptance, the need for respect and recognition, activity, independence, and self-realization [9]. This why M. Lukšienė states, “A good family home is the basis of human physical and spiritual life; it guarantees one’s efficient, creative activity”. The parents’ worldview plays an important role in education, providing an answer to the fundamental questions concerning our existence: Who am I? What sense does my life have? What is the goal of my life? What ideals and rules of action do I represent? What is the world and my place within it? Undoubtedly, a variety of factors affect the shaping of a young person’s worldview, among them school, religion, ideology, the level of social development, social organization, the particular historical period in which the person lives, as well as certain individual psychological predispositions. Nevertheless, parents have always played the pivotal role in the shaping of children’s worldview. Parents prepare their children for an independent life in society by teaching them values, norms, models of behavior, and cultural customs. In this way, parents fulfil their function as a microstructure, fulfilling aims that support the macrostructure. Beginning with the second half of the 19th century, the notion of the family becomes one of the main themes in Polish literature, appearing in the works of such authors as Bolesław Prus, Henryk Sienkiewicz, Eliza Orzeszkowa, Stefan Żeromski, Władysław Reymont, and Maria Konopnicka. Moreover, the literary representation of the family as an educational environment of a child is also often evoked in the theoretical musings of professionals in the field of education. Thse professionals include Helena Radlińska, Jerzy Ostrowski, Janusz Korczak, and Aleksandra Kamiński. In conclusion, the broadly defined notion of family is, without question, universal and timeless. As an area of scholarly inquiry, it requires an interdisciplinary approach that encompasses all possible perspectives.

We were fortunate enough to be awarded Stefan and Anna Galeski Fellowships to travel with the RCS Presidential triennial visit to Brazil and Peru, which was also generously supported by BBraun and the Lawrie family. In addition to our role as 'tour doctors', we were also able to attend a scientific meeting in Peru, present our research to the Brazilian College of Surgeons and teach as faculty on a surgical skills workshop in Rio de Janeiro.

This contribution examines the article ?Stefan Nemanjic i njegov brat Sava u spisima Dimitrija Homatina? by Vlada Stankovic (2012) critically. On the basis of Chomatenos files (nos. 1, 3, 10, 13 and 86), he tried to obtain new details about in what way and with what results political and ecclesiastical communication between Epiros and Serbia took place in the period 1215-1219/20. In the course of this, as this present study shows, he repeatedly reached rash, questionable or untenable conclusions. Also the question raised by him - with a critical intention - about the name of Stefan Nemanjic?s daughter is now once again discussed and finally decided in such a way as this was already done in the present author?s edition of Chomatenos: The name Komnene, by which she is designated in the only source on her person (files nos. 1 and 2), is her family name and thus not her first or baptismal name. The latter remains unknown.

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span style="font-size: 10.000000pt; font-family: 'MinionPro';">Originalmente publicado en alemán, en el año 2004, bajo el título de </span><span style="font-size: 10.000000pt; font-family: 'MinionPro'; font-style: italic;">Begeg- nungen mit dem Yankee. Nordamerikanisierung und sozio-kultureller Wandel in Chile (1898-1990), </span><span style="font-size: 10.000000pt; font-family: 'MinionPro';">el libro del historiador germano y exdirector del Instituto de Estudios Latinoamericanos de la Universidad Libre de Berlín, </span><span style="font-size: 10.000000pt; font-family: 'MinionPro'; font-style: italic;">Stefan Rinke, </span><span style="font-size: 10.000000pt; font-family: 'MinionPro';">analiza por primera vez en perspectiva histórica la norteamericanización en una nación latinoamericana, a través de un estudio de caso de Chile, el país más austral del cono sur y, por ende, también el más alejado de Estados Unidos. </span></p></div></div></div>

Recently, the present authors proposed a model describing fullerene growth in carbonvapor for which the di usion equation is assumed outside the fullerene and a family of possibleStefan conditions describe the growing fullerene surface. Here we consider a related model, butwith the additional assumption that the fullerene surface atomic density is constant throughoutthe growth process, which is justi ed by experimental data. We show that this constraint onthe fullerene lattice structure limits the solution to one possible Stefan condition. The proposedmodel may be extended to any nanostructure with constant atomic surface density.

The purpose of this article is to summarise and systematise the legal provisions regarding community interviews conducted by probation offi cers in guardianship cases. Th is article presents the results of own research using court files performed in the Department of Family and Juvenile Law, Faculty of Law and Administration, at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw. The article has been written under the supervision of prof. dr hab. Wanda Stojanowska. Th e article features an examination of the results of the research and conclusions drawn based thereupon.

Jan Orzelski was actively involved in the political life of the Republic of the Nobles as a member of a regional assembly, a deputy and next a senator. He recorded the history of his family in the work entitled Annales domus Orzelsciae. It was edited by Adam Tytus Działyński on the basis of a manuscript stored in the Kórnik Library together with a family diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci imci Elżbiety Orzelskiej. Annales… consists of two parts: a comprehensive introduction and a chronicle containing annual entries regarding the most important events in Jan Orzelski’s family in the years 1589–1611 (that period being extended to 1618 by adding the diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci…). Much focus in the first part of the Annales... was placed on Stefan Batory’s military campaigns to conquer Polotsk (1579), Velikiye Luki (1580) and Pskov (1581), in which Jan Orzelski took part as a cavalry captain. The author’s intention, however, was not to describe those military campaigns in detail but to present “only some memorable issues”. The Annales... depicts, first of all, the origins of the “family from Orle”, the history and the characteristics of the family members in the male line. The author included his biography as well.

The cystatins are tightly binding, but reversible, inhibitors of cysteine proteinases, which constitute a superfamily of evolutionary related proteins. They have been subdivided into three families: the cystatin family which contain two disulfide bonds, the stefin family which lack disulfide bonds, and the kininogen family composed of large glycoproteins containing three repeats similar to those found in the cystatin family. Members of the cystatin superfamily occurring in plants are currently known as phytocystatins, defined as proteins lacking disulfide bonds but possessing a conserved N-terminal amino acid sequence (L-A-R-[FY]-A-[VI]-X(3)-N). We have used the protein sequence deduced from seven phytocystatins (from the Arabidopsis thaliana genome project) and from the SUgarCane EST project (SUCEST) database to identify 25 possible sugarcane phytocystatins. Phylogenetic analysis has allowed us to cluster these phytocystatins into four distinct groups: (i) those with a characteristic N-terminal consensus, (ii) those with the same consensus plus a long C-terminal extension; (iii) those that lack the consensus but contain the highly conserved QxVxG motif found in all members of the superfamily and (iv) those that lack both the consensus and the QxVxG motif.

We consider a family of multi-phase Stefan problems for a certain one-dimensional model of cell-to-cell adhesion and diffusion, which takes the form of a non-linear forward–backward parabolic equation. In each material phase the cell density stays either high or low, and phases are connected by jumps across an ‘unstable’ interval. We develop an existence theory for such problems which allows for the annihilation of phases and the subsequent continuation of solutions. Stability results for the long-time behaviour of solutions are also obtained, and, where necessary, the analysis is complemented by numerical simulations.

The latest results of the investigation of the royal tombs at the monastery of Studenica, Serbia, have inspired a reconsideration of the place of burial of some members of the Nemanjic family. There is further evidence that the tomb and sarcophagus of the ktetor, Stefan Nemanja, formed part of the original design for the church. Based on their construction and comparative material, it is assumed that the relics of St Symeon, upon their translation to Studenica, were laid in the sarcophagus from which they exuded myrrh. The myrrh-exuding of St Symeon is looked at against the broader background of cult practice in the Byzantine world.

