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Calarco, Roberto <1986>. "Dallo Stato sociale allo Stato penale: la repressione dei sans papiers in Francia." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4257.
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l'obiettivo della tesi è quello di fornire un quadro della situazione in cui vivono gli immigrati irregolari in Francia, e sopratutto analizzare gli effetti delle politiche migratorie repressive dello Stato francese, in connessione con la comune politica europea di contrasto all'immigrazione.
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Masier, Laura <1988>. "Welfare e povertà: dall'evoluzione dello Stato sociale al fenomeno del working poor." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3419.
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Dopo una panoramica generale sull’evoluzione del welfare in Europa, ed una rapida esposizione che ne fotografa lo sviluppo, il focus si sposta sull'evoluzione dagli anni '70 ad oggi. La trattazione qui si sviluppa su tre dimensioni: individualizzazione, aziendalizzazione e povertà, aspetto quest'ultimo approfondito in un capitolo dedicato. Il core del paper si concentra poi sul fenomeno del working poor, con relativa ricerca operativa.
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Massironi, Andrea <1988>. "Il confine dimenticato. Analisi geografica, storica e sociale dello stato brasiliano dell'Amapà." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/8720.
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Il lavoro parte da un'analisi storica e geografica della Amapá , uno stato nel nord del Brasile, al confine con la Guyana Francese. Lo studio prosegue poi la presentazione della situazione attuale, dove bellezze naturali e umane vanno di pari passo con problemi di diverso tipo, primi fra tutti quello della povertà (culturale ed economica) e quello dello strapotere delle multinazionali (con conseguenti danni ambientali - deforestazione - e sociali - corruzione diffusa). Un capitolo a parte è poi dedicato alle attività di alcune ONG italiane presenti nei pressi della capitale, Macapà.
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TANZILLI, FRANCESCO. "POVERI, POLITICI E PROFESSORI: IL DIBATTITO SULLO STATO SOCIALE AMERICANO DA KENNEDY A BUSH." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/382.
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Il presente lavoro intende esaminare il processo di decision making relativo alla politica sociale statunitense sviluppatosi a partire dalla fine degli anni Sessanta, fornendo un’analisi di carattere «istituzionalista» che ponga in rilievo gli snodi cruciali del dibattito relativo al welfare system federale svoltosi sia all’interno del Congresso, sia presso i think tank, i centri universitari, le organizzazioni culturali e religiose, le lobby e le altre realtà associative emerse dalla società civile. In particolare, la ricerca si concentra sull’intreccio tra ideologia politica, mentalità tradizionale, opinione pubblica e interessi specifici, e sull’influsso esercitato dalla dimensione culturale e istituzionale sul processo legislativo.
Sono stati individuati quattro principali indirizzi socio-politici, ciascuno dei quali ha avuto un particolare influsso su altrettante ‘fasi’ del processo di riforma del welfare system statunitense svoltosi tra il 1968 e il 2006. L’analisi del dibattito culturale e politico è stata suddivisa pertanto in quattro diversi capitoli (capp. 2-5) che consentono di delineare percorsi distinti per le diverse ipotesi socio-culturali individuate, ai quali viene anteposta una premessa storica relativa alle origini del sistema assistenziale e previdenziale statunitense e alle politiche riformiste degli anni Sessanta (cap. 1).The dissertation examines the process of decision making that determined the development of U.S. social policy from the end of the Sixties. It analyzes the institutional character of the debate that took place inside the Congress and inside the think tanks, the academic centers, the cultural and religious foundations and other associations. In particular, the research is focused on the tangle between political ideologies, traditional culture, public opinion and legislative process. The dissertation identifies four different socio-political streams: each of them influenced a particular “phase” of the reform of the U.S. welfare system from 1968 up to 2006. The analysis of the cultural and political debate has been divided in four chapters (chapters 2-5) that allow to delineate different developments for the four streams, after an historical premise (chapter 1) that presents the origins of American welfare system, from the colonial times to the Sixties.
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TANZILLI, FRANCESCO. "POVERI, POLITICI E PROFESSORI: IL DIBATTITO SULLO STATO SOCIALE AMERICANO DA KENNEDY A BUSH." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/382.
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Il presente lavoro intende esaminare il processo di decision making relativo alla politica sociale statunitense sviluppatosi a partire dalla fine degli anni Sessanta, fornendo un’analisi di carattere «istituzionalista» che ponga in rilievo gli snodi cruciali del dibattito relativo al welfare system federale svoltosi sia all’interno del Congresso, sia presso i think tank, i centri universitari, le organizzazioni culturali e religiose, le lobby e le altre realtà associative emerse dalla società civile. In particolare, la ricerca si concentra sull’intreccio tra ideologia politica, mentalità tradizionale, opinione pubblica e interessi specifici, e sull’influsso esercitato dalla dimensione culturale e istituzionale sul processo legislativo.
Sono stati individuati quattro principali indirizzi socio-politici, ciascuno dei quali ha avuto un particolare influsso su altrettante ‘fasi’ del processo di riforma del welfare system statunitense svoltosi tra il 1968 e il 2006. L’analisi del dibattito culturale e politico è stata suddivisa pertanto in quattro diversi capitoli (capp. 2-5) che consentono di delineare percorsi distinti per le diverse ipotesi socio-culturali individuate, ai quali viene anteposta una premessa storica relativa alle origini del sistema assistenziale e previdenziale statunitense e alle politiche riformiste degli anni Sessanta (cap. 1).The dissertation examines the process of decision making that determined the development of U.S. social policy from the end of the Sixties. It analyzes the institutional character of the debate that took place inside the Congress and inside the think tanks, the academic centers, the cultural and religious foundations and other associations. In particular, the research is focused on the tangle between political ideologies, traditional culture, public opinion and legislative process. The dissertation identifies four different socio-political streams: each of them influenced a particular “phase” of the reform of the U.S. welfare system from 1968 up to 2006. The analysis of the cultural and political debate has been divided in four chapters (chapters 2-5) that allow to delineate different developments for the four streams, after an historical premise (chapter 1) that presents the origins of American welfare system, from the colonial times to the Sixties.
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Filippi, Elisa <1997>. "Il gioco degli scacchi in Unione Sovietica: strumento di ingegneria sociale e di affermazione internazionale dello Stato." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21456.
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Il presente elaborato ha lo scopo di esplorare ed indagare le motivazioni sociali e politiche che hanno condotto gli scacchi fino in Unione Sovietica e hanno garantito loro crescente rilevanza per la società, lo Stato e per il Partito, facendo sì che la notorietà del gioco non rimanesse ancorata a livello nazionale, bensì che i giocatori sovietici ottenessero riconoscimento internazionale. La ricerca è stata suddivisa in più sfere tematiche per poter meglio analizzare i diversi ambiti d’impatto del gioco sulla vita sovietica: l’aspetto storico, in quanto l’arte degli scacchi era già presente in Russia da secoli ma ha assunto i connotati descritti nello studio solo durante l’Unione Sovietica; l’aspetto sociale, da cui si inizia ad analizzare e comprendere l’imposizione del gioco alla popolazione, il suo uso propagandistico a livello nazionale; e l’impatto del gioco nel contesto internazionale delle relazioni con altri paesi in particolare nel periodo della Guerra Fredda. Nell’elaborato si affronterà quindi la tematica di come l’Unione Sovietica sia stata in grado di sfruttare le caratteristiche di uno dei giochi più antichi al mondo, adattandole ad uno strumento di ingegneria sociale per manovrare la popolazione verso le direttive sociali, politiche e religiose predisposte dallo Stato. Inoltre, durante la Guerra Fredda, la “Terra degli Scacchi”, come è diventata internazionalmente nota, ha reso il gioco un simbolo di orgoglio nazionalistico ed un mezzo per dimostrare pacificamente la propria superiorità morale e intellettuale sull’Occidente. Cancellando la concezione di sport come percorso individuale attraverso investimenti statali, forte propaganda e leva sulla morale comune, il sistema ha reindirizzando il concetto di sport verso i principi cardine caratterizzanti il Nuovo Uomo sovietico: competenza tecnica e collettività. Il gioco passò quindi dalla sua fama storica di essere un mezzo per formare nell’arte della guerra a quello di un mezzo per la formazione di un’intera società, la società sovietica. Gli scacchi vennero trasformati in un'arena per la lotta tra ideologie, rispecchiando sulle scacchiere internazionali le stesse tensioni che si verificavano sul piano politico.