At the moment when, in October 1341, a new Civil War broke out in the Byzantium after the death of Andronicus III, the traditional views of the imperial power and the Empire underwent considerable changes. The powers of the co-rulers had been on the rise since 1272, and during the Civil War of 1321-1328 the Byzantine Empire was in effect divided, that is, two Basileis were ruling 'imperially' (autokratorik?s) over their respective territories within the formally unified Empire, under the scope of relations of Superior basileus - co-basileus. Therefore, the Empire (autokratoria, imperium) could multiply in the sense of rulers? authorities, and be divided in the sense of territoriality. The imperial power and the Empire became subject to family relations and family law. In view of the family connections between the Byzantine Emperors (basileis autokratores) and the monarchs of the neighboring countries and nations, the right to succession was being used as an argument in some disputes between the rulers. The Byzantine law, that is the Byzantine political views, allowed for the possibility of the so-called 'joint rule' (e oikeia arch) by a Byzantine basileus autokrator and some other, foreign member of the dynasty ruling over certain region of the Byzantine Empire - a foreign ruler would be allowed to rule on condition that the Byzantine basileus be recognized as the supreme master. This scenario is known from one recorded dispute between the Byzantine basileus Andronicus III and the Bulgarian tsar Michael Assen III dating from 1328, when the Bulgarian Emperor did not accept the Byzantine rule, however. All these circumstances are of special importance since they directly precede the King Stefan Dusan?s involvement in the Civil War, that is, his later entering into the Empire. The first phase of Dusan?s involvement in the Civil War is typically conquering and opportunistic in nature, with the aim of immediate territorial enlargement. The second phase was initiated with the agreement he signed with Kantakouzenos in August 1342, the details of which are now not clear, but it is to be supposed that the agreement envisaged the division of power in the Byzantine regions that Du{an would conquer for Kantakouzenos, that is Dusan?s participation in power in some form of the atypical co-ruling, that is, some form of the 'joint rule'. In August 1343, after previously having parted ways with Kantakouzenos, Du{an accepted the offer by the regents from Constantinople to form an alliance with the legitimate dynasty of Palaiologoi. The agreement included the engagement of Dusan?s son Uros to the sister of the Byzantine Emperor John V, and also probably a kind of the 'Charter of Rule' over the lands west from the gorges near Christopolis, that is, over the areas that Dusan had already conquered in part as Kantakouzenos? ally. The important issue for the forming of the alliance with the regents was, on one hand, the position of Kantakouzenos as the rebel against the imperial power and his previous excommunication from the Church, and, on the other, the legitimacy of the Palaiologoi dynasty and the fact that the regents ruled over Constantinople. It is possible that this agreement was also signed with the idea of some sort of 'joint rule'. However, there is no information to confirm that Du{an considered the Palaeologus his master. After having signed the agreement, which meant the legitimization of his rule over one part of the Romaian Empire by the legitimate and ruling dynasty Dusan changed his views of the statehood. That is evident from the change of his royal title, used after August 1343, when signing decrees and other documents, which, besides the traditional 'Serbian and maritime lands' included in different forms 'the Greek lands', that is, 'the Greeks', and sometimes even 'the Bulgarian lands', that is, 'the Bulgarians'. It is interesting to note his title autokrat?r R?mai?n (inscription on the Church near Polosko), that is, imperator Romaiorum (inscription on one kind of currency). This title shows that Du{an considered himself the ruler of Rhomaioi; however, he soon gave it up and started using the term Romania, for which he could have hoped to be more ideologically acceptable on the conquered territories as well as to his allies in Constantinople. King Du{an used different titles to refer to his rule over the Greek lands and the Greeks - gospodin (master), cestnik (participant), samodrzac (=autokrator) autokrator, imperator, dominus - all of which, nonetheless, meant one and the same essential thing. Morphologically speaking, the term cestnik (participant, lat. particeps) invoked the idea of co-ruling over the part of Empire. In the Mount Athos Charter from November 1345, King Du{an accepted that during the church liturgies in the Mount Athos region and the neighborhood the name of the Basileus of Rhomaioi to be mentioned before his own. This document shows that King Dusan accepted the hierarchical supremacy of the Emperor from Constantinople, but based on the principle primus inter pares. Little is known about the details of the alliance between Du{an and the regents in the period from August 1343 through the victory of Kantakouzenos in February 1347. The contemporary Byzantine historiography offers in certain way one-sided views of the events. Gregoras and Kantakouzenos were partial neither to the regents nor to Du{an but to Kantakouzenos himself; besides, there was no historiographer partial to the regents at all, and subsequently, Dusan?s portrayal in the Byzantine historiography was one-sided, and for the most part negative. Concerning the relations between Du{an and the regents, the period of greatest importance is from the death of the most important regents? ally, Apokaukos, in June 1345 through the victory of Kantakouzenos in February 1347, which remains almost entirely unknown. After having conquered Serres in September 1345, Dusan?s army was camped in the vicinity of Thessaloniki. In February 1346 he requested a fleet from Venice so he could conquer Constantinople, and in the first half of the year 1346 he managed to conquer Berroia. Du{an proclaimed himself a basileus and autokrator of Serbia and Romania (by many contemporaries the act was understood as a proclamation for a Byzantine Emperor in the first instance) at the end of 1345 or beginning of 1346, and he was crowned by the previously ordained Serbian patriarch, and until then archbishop, Joanikije, and the Bulgarian patriarch Simeon. The engagement between Dusan?s son and John?s sister did not result in marriage, for the reasons we can only speculate on. It was probably broken off before April 1346, because in Du{an?s Charter for Zografou of that date, while referring to the Emperor John Palaiologos there was no mention of the appropriate terms reflecting the actual kinship, if there had been any. Likewise, the lack of the term 'dearest' next to the title and name of the Emperor of Rhomaioi, in comparison to the way the name of the Emperor of Bulgarians was mentioned suggests that the relations between Du{an and Constantinople were not that close in the time of his coronation. It remains unknown what the views of the regency and the Patriarchy of Constantinople were towards Dusan?s proclaiming himself an Emperor and the creation of the Patriarchy, as well as the coronation. The Patriarchy of Constantinople reacted only a few years later but not before mid 1351 and not later of the autumn of 1352, when the Patriarch Kallistos excommunicated Du{an and the Serbian Church. On the other hand, the first Kantakouzenos? coronation, in Adrianople in May 1346, could be considered a reaction to Dusan?s coronation. However, at the time of the issuance of the Code, in 1349, Du{an emphasized that he also had the blessing of 'the Greek throne' for his coronation. It is most probable that the reference in the said document meant the Archbishop of Ohrid, in a rather unusual way, and not the Patriarch of Constantinople. Supposition based on the common views on the Byzantine politics, from which it could be deduced that it would be impossible for the official Constantinople to make a deal with Du{an over the imperial title, is of little value in the time of the Civil War, where there were a lot of precedents, as we are well aware of. For completeness sake, it should be noted that even before and at the time of deposition and excommunication of the then Patriarch John, one of the regents (deposed in February 1347), there had been accusations about his 'illegal actions against the Empire and the Church.' In the context of the Civil War between the regents and Kantakouzenos, these generally mentioned accusations could also refer to his relations with Du{an, as the major foreign ally of the regents. Since his imperial coronation, Du{an signed his prostagmata with menologema, which had been the exclusive right of the Emperor of Rhomaioi and the crowned co-ruler, the junior basileus autokrator. This could be interpreted as the sign of Du- {an?s highest pretentions - namely, gaining the throne of the Emperor of Rhomaioi, but it could also be interpreted as the expression of his specific position of the co-Emperor (Emperor of Romania) that is some kind of the co-ruler with the Emperor from Constantinople (Emperor of Rhomaioi). It remains unclear whether the usage of the menologema was a willful act, and thus usurpation of power, or if there had been some kind of an agreement over this with the regents. On his way to the Empire, Du{an had probably been inspired by the Bulgarian example of the co-existence of yet another Empire besides the Byzantium. However, the change of the title of the Bulgarian Tsar Ivan Alexander at that time, that is, the appearance of 'the Greek' component in it, taken together with Dusan?s title and what is known about the character of his Empire, seems to indicate that the both monarchs actually ruled over the empires that were the combination of co-existing and co-ruling models, that is, that the both of them were local and 'Byzantine' emperors at the same time. At the time of Dusan?s coronation, there had been a dominant opinion about the spiritual and political kinship of the rulers, that is, about the family of emperors. In that, ideal sense, Du{an and Ivan Alexander were brothers of Andronicus III that is, of Anna Palaiologos, and uncles to John Palaiologos. The actual kinship, when there had been such, was cited besides the ideal one, with the appropriate terms of family relations. Dusan?s entering into the Empire begun in the legitimate spirit, through the agreement with the Palaiologos dynasty. Later steps - proclaiming himself a basileus, creation of the Patriarchy and the actual coronation - were disputed, if not earlier, then most certainly after Kantakouzenos came to power. The genealogical tree from the fresco in the Monastery church near Matejich, created after 1347, although illegible in the most part, shows certain disputable components - it shows the kinship with the Emperor Isaac Comnenos, and through it the right of the Nemanjic dynasty to the Byzantine Imperial Crown to precede the right of the Palaiologos and Kantakouzenos families.