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Manolio, Caterina <1993>. "Il welfare occupazionale nel contesto della crisi del moderno Stato Sociale: opportunita e limiti di un diverso modello di solidarieta." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2021. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/9700/1/TESI%20FINALE.pdf.
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Il presente elaborato analizza il complesso fenomeno del welfare occupazionale nell’ambito della conclamata crisi del moderno Stato sociale. Dapprima, ci si soffermerà sulla genesi del fenomeno, e, nello specifico, sul mutato contesto istituzionale e sociale da cui esso trae origine: allo studio dei principali modelli di welfare state e alla loro ricostruzione storica, si affiancherà l'osservazione delle possibili concause che hanno determinato, nel tempo, l’insorgere di forme di welfare integrativo, parallele, se non anche alternative, a quelle garantite, in via principale, dallo Stato centrale.
Nel prosieguo si darà conto della crescente rilevanza assunta dal welfare occupazionale nel contesto politico e aziendale europeo e nazionale, attraverso l’analisi dei più recenti studi sul tema e dei provvedimenti adottati dal Legislatore italiano e dalle parti sociali nell’ultima stagione di rinnovo contrattuale.
Al termine della ricostruzione normativa, si procederà alla lettura del fenomeno secondo tre differenti indirizzi interpretativi, con lo scopo di evidenziare le opportunità e i limiti derivanti dall’adozione di un diverso modello di solidarietà sociale e le sue possibili strategie di sviluppo nei diversi ambiti di applicazione. Sulla scorta di tali considerazioni, infine, si collocherà il fenomeno oggetto di studio nel più ampio processo di “innovazione sociale” che investe, pur con marcate criticità, le società contemporanee avanzate: in tal senso, dall’analisi di esempi virtuosi di collaborazione fra diversi attori istituzionali, pubblici e privati, si giungerà ad affermare l’importanza di inquadrare il welfare occupazionale in sistemi circolari e partecipati di gestione del rischio sociale per la creazione di un benessere diffuso e duraturo, che si sviluppi oltre il perimetro aziendale e con la collaborazione di tutta la comunità.This study aims to describe the phenomenon of occupational welfare against the backdrop of the crisis and the transformation of the modern Western welfare state. First of all, we will focus on the genesis of the phenomenon, and, specifically, on the emergence of new social risks that have deeply transformed the institutional and social pattern since the Fordist revolution: beside the study of the main welfare state models and their historical reconstruction, we will observe the possible contributing causes that have determined, over time, the gradual retrenchment of welfare state and the rise of different forms of supplementary welfare. Then, we will zoom in on the growing importance of occupational welfare in the European and national political and business context, through the analysis of the most recent studies on the issue and the measures adopted by the Italian legislator and the social partners in the last collective bargaining season. At the end of the normative reconstruction, the phenomenon will be read according to three different interpretative outlooks, with the aim of highlight limits and opportunities deriving from the adoption of a different model of social solidarity and its possible development strategies in the various fields of application. Ultimately, on the basis of these considerations, we will look at the phenomenon under a broader perspective of "social innovation": by this expression, we define the process encompassing socially innovative policies and actions aimed at overcoming poverty and social exclusion, through a reconfiguration of social and political relations. Moving from the analysis of some virtuous examples of dialectical interplay between public and private institutional actors, the paper concludes stating the importance of embedding occupational welfare in a broader circular and participatory systems of social risk management, through which develop and maximize social well-being, even beyond company policies.
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Di, Tullio Rosa Bianca <1981>. "(Ri)generando la precarietà nello Stato sociale dell'Austerità: uno studio di caso sulle politiche di "inclusione attiva" nel comune di Venezia." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7372.
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La ricerca intende dimostrare come il paradigma della pro-attività – nell'ambito delle politiche socio-assistenziali di contrasto alla povertà del regime neoliberista – sia funzionale alla produzione di una riserva permanente di manodopera precaria ed a buon mercato. Nella prima parte – avvalendosi del concetto marxiano di esercito industriale di riserva e dell'analisi, in chiave di lettura marxista, dei processi di impoverimento globale –, ci si prefigge di analizzare i fondamenti teorici ed i discorsi ideologici che sono alla base delle nuove configurazioni dello Stato sociale nell'era dell'accumulazione flessibile, dedicando speciale attenzione alle politiche europee per l'inclusione attiva. Si intende evidenziare come il modello del "welfare to work", di pari passo con l'espansione delle politiche di austerità, sia oggi l'approccio dominante nelle politiche socio-assistenziali in Europa. La seconda parte della ricerca – a partire dalla ricostruzione ed analisi del sistema di condizionalità, vincoli e politiche pro-attive, destinato all'utenza adulta in carico ai servizi sociali del Comune di Venezia – intende discutere in quale misura la combinazione tra “lotta all'assistenzialismo”, "welfare to work" e politiche di austerità possano favorire l'acutizzazione delle disuguaglianze, la precarietà e l'emarginazione sociale.
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Bontempi, Stefano <1974>. "La valutazione economica delle esternalità e la contabilità ambientale e sociale: stato dell'arte, analisi e prospettive dei nuovi strumenti di supporto decisionale e partecipativo." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1870/1/Bontempi_Stefano_tesi.pdf.
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Bontempi, Stefano <1974>. "La valutazione economica delle esternalità e la contabilità ambientale e sociale: stato dell'arte, analisi e prospettive dei nuovi strumenti di supporto decisionale e partecipativo." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1870/.
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GORIO, MARIA CARLOTTA. "IL TRAUMA VIOLENTO E LE SUE CONSEGUENZE SULLE VITTIME: ANALISI DELLE DINAMICHE COMPORTAMENTALI, NUTRIZIONALI E DEL LORO STATO DI SALUTE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/699456.
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Il tema focale di questa trattazione è il trauma violento, nello specifico il Child Abuse & Neglect e le Esperienze Sfavorevoli Infantili (ESI). Questi eventi traumatici comportano conseguenze di varia tipologia gravose per la salute delle vittime. Considerando la natura complessa e variegata dell’argomento, si è proposto un approccio multidisciplinare, così da percorrere in maniera esaustiva tutte le caratteristiche di questo fenomeno. Obiettivo primario è stato comprenderne le cause, le conseguenze sulla salute, primariamente comportamentali e nutrizionali, e l’individuazione di best practices da adottare per favorire l’identificazione precoce dei traumi e proporre un approccio preventivo. Due progetti sono stati quindi sviluppati, il primo relativo ai minori e il secondo all’adulto. Nello specifico, per quanto concerne il progetto focalizzato sulla salute dei minori, è stato avviato uno studio osservazionale, tramite il questionario INTOVIAN, presso il Pronto Soccorso dell’Ospedale dei Bambini Buzzi di Milano, al fine di individuare situazioni familiari critiche e prevenire l’insorgenza di problematiche più pregiudizievoli per la salute del bambino. I dati raccolti hanno mostrato uno spaccato importante della situazione e fornito fondamentali informazioni per proseguire nel progetto e migliorare il sistema di prevenzione. Per quanto concerne l’adulto, invece, si è svolto uno studio pilota sull’epigenetica del trauma. Sono state, infatti, condotte valutazioni biochimiche su prelievi tissutali post mortem di soggetti che erano stati particolarmente esposti a situazioni traumatiche durante la vita (depressi, suicidi). Seppur il campione di riferimento non sia particolarmente numeroso, i dati preliminari sembrano indicare una effettiva influenza ambientale. L'obiettivo ultimo di questo studio è l’individuazione di strategie di prevenzione tramite un approccio multidisciplinare.The present doctoral dissertation aims to uncover hidden pathways of childhood violent trauma study and understanding. These kinds of events are associated with a wide range of consequences that impact the victims over the course of their life time. The complexity and magnitude of child abuse and neglect require a multi-disciplinary approach in order to acknowledge all its characteristics and foster the development of effective prevention policies. The main objective of the study was to understand the cause and impact on health of such phenomena, including behavioral issues and nutritional pathologies. A deeper understanding is required in order to promote and implement best practice models based on the concepts of early intervention and prevention. In order to achieve these aims, a study on minors (0-18) was developed, along with a one focused on adults. More specifically, an observational study took place at the E.R. of the Pediatric Hospital of Milano, in order to identify caregivers-children relational disfunctions and prevent an exacerbation of such issues that could later become abuse. Data were highly informative, even though limited to a medium-sized sample. Regarding the project on adults’ health, it was implemented a pilot study on the epigenetics of trauma. Biochemical evaluations were performed on tissue samples retrieved from cadavers of suicides and depressed individuals. Regardless of the limited sample, preliminary data point to a possible environmental effect on the victims. The final scope of this study is to identify child abuse and neglect prevention strategies via a multi-disciplinary approach.