The role of the noble families in Medieval Serbia, as in other states of that time, was of great importance-their social status affected the character and the success of the statehood. They represented social elite, which influenced the development of various processes, one of them being migration. The migration process could be voluntary or involuntary, but it shadowed inner colonisation as well as the conquest of new territories. It determined the establishment of the governing structures in the newly acquired territories, as well as their integration into the state. Bearing in mind that many wars were waged during the Middle Ages-hence the constant redrawing of the borders-it is not surprising that migration was an ongoing process of various intensity and direction. Both the dependent population and the nobles took part in the process. However, following the migration flow of the noble families through history is much easier. The great expansion of the Serbian territory started during the reign of King Milutin and ended with the death of the Tsar Dušan (1282-1355), whose reign was especially marked by great conquests and extensive migrations. Though conquests are mainly attributed to rulers, the noble families often initiated them. This is confirmed in the historical sources and the research literature, which cites the growing dissatisfaction of the nobles and their desire for further conquest as the main reasons for the change in the Serbian throne after the great victory at Velbazhd in 1330. Such views are further substantiated by the early years of the reign of Stefan Dušan when significant territories in Macedonia were annexed. According to several sources, the main driver of change was the number of noble families close and directly subordinate to the young king. It is well known that Dušan inherited the governance of Zeta and western Serbia from his father in 1322. He managed those territories during the whole reign of Stefan Uroš III (Stefan of Dečani). The previous contention that the nobles drove the change in the throne is also validated by the relocation of the noble families to the newly annexed regions. A certain number of high born families originated from the western Serbian areas which is proved by the primary historical sources, while other families are loosely associated to the area by stories and legends. Neither is simple to confirm. Some of those nobles from the western Serbia are: the Braković familiy, the Mrnjavčević family, the Great Duke Nikola Stanjević, Ostoja Rajaković Ugarčić, Radoslav Hlapen, Nikola Bagaš, Andrija Gropa, Lord Žarko, and most probably Caesar Preljub, among others. They all received inheritance and governance of various territories as a reward for their loyalty and accomplishments, which can be traced back through their titles. Namely, military titles indicate that the person gained their status owning to their warrior abilities.

The life-style and politics of Stefan Radoslav bear the mark of activities that indicated his special attachment to the Byzantine world. These activities were prompted by a combination of ideological ambitions and political reality, but they were not in keeping with the modest achievements of Radoslav's reign. Moreover, most of these activities belong to the time when Radoslav was heir to the throne. There is no doubt that Stefan Nemanjic the Grand Zhupan and subsequently the first crowned king, had exclusive connections with the Byzantine dynasty of the Angeloi, especially with the emperor Alexios III (1195-1203). In that context, the donor's inscription in the basic ring of the dome in the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica (1208), in which his father Stefan Nemanja, is mentioned as (former) 'veleslavni gospodin vse srbske zemlje veli(ki) zupan i svat cara grckog kir Alesija', is quite indicative. This ideological construction would acquire a contour in reality by means of a political marriage with one of the female offspring of Angeloi lineage, which would represent an alternative solution to Stefan's failed marriage with Eudocia, daughter of the emperor Alexios. Instead, several years elapsed in waging war with the Latins, the Bulgarians and the State of Epiros. However, efforts to create firmer, more tangible ties with the Angeloi dynasty from Epiros were not forgotten. Therefore, the Serbian monarch brought his eldest son Radoslav into play, intending to have him act as a link with the Angeloi bloodline. As a result of all this, the final attempt to have Radoslav become the husband of a princess from the Angelos dynasty is not surprising. At the end of 1219 or the beginning of 1220, he married Anna Doukaina, the daughter of the epirotic ruler Theodore I Angelos Doukas Komnenos, which at that point represented a marriage connection of the highest possible level between two ruling houses. Stefan's insistence on Serbia acquiring a stake in the Byzantine succession could not have been expressed more clearly. Radoslav now had a solid position in that succession. On his engagement ring we read: '(This is) the engagement ring of Stefan, a descendant of the house of Doukai, and therefore, Anna, of the family of Komnenoi, receive it into your hands'. This brief text should be connected to the most important part of the inscription from the dome in Studenica. The statement of kinship with the Doukai must be interpreted as a statement of kinship with the Angeloi dynasty, that is, with Alexios III Angelos. In the said circumstances, it confirms the identification of the Byzantine emperor depicted in the Mileseva monastery, opposite to the figures of Stefan the First-Crowned and Radoslav, as Alexios III Angelos. Thus Mileseva highlights the ideological significance of the direct linkage of two members of the house of Nemanjic, both the father Stefan and his son Radoslav, to the Angeloi dynasty. The other 'Byzantinisms' of King Radoslav when he became sole ruler understandably rested upon the described foundation. The coins from his time, which, ostensibly, were produced in the Salonika mint of the Epirotic monarchs, were similar to the coins of the house of Angeloi and were marked with the surname Doukas, which also appears in the well known Greek signature on a document from the end of his reign. In historical terms, all of this becomes even more striking because during the subsequent reigns of the other sons of Stefan the First Crowned - Vladislav and Uros I - they distanced themselves entirely from this policy.

When considering the relationship between the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Evangelical Church, can we both celebrate progress towards unity, while acknowledging where growth must still occur? Dr. George Hancock-Stefan, who fled the oppressive communist regime of Yugoslavia with the rest of his Baptist family, now frequently returns to Eastern Europe to explore topics of modern theology. During these travels, he has recognized a concerning trend: the religious unity and interfaith fellowship celebrated in Western academia does not reach the Eastern European local level. This is primarily due to the fact that Orthodoxy is a top to bottom institution, and nothing happens at the local level unless approved by the top. This lack of religious unity and cooperation at the local level is also due to the fact that the Eastern Orthodox Church claims a national Christian monopoly and the presence of Evangelicals is considered an invasion. In this article, Dr. Hancock-Stefan unpacks the history of the spiritual revivals that took place in various Eastern Orthodox Churches in the 19th–20th centuries, as well as the policies established by the national patriarchs after the fall of communism that are now jeopardizing the relationship between Orthodox and Evangelicals. By addressing this friction with candor and Christian love, this article pleads for the Orthodox Church to relinquish its monopoly and hopes that both Orthodox and Evangelicals will start considering each other to be brothers and sisters in Christ.