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CASCARANO, APOLLONIA. "L'ordine pubblico economico tra progresso economico e sviluppo sociale." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/65881.
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Nella ricerca si mostra l’esistenza di una dimensione costituzionale europea di principi e valori comprendenti la CEDU e le costituzioni statali fondanti la presenza di un ordine pubblico europeo evidenziando l’emersione di un sistema europeo costituzionale. La ricerca unisce elementi e sistemi per prospettare l’esistenza di un’integrazione europea a livello giuridico tutelando il cd. pluralismo giuridico europeo, dando risalto agli strumenti di identità degli ordinamenti, creando unione tra il processo di integrazione e la tutela del pluralismo ordinamentale, evidenziando la situazione di giuridicità non perfetta relativa alla tutela dei diritti fondamentali. Da qui il ricorso al concetto di ordine pubblico che afferma l’unità degli ordinamenti giuridici definendo il concetto di pluralismo costituzionale europeo con il mutuo riconoscimento e l’affermazione di una dimensione costituzionale. Tra il concetto di costituzione formale ed il concetto di costituzione reale, si preferisce il concetto di Verfassung, costituzione reale. Il concetto di ordine pubblico conserva e valorizza le diversità ed i conflitti e diviene il risultato del conflitto tra conservazione e promozione dei valori e principi fondamentali. Si inserisce il concetto di ordine pubblico economico come categoria variabile che segna la nascita di un nuovo diritto tendente a prevenire e regolare i conflitti sociali. L’ordine pubblico economico si oppone all’astrattezza delle vecchie disposizioni con una legislazione di categorie sociali dove il contratto è sottoposto a regole dettate dalla tipologia contrattuale ed dalla personalità delle parti. La novità concettuale che porta alla distinzione tra i due concetti di ordine pubblico ed ordine pubblico economico è la base statuale: distanziandosi dallo Stato liberale, il concetto di ordine pubblico economico si fonda nelle forme di Stato sociale dove il sociale giustifica l’intervento statale in economia divenendo nozione giuridica di politica economica e sociale. Il rapporto tra diritto ed economia appare importante per poter meglio capire la portata della categoria dell’ordine pubblico economico: si segnala la necessità di creare concezioni non astratte ma reali dell’ordinamento recuperando l’esperienza dei rapporti umani e il fenomeno della comunicazione interpersonale. La proposta di una teoria generale in ambito economico rileva le deficienze di un metodo astratto in unione alla necessità di una "nuova antropologia" su cui si basa il concetto sussidiario. La nuova antropologia valorizza l'autonomia e la capacità dei singoli figlia dello spontaneo autoregolarsi della persona umana. Da ciò deriva l'analisi del rapporto tra ordine economico e ordinamento giuridico: la naturalità delle norme sociali si unisce con il ruolo sussidiario delle istituzioni che sopperiscono alle deficienze dei regolamenti. Esiste una comunicazione tra soggetti tramite la quale si ridà centralità al concetto di comunicazione ipotizzando un ordinamento intersoggettivo, sul quale si basa l'intervento sussidiario delle istituzioni con funzione di orientamento per il benessere della vita comunitaria. Il nuovo concetto di ordine pubblico economico diventa categoria che media le interrelazioni tra i principi dell’ordinamento comunitario e le regole del mercato comunitario. Lo sviluppo economico ed il progresso sociale sono i due cardini fondamentali della categoria, tendente sempre ad un bilanciamento tra le due finalità, riconosciuti a livello europeo come valori fondamentali ed intrepretati dalla giurisprudenza della Corte come fondamentali per le sue decisioni. Si sottolinea la realizzazione del concetto in ambito comunitario, dove all’esigenza di protezione delle libertà economiche si è riusciti ad associare la tutela di altri valori. L’equilibrio per il raggiungimento dell’ordine pubblico economico manca in tante aeree del diritto internazionale dove è prevalente il concetto di free trade rispetto ai valori sociali e della persona umana.The study shows the existence of an European constitutional