Introduction: The Jozef Stefan Institute developed a personal portable electrocardiogram (ECG) sensor Savvy that works with a smartphone, and this was used in our study. This study aimed to analyze the usefulness of telecardiology at the primary healthcare level using an ECG personal sensor. Methods: We included 400 patients with a history of suspected rhythm disturbance who visited their family physician at the Healthcare Center Ljubljana and Healthcare Center Murska Sobota from October 2016 to January 2018. Results: The study found that there was no statistically significant difference between the test and control groups in the number of present rhythm disorders and actions taken to treat patients with either observation or administration of a new drug. However, in the test group, there were significantly fewer patients being referred to a cardiologist than in the control group (p < 0.001). Discussion: The use of an ECG sensor helps family physicians to distinguish between patients who need to be referred to a cardiologist and those who can be treated by them. This method is useful for both physicians and patients because it shortens the time taken to start treatment, can be used during pandemics such as COVID-19, and reduces unnecessary cost.

Abstract Even though much has been published in recent years on the factors affecting the lifespan and lifetime reproductive success of birds, there are still gaps in our knowledge. Here, we present the results of a long-term study of European blackbirds which examined the effect of natal conditions on lifespan and lifetime reproductive success (expressed by the number of fledglings) of 152 nestlings (72 males and 80 females) ringed in the Stefan Żeromski Park in Szczecin (NW Poland). We have complete information regarding parental age, family brood (first-egg laying date, clutch size, and hatching sequence), bird size, lifetime reproductive success, pair density and weather conditions during the natal year. For males, total fledgling production was the smaller, the later the laying date of the family brood, but increased with mean daily precipitation and pair density in the natal year. In the case of females, we did not find any significant relationships between their lifetime reproductive success and the above parameters. Male lifespan increased with mean daily precipitation and bird density, but only pair density had a positive effect on female lifespan. We suggest that for females, genetic factors could be more important for their reproductive success than for males. In addition, a blackbird’s lifespan depends strongly on environmental factors.

The paper presents the results of research that included comparative study of the place and role of female characters in selected and representative comedies by Serbian comedigrapher Branislav Nušić (eng. MP, Suspicious person, Mrs Minister, Bereaved family, Dr, Deceased; srb. Narodni poslanik, Sumnjivo lice, Ožalošćena porodica, Dr, Pokojnik, Vlast) and Bulgarian comedigrapher Stefan Kostov (eng. Gold mine, Golemanov, Grasshoppers, Nameless comedy; blg. Zlamnama mina, Golemanov, Skakalci, Komediâ bez ime) in order to find similarities and differences in the process of comedigraphic shaping of female characters in the work of these two authors. The subject of the research was viewed primarily from a literary-theoretical point of view, and the dominant methods of study were comparative and analytical-synthetic. During the research, there was a differentiation of female characters in accordance with their motivational structures, psychological assemblies and the nature of the place and the role they play in the social environment in which they are located. Therefore, we can distinguish female characters who live in the province and who are fully representative of the small-town spirit, female characters who live in the capital and are a symbol of the modern age and female characters who dwell in the capital, but in fact, deeply down still carry a small-town view of the world. The structure of this paper is in line with this distinction. Conclusions made at the end of the study show that the representation of female characters in analyzed comedies of both comedigaphers is highly similar in its nature.

The austrian habsburg court under Empress Maria Theresa has been characterized as combining an informal domesticity with a rigid ceremonial structure inherited from her predecessors. In this picture of life at the Habsburg court, the strict protocol and elaborate calendar of ceremonies only partially designated how the imperial family structured its time; protocol and ceremony coexisted, it would seem, with more casual and relaxed forms of familial interaction. Popular Austrian writing on Maria Theresa has stressed the image of the empress as mother, and the maternal quality of this portrait has colored some modern notions of how her palaces were occupied and used. Tourists visiting Schönbrunn palace, for example, are often told that many of its rooms were designed with familial contact in mind, and the resulting picture of the palace's use and habitation is curiously modern. The notion that an “imperial domesticity” governed actions at Maria Theresa's Schönbrunn has found its way into scholarly literature as well; one scholar has gone so far as to describe Schönbrunn's admixture of ceremonial and intimate spaces asvorbiedermeierlich, that is, prefiguring the family-oriented, bourgeois culture of nineteenth-century Vienna. The instigator of this myth may be Stefan Zweig, who in 1932 described Marie Antoinette's childhood at Schönbrunn as one filled with carefree play, personal freedom, and adventure, all of which prepared her inadequately for her future role as queen of France. The modern visitor to Schönbrunn might be forgiven for thinking that, despite the palace's sumptuous rooms and elegant decoration, it differs minimally from the modern single-family home.

AbstractThe aim of this study is to contribute to the methodology for determining whether a given characteristic of a language is a product of language contact or of language-internal grammaticalization. We have taken as a test problem a formal structure that is relatively rare across languages but that occurs in a few geographically proximate languages belonging to different families. The presence of a typologically rare phenomenon in neighboring but unrelated languages raises the question of whether the structure may be a product of cross-linguistic contact.The structures that we examine involve the split coding of person and number of the subject, in which a pronoun preceding the verb codes person only. Plurality of the subject is coded by a suffix to the verb, usually the same suffix for all persons. In some languages the split coding of person and number operates for all persons, while in others the split coding is limited to some persons only. This structure has been observed in several languages spoken in a small area of Northern Cameroon. Three of these languages, Gidar, Giziga, and Mofu-Gudur, belong to the Central branch of the Chadic family, while two other languages, Mundang and Tupuri, belong to the Adamawa branch of the Niger-Congo family. Outside of this geographical area, this structure has been observed in Egyptian, some Cushitic languages, and in some languages of North America.Since every linguistic phenomenon must have been grammaticalized in some language at some point, we must consider first whether there are language-internal prerequisites for such grammaticalization. For each language of the study, we show that the split coding of person and number may represent a product of language-internal development. The presence of the phenomenon in a language that does not have language-internal prerequisites can then be safely considered to be a product of language contact.

The article’s subject discusses love, mercy, and social justice from the perspective of Christian personalism presented by Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The author’s interpretation of source materials aims to present the above values as fundamental Christian virtues of a complementary nature, shaping the good of the human person’s goodness, both in the individual and social dimension. In the personalist-praxeological sense, both love, mercy, and social justice, understood as attitudes that which mean commitment and fidelity, are formed primarily in the Christian reality of everyday life, particularly with regard to one’s family and nation. The author of this article asks whether the aretology of Cardinal Wyszyński’s personalist concept of social life can be applied to the specific realities of the contemporary social life. The answer to such questions is extremely important, especially in the context of the currently proclaimed “ideological pluralism,” characteristic of present-day postmodern culture, which emphasizes the moral ambivalence of “liquid” postmodernity.

The Serbian historiography considers the issue of the co-ruling of King Stefan the First-Crowned and his son Radoslav as the one finally resolved. The suggested solution on the co-rule of Stefan and Radoslav may be most succinctly expressed as following: as early as in the year of 1220, due to the frail health of Stefan the First-Crowned and Radoslav's marriage to Anne the Epirus princess, Radoslav was crowned to be the king and positioned to co-rule with his father after the Byzantine model of governing. Nevertheless this point of view has some loose ends. The notion of co-ruling and the very term of 'co-ruler' are quite freely used in the scholarly works. A general consensus on the precise meaning has not been reached yet. At the point where one author perceives a co-rule, the other categorically denies it. Basically the approach equalizing the heir to the throne and the co-ruler is wrong. Although the co-rulers in most cases were the throne heirs, they cannot be called the co-rulers because of the right to inherit the throne, but for the ruling attributes that formally established that right. The conviction of the co-rule of King Stefan and his son Radoslav is founded on the interpretation of the facts coming from the following sources: entitling charters for the monastery of Zica, produced by Stefan and Radoslav around 1220; some segments from St. Sava's biographies by Domentian and Theodosius describing the circumstances of Stefan's death-bed leaving the throne to Radoslav; the three acts of the town of Kotor from 1221 and 1227 dated by the rule of king Radoslav, the portraits of Stefan and Radoslav next to the entrance to the Church of the Ascension in the monastery of Zica and in the nartex of the Mileseva monastery church. In the first Zica charter, Stefan calls Radoslav his heir, while in the second Zica charter Stefan points out Radoslav as his first-born son blessed by him to be the king of the whole state. (jegoze i blagoslovismo biti emou kralju v'se sije dr'zave). Though differently in manner, Radoslav's hereditary right has been emphasized in both of these charters. In my opinion, the formulation of the second charter does not refer to the coronation of a co-ruler, but a ceremonious act of proclaiming the successor. That may have been one of the results of Radoslav's marrying Anne the daughter of the Epirus ruler Theodore I Angelos in 1219/1220. St. Sava's biography by Domentian tells us about Stefan's appointing Radoslav for his heir immediately before his death. That was followed by arch-bishop Sava's crowning him the king to be s'prestol'nik' ot'c'stva svoego. The expression s'prestol'nik' was supposed to be the proof of Radoslav being his father's co-ruler. However, Domentian uses the term s'prestol'nik' ot'c'stva svoego in the metaphysical sense to cast the stress on the Nemanjic dynastic permanent right to the Serbian throne, not to describe the relations in the real time. The Nemanjic hereditary authority was regarded equal to the throne, so every ruler stepping onto it, according to Domentian, shares the same throne with his predecessors and the future rulers from the same family. Domentian calls both Stefan the First-Crowned and Vladislav, Radoslav's brother s'prestol'nik' ot'c'stva svoego, and the two of them have been firmly confirmed not to be their fathers' co-rulers. Besides, Domentian speaks of Radoslav as of s'prestol'nik' at the moments immediately preceding Stefan's death, thus not even for the chronological reasons can this fact be used as an evidence for the co-rule of Stefan and Radoslav. Theodosius similarly depicts the shift on the throne using the word s'prestol'nik' in the same context. The two acts of the town of Kotor from 1221 and the one from 1227 were dated sub tempore domini regis Radoslavi. The mentioning of king Radoslav at the time when his father was the Serbian king was considered a valid proof of Radoslav's co-rule with his father with the title of a king. Anyway, this is not about the mere mentioning of king Radoslav in some document, but about the official Kotor town documents being dated after the rule of king Radoslav as the master of Kotor (dominus rex). The Kotor town resolutions were dated in the same fashion at the time when Stefan Nemanja's son Vukan had the rule over Duklja while his father and afterwards his brother held the Serbian throne. Therefore, the mentioning of king Radoslav as the master of Kotor means that he got Duklja to rule probably as an heir to the throne and, like Vukan, he took over the old royal title of Duklja. To the left and to the right from the entrance to the Zica monastery Church of the Ascension, the portraits of King Stefan the First-Crowned and king Radoslav were painted. The portraits were believed to have been made at the time of Stefan and Radoslav's producing the charter to the monastery of Zica (circa 1220), so Radoslav's royal title in the inscription next to the portrait was taken as evidence that he had already been appointed as his father's co-ruler and the king. Nonetheless, the Zica exonartex with the tower was built most likely during the rule of king Radoslav (circa 1229-1234); hence the portrait itself could have been painted only then implying that the title in the inscription next to the character of Radoslav might have referred to his independent status as a ruler. In addition to this, there is an iconographic motif after which, when the son is to carry on the father's building project, the younger, i.e. the other founder is always portrayed on the left side of the entrance, just like in the case of Zica. A donors' composition, including the portraits of Stefan the First-Crowned and Radoslav, was painted in the Mileseva church nartex during the twenties of the 13th century. Both Stefan and Radoslav bear the wreaths on their heads and Stefan holds a scepter in his left hand. The wreath on Radoslav's head is regarded as a symbol of his keeping the position of a co-ruler. Still without the support of the written sources, for which this article has showed that they do not prove Radoslav's co-rule, the portraits in Mileseva do not have an independent source value. We do not have at our disposal a representative sample from an earlier period or the one contemporary with the Mileseva fresco paintings to serve as the basis for establishing the iconographic patterns of presenting the co-ruling position. Certain examples of the later paintings (Sopocani, Bogorodica Ljeviska) indicate that the images of the heirs with the ruling signs do not mean that their actual coronation and raising to the rank of a co-ruler had already taken place. Not even the portraits of the younger king Uros, i.e. king Uros at the time of Dusan's imperial rule mark the co-ruler, but the heir to the throne. Since painting is the ultimate expression of the monarchic ideology, the painters of the donors' compositions, similarly to the biographers, have no need to convey every particularity from the real life. Instead of that, they primarily use symbols. Therefore, the crown on the head of the ruler's son doesn't necessarily have to imply him being crowned and set to be a co-ruler. The wreath on Radoslav's head only symbolized his position of the throne heir. From my point of view, no source analyzed here provides an unequivocal confirmation of Radoslav's co-rule. If his participation in the governing may be spoken of, it has been achieved only over the position of the king of Duklja. Considering the fact that the sources of the co-ruling matter are scarce and subject to various interpretations, this piece of work has been intentionally titled with a question mark. Its purpose is not to offer the final and consistently opposite solutions from those generally accepted by scholars, but to provoke a further scientific dispute on this sensitive issue.

Inhibition of the binding of enveloped viruses surface glycoproteins to host cell receptor(s) is a major target of vaccines and constitutes an efficient strategy to block viral entry and infection of various host cells and tissues. Cellular entry usually requires the fusion of the viral envelope with host plasma membranes. Such entry mechanism is often preceded by “priming” and/or “activation” steps requiring limited proteolysis of the viral surface glycoprotein to expose a fusogenic domain for efficient membrane juxtapositions. The 9-membered family of Proprotein Convertases related to Subtilisin/Kexin (PCSK) serine proteases (PC1, PC2, Furin, PC4, PC5, PACE4, PC7, SKI-1/S1P, and PCSK9) participate in post-translational cleavages and/or regulation of multiple secretory proteins. The type-I membrane-bound Furin and SKI-1/S1P are the major convertases responsible for the processing of surface glycoproteins of enveloped viruses. Stefan Kunz has considerably contributed to define the role of SKI-1/S1P in the activation of arenaviruses causing hemorrhagic fever. Furin was recently implicated in the activation of the spike S-protein of SARS-CoV-2 and Furin-inhibitors are being tested as antivirals in COVID-19. Other members of the PCSK-family are also implicated in some viral infections, such as PCSK9 in Dengue. Herein, we summarize the various functions of the PCSKs and present arguments whereby their inhibition could represent a powerful arsenal to limit viral infections causing the present and future pandemics.

The paper investigates how formal/informal networks of scientists, while facilitating the scientific West-East transfer in the Cold War context, shaped the scientific field of sexology by imposing personal scientific credos, in a particular national context. The paper shows that in the Cold War context, sexual science was present in Communist Romania, but neither as imitation of the regional scholarship, nor as a simple reproduction of western advancements in the field. The post-war Romanian scholarship in the field of sexology was the result of scientific interests of Stefan Milcu – long time party protégée and respected member of the international scientific community – and of its personal circle that included remarkable personalities such as Victor Săhleanu or Tudor Stoica. Presenting the public with information about sexual and re­productive functions, and sometimes even elaborated descriptions of sexual techniques, certainly was never meant to enhance the individual gratification or provoke any form of sexual revolution. The Romanian production of sex/educational manuals and of sexology works was part of a state policy towards a better, stable, family life, aiming for collective and social happiness.

The articles presents an interpretation of selected topics from the Stefan Żeromski’s novel which form an articulation of the nineteenth century changes taking place within the metaphysics. The scene in which the protagonists from Żeromski’s novels experienced communication with the dead and lived through the inner enlightenment have been analyzed. The article also describes the poetics of articulation of metaphysical experience in the prose of Żeromski paying particular attention to the theme of light equivalentizing the internal initiation of heroes, leading them mainly to cross the barriers of death. From this perspective, the articles interprets such motives as birch, earth and kiss as functionalizing metaphysical experience of the heroes described in the novels. The analysis of these metaphysical enclaves in the prose of Żeromski allowed to put forward the thesis that the metaphysics of the writer is not inspired by philosophy or theology of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, but by faith in the strength of family and native ties and by the power of human community which leads man into another dimension of reality.

The article presents first names and derivatives derived from first names, used in families in Warmia in the 19th century. The material was gathered from the work of W. Barczewski, Kiermasy in Warmia. Names in Warmian families were passed down from generation to generation and given in accordance with family tradition. The selection of names was scarce. First names were rare in common circulation, more often short names and deminutive-hypocoristic forms created with a small number of formants were used. The number of diminutive or playful female names was limited. These were created by name derivatives: Luca, Jewka, Lucka, Nulka, Baśka, Basia, Barwuchna, Dośka, Waleśka, Elzka, Joanka, Finka, Katrynka, Kaśka, Marychna, and Staśka. Of the male names, Barczewski certified ten names in basic forms: Jakub, Andrzej, Stefan, Klement, Michał, Maciej, Marcin, Joachim, Wojciech, Kazimierz and derivative hypocorrisms and deminutive forms: Janek, Michałek, Maciek, Kuba, Kubal, Kubalek, Kaźnirek, Wojtek, Jędrysek, Józefek, Wiktorek, Frąck, Matys. Respect for adults was expressed through full names, whereas children were addressed with deminutive-hypocorristic forms, and emotionally-oriented forms.

Great Lavra of Saint Athanasius is one of the Mount Athos monasteries richly donated by Serbian rulers and noblemen with properties and material goods. The monastery was acquiring its properties by completing requests from abbot and monks, but also on the initiative of the founder himself. Depending on the situation, which was dictated by the current situation in the country, the estates were privileged to a certain extent. They were abolished in moments when the danger from the Ottomans was at a high level. The population of the monastery villages primarily had to participate in military service both materially and physically. In such circumstances they were exempt from those work obligations directly related to the ruler?s palace. House of Lazarevic had issued a total of five charters in the period from 1394/1395 to 1427. Great Lavra received several villages: Kurilovo, Vrankovo, Saludovac, Buljane, Izvor, Brnica and Kvasicevica, then had its property in Trg in Paracinov Brod. It had revenue of transit customs in the village of Izvor and from customs office in Novo Brdo. Introductions of charters reflect the piety of royal family, desire to continue the traditions of their god-loving ancestors and to enroll its members in the ranks of the largest benefactors.

The article presents the opening chapter of Miroslav Pantic?s monograph on Pavle Popovic (Chapter One, which has remained unpublished). Based on a thorough study of the recorded material, the monograph is a broad overview of Pavle Popovic?s ancestry; it emphasises that Branko Radicevic was his paternal relative, while his maternal grandfather was Stefan Markovic, an esteemed writer of that period and member of The Society of Serbian Letters. All members of his nuclear family are described, especially the writer Bogdan Popovic and the diplomat Dimitrije Popovic, who later on studied Serbian diplomatic history. The years spent in second?ary school (as a student of the First Belgrade Grammar School, he was a member of the Nada student company) are described, as well as his earliest interest in science and meetings with the professors whose influence on him was visible later in his life (Ivan Djaja, Andra Nikolic and Svetislav Vulovic). The period Popovic spent as a student at the Department of History and Philology of Belgrade Higher School?s Faculty of Philosophy is described in detail, mostly on the basis of Pavle Popovic?s personal reminiscences.

In the context of Cardinal Wyszyński’s personalistic concept, a man understood as a spiritual, as well as corporal being, created by God in His image and likeness, endowed with human dignity from the moment of conception, the subject of rights and duties appears as the focus of the Christian perception of culture. The analysis of contemporary cultural reality, then, carried out in the above article in the light of the Christian tradition allows us to express the discussed issues in terms of a vocation addressed to every human being. Its position to the realities of earthly life emphasizes that in the creative activity of culture, one should see the most appropriate way of realizing the fullness of the human personality not only in the temporal dimension but also in the supernatural one. Moreover, emphasizing such elements as the human person, family, Nation, state, the international community, culture, economy, and politics understood in an integral way, as well as the Church proclaiming the universal message of salvation, the Primate’s vision of culture exposes a praxeological character, rooted in particular human existence. It allows not only the direct inclusion of the human person in the current of civilization and cultural changes but also consents the human being to discover the right place in the dynamically changing contexts of the contemporary world.

If we analyse all examples where Byzantine princesses were mentioned in Serbian hagiographies, we could reach certain conclusions. The performances of the Byzantine princesses in the above mentioned lives are not uniform and the descriptions of their characters ranged from extremely positive to extremely negative. If we look closely at their mentions, it is observed that the description of each of them was intended to tell us more directly about the hero of this life: to portray him as a good diplomat, martyr, strong ruler and knight, or a weak man; then to provide appropriate moral instruction to readers; or to convey with a conveyed meaning a picture of the relationship between Byzantium and Serbia at the time it describes. Princesses who are not named or described by any epithet that would fit their personalities are thus suppressed as irrelevant. These were Eudocia the Angel in Sava's Life of Saint Simeon and Ana the Angel in Domentian's Life of Saint Sava. The portrayal of Eudokia and Anna mentioned the life writers only for the purpose of extolling the diplomatic abilities of the main heroes of the lives of Stefan Nemanja and Saint Sava, who manage to befriend the Byzantine dynasty. The Byzantine princesses who were described in a positive light were Simonida Paleologus in the lives of Queen Jelena and King Milutin and Maria Paleologina in the lives of King Stefan Decanski of Danil's Learner and Grigory Camblak. The writers of life have given these princesses the names and descriptions of their personalities with certain epithets of a pious, godly, Christ-loving and blissful woman. However, the description of Simonide in the lives of Danilo is actually a description of the ideal view of his wife in the Middle Ages, not the actual image of this Byzantine princess and Serbian Queen. The description of Simonida's character was used to portray to idealize Milutin character as the true representative of the patriarchal family. With this depiction, Simonide Danilo fulfilled the goal and complemented the image of Milutin as an "ideal" man, which was the reason for writing the piece. A positive portrayal of Maria Paleologus also served as a means of constructing the character of his life hero, Stefan Decanski, as a "ideal" ruler and knight. The idealized portrayal of these Byzantine princesses was perfectly in line with the historical context of the time of origin of life and the aesthetic tasks of their authors. The negative representations of the Byzantine princesses were followed by the omission of their personal names, the epitome of a sly, malicious, shameless woman and a comparative comparison with female biblical figures who were the embodiment of evil. In a negative light are depicted princess Anna Angel in Theodosius' Life of Saint Sava and Simonides in the Life of Stefan Decanski by Grigory Camblak. The performances of these two Byzantine princess are full of stereotypes and do not represent realistic descriptions of their personalities. The negatively described personalities of powerful women who exert influence over their husbands Anna Angel and Simonide Paleolog actually speak more about their husbands than themselves. These two Byzantine princes served as writers of life as a means of portraying Radoslav and Milutin as weak and submissive men. In doing so, the writers of life fulfilled their tasks of writing the work. By telling the story of the cunning Anna and the submissive Radoslav, Theodosius magnified the character of his hero of the life of Saint Sava and at the same time gave moral instruction to his readers. Grigory Camblak rehabilitated the hero of his life, Stefan Decani, with the story of the shameless and malicious Simonida and characteristically weak man Milutin, which was the reason for writing the work. These Byzantine princesses arrived as brides in Serbia and became members of the Serbian ruling family. For the writers of life, they were foreigners in Serbia, but no author portrays their foreign origin in a negative context. Moreover, most writers of life have a striking emphasis on the glorious imperial origins of these women in a positive light. It was their glorious imperial descent that made them the hero of life. Being married to a Byzantine princess, a member of the imperial dynasty, meant prestige to the Serbian middle-aged ruler. Even writers who negatively describe the two Byzantine princesses do not mention them as aliens. Although the Byzantines viewed Serbia as a barbaric land from a height, Byzantium was an ideal to aspire to medieval Serbia. Byzantine princesses Irina Laskaris and Teodora Paleolog in Serbian medieval life were different from those described above, because they were not brides of Serbian rulers. Although they did not give her name, Irina Laskaris was presented by Domentian and Theodosius in the Life of Saint Sava exclusively as a friendly empress. The picture of Irina Laskaris at Domentijan is at the same time the most realistic representation of a noble Byzantine woman in Serbian hagiography. It is not idealized or constructed by the author. On the other hand, the indefinite mention of Theodore Paleologus, and the simultaneous highlighting of her rival Ana Nemanjic, as part of the description of the battle of Velbuzde with Danilo's Learner, may have been tasked with secretly personifying Byzantium, which after this battle lost its prestige in the Balkans. The historical context of the time of Dusan's age in which life was created would support this hypothesis.

Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński in his Primatial teaching was often returning to the issue of the female world. This issue was discussed against changing socioeconomic conditions. He did not remain, however, at the level of analysis, but entrusted women with specific tasks. He strongly emphasised the role of women, their tasks in a family, professional, social and even in political life. He entrusted this social group with keeping guard over the fulfilment of Jasna Góra (Eng. Luminous Mount) Vows of the Polish Nation from 1956. Thereby, he called women to defend life, accept life, to realise their main vocation – maternity. He stated that the future of nation is largely dependent on women, on the way of educating a young generation, transferred values. He also called women to fight for sobriety of their families, for order in these families. He thought that women should be involved in social and political life, although simultaneously he warned against dangers, which they have to wisely omit. Being aware of these dangers, Primate Wyszyński was looking for a role model, which would be worth imitating. He was portraying Mary, Virgin and Mother, Her cooperation with Jesus to them. He stated that the contemporary world also needs a harmonious cooperation of men and women.

ABSTRACTSite-1 protease (S1P) ablation in the osterix-lineage in mice drastically reduces bone development and downregulates bone marrow-derived skeletal stem cells. Here we show that these mice also suffer from spina bifida occulta with a characteristic lack of bone fusion in the posterior neural arches. Molecular analysis of bone marrow-derived non-red blood cell cells, via single-cell RNA-Seq and protein mass spectrometry, demonstrate that these mice have a much-altered bone marrow with a significant increase in neutrophils and Ly6C-expressing leukocytes. The molecular composition of bone marrow neutrophils is also different as they express more and additional members of the stefin A (Stfa) family of proteins. In vitro, recombinant Stfa1 and Stfa2 proteins have the ability to drastically inhibit osteogenic differentiation of bone marrow stromal cells, with no effect on adipogenic differentiation. FACS analysis of hematopoietic stem cells show that despite a decrease in hematopoietic stem cells, S1P ablation results in an increased production of granulocyte-macrophage progenitors, the precursors to neutrophils. These observations indicate that S1P has a role in the lineage specification of hematopoietic stem cells and/or their progenitors for development of a normal hematopoietic niche. Our study designates a fundamental requirement of S1P for maintaining a balanced regenerative capacity of the bone marrow niche.

Historical data on the person and policies of the ?veliki [grand] zupan? Uros II - archzupan in Byzantine sources, magnus comes in Latin texts - can be found in twelfth-century Serbian, Greek, Hungarian, German and Russian sources. The paper is divided into three sections dealing specifically with Uros II?s family relations (ancestors and descendants); chronological issues of his reign in Serbia; and his domestic and foreign policies. Uros II?s father, the Serbian zupan Uros I, had three sons and a daughter: Uros II, Desa, Belos and Helen (Jelena). Uros II succeeded his father as the ruler of Serbia. Helen married king B?la II of Hungary (1131-41) and became a very influential figure at the Hungarian court. Their brother Belos, who was known in Hungary as ban B?la and sub?sequently held the office of the palatine of Hungary, considerably contributed to the firming up of Serbian-Hungarian political ties. Based on a detailed analysis of the surviving sources, the author suggests the conclusion that Uros II was a true predecessor of Stefan Nemanja in all his policies. He was a vassal of the Byzantine emperor but he allied with Hungary in the aspiration to achieve independence. At the time of Uros II and his successors the region of Rascia (Raska, Rassa), known for the city of Ras (modern Novi Pazar) and the Bishopric of Raska with the bishop?s seat at the church of Sts Peter and Paul, was the core of the Serbian state.

Although cysteine proteinases have been reported to be present in human eccrine sweat, their endogenous inhibitors, cysteine proteinase inhibitors (CPIs), have remained unstudied. We now present evidence that CPIs are indeed a true ingredient of human eccrine sweat. Sweat induced in sauna was collected over a Vaseline barrier placed on the skin to minimize epidermal contamination. The absence of major epidermal contamination of the sweat was further ensured by monitoring an epidermal marker, high-molecular-mass aminopeptidase. Sweat CPI was purified sequentially by chromatography with Sephacryl S-200, carboxymethylated papain-Sepharose, and anion-exchange Mono Q fast-protein liquid chromatography columns. Sweat CPI has a molecular mass of approximately 15 kDa, is stable for temperature (up to 80 degrees C) and pH (from 3 to 10), and inhibits papain, ficin, and sweat cathepsin B- and H-like enzymes. Sweat CPI may be of sweat gland origin because 1) the rate of CPI output in sweat (CPI concentration x sweat rate) is constant over 45 min; 2) antibody against epidermal CPI, which cross-reacts with sweat CPI, localized immunoreactivity in the sweat duct; 3) CPI activity was present in the glandular extracts of control and methacholine-stimulated (for 1 h in vitro) human sweat glands; and 4) the peaks of CPI activity in the glandular extract and sweat CPI were both eluted (by high-pressure liquid chromatography) at around 15 kDa. Sweat CPI may be very similar to epidermal CPI (which belongs to the stefin family of CPIs) because of many shared characteristics. The identity and function of sweat CPI remain to be studied.

Leszek Wisłocki is a famous music theorist and composer. For many years he has been a Professor at the Academy of Music in Wrocław. However, before he started working for the Academy, he spent some time living in Jelenia Góra, where for 4 years he attended the Stefan Żeromski Co-educational Gymnasium and Grammar School. These school years are the subject of Wisłocki’s account. It is a detailed description of Professor’s pre-war life, as well as his and his family’s war experience, and in particular of his father’s military service. Wisłocki clearly explains the reasons for his family coming to Lower Silesia and settling in Jelenia Góra. Equally clearly Wisłocki recalls his teachers, school friends and important events which influenced the school life as well as the life of the local society, such as existence of the underground independence movement in 1949. He tells anecdotes about excursions to the mountains or his first performances as a musician staged at school. Wisłocki underlines the importance of this first, post-war period – not only for him, but also for his friends who later, having graduated from grammar school, went on to become professors or achieved other socially significant posts. Finally, Professors pays a lot of attention to returns and school relations – still vivid and close after more than seven decades. Annual school reunions and extensive correspondence exchanged by the ex-pupils serves as a proof that the short period of education, which lasted only 4 years, had a great impact on the life of this generation.

The exiles to Siberia had a profound influence on Norwid’s consciousness already in his middle school years (i.e. in the 1830s) as the next wave (following the one after the failure of the November Uprising) began at that time. The subject of exile and martyrdom was often discussed by Norwid in conversations and correspondence with his friends. Even among the poet’s close and distant relatives, there were many people who were affected by the deportation to the East (Józef Hornowski, the Kleczkowski family, Konstanty Jarnowski). The list of Norwid’s friends who were deported to Syberia is horribly long: Karol Baliński, Maksymilian Jatowt (pseud. Jakub Gordon), Agaton Giller, Karol Ruprecht, Stefan Dobrycz, Andrzej Deskur, Bronisław Zaleski, Antoni and Michał Zaleski, Anna Modzelewska and her brother, Aleksander Hercen, Piotr Ławrow. There were also some occasional meetings with the exiled or their families (Aniela Witkiewiczówna, Aleksander Czekanowski). Norwid attentively listened to oral accounts of those who returned, he also read publications on Siberian themes published from the early 1950s (among others, by Giller, Gordon, B. Zaleski). In his speeches and letters he repeatedly drew attention to the necessity of commemorating the “Siberian exiles” and providing them with support – both spiritual and material – as well as establishing the Siberian Society, “where all single sufferings and conquest would come to balance”. Providing the exiled with state protection and enabling them to return to their homeland became even one of the points of Norwid’s project for the political and social principles of future Poland.

The Vilnius period in Iwo Jaworski’s lifeThe Vilnius period in Iwo Jaworski’s life, from 1922 until 1939, was one of the most important periods in his life. It began when he became Chair of History of Law in Western Europe at the Stefan Batory University in 1922. It was also associated with the formation of the Faculty of Law and Social Sciences at the University. In 1927 Iwo Jaworski obtained his post-doctoral degree habilitation and in 1932 he was made professor. In his research he focused on political and legal questions connected with the French Revolution as well as legal questions concerning the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In addition to conducting research, he was also active in popularising science, and was an outstanding teacher, whose lectures and seminars were very popular among students. That he was trusted by those around him is evidenced by his participation in several collegiate bodies at the university and the fact that he supervised several student organisations. The Vilnius period was also extremely important in his private life. It was in Vilnius that he started a family and despite the fact that he moved several times, his home was a place of social gatherings of many of his friends including people who, like himself, found themselves in Wrocław after the war. Interludes in his life in Vilnius were provided by military training courses which he was called to attend. Die Vilniusser Zeit im Leben von Iwo JaworskiDie Vilniusser Zeit im Leben von Iwo Jaworski, also die Jahre 1922-1939, gehört zu den wichtigsten Perioden seines Lebens. Diese begann, als er im Jahre 1922 auf den Lehrstuhl für Geschichte des Rechts in Westeuropa an der Stefan-Batory-Universität berufen wurde. Sie war auch mit der Errichtung der Fakultät für Recht und Sozialwissenschaften an dieser Universität verbunden. In diesem Zeitraum, im Jahre 1927, habilitierte sich Iwo Jaworski und im Jahre 1932 erwarb er den Professorentitel. Den Schwerpunkt seines wissenschaftlichen Werkes bildeten die verfassungsrechtlichen Fragen bezogen auf die Französische Revolution und die rechtliche Problematik betreffend das Großfürstentum Litauen. Neben der Arbeit als Wissenschaftler beschäftigte sich Iwo Jaworski auch aktiv mit der Förderung der Wissenschaft. Er war dabei ein ausgezeichneter Didaktiker und seine Vorträge und Seminare erfreuten sich großer Beliebtheit bei den Studenten. Ein Zeichen des Vertrauens ihm gegenüber war seine Beteiligung an kollegialen Organen der Universität und sachliche Leitung einiger Studentenorganisationen. Die Zeit in Vilnius war auch für sein privates Leben wichtig. Dort hat Iwo Jaworski seine Familie gegründet und seine Wohnung, trotz einiger Umzüge, diente stets als ein Treffpunkt für viele mit ihm befreundete Personen darunter diejenige, die, ähnlich wie er, nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg nach Wrocław kamen. Die Vilniusser Zeit unterbrachen gelegentliche militärische Schulungen, die er zu absolvieren hatte.

PKA (protein kinase A) is tethered to subcellular compartments by direct interaction of its regulatory subunits (RI or RII) with AKAPs (A kinase-anchoring proteins). AKAPs preferentially bind RII subunits via their RII-binding domains. RII-binding domains form structurally conserved amphipathic helices with unrelated sequences. Their binding affinities for RII subunits differ greatly within the AKAP family. Amongst the AKAPs that bind RIIα subunits with high affinity is AKAP7δ [AKAP18δ; Kd (equilibrium dissociation constant) value of 31 nM]. An N-terminally truncated AKAP7δ mutant binds RIIα subunits with higher affinity than the full-length protein presumably due to loss of an inhibitory region [Henn, Edemir, Stefan, Wiesner, Lorenz, Theilig, Schmidtt, Vossebein, Tamma, Beyermann et al. (2004) J. Biol. Chem. 279, 26654–26665]. In the present study, we demonstrate that peptides (25 amino acid residues) derived from the RII-binding domain of AKAP7δ bind RIIα subunits with higher affinity (Kd=0.4±0.3 nM) than either full-length or N-terminally truncated AKAP7δ, or peptides derived from other RII binding domains. The AKAP7δ-derived peptides and stearate-coupled membrane-permeable mutants effectively disrupt AKAP–RII subunit interactions in vitro and in cell-based assays. Thus they are valuable novel tools for studying anchored PKA signalling. Molecular modelling indicated that the high affinity binding of the amphipathic helix, which forms the RII-binding domain of AKAP7δ, with RII subunits involves both the hydrophobic and the hydrophilic faces of the helix. Alanine scanning (25 amino acid peptides, SPOT technology, combined with RII overlay assays) of the RII binding domain revealed that hydrophobic amino acid residues form the backbone of the interaction and that hydrogen bond- and salt-bridge-forming amino acid residues increase the affinity of the interaction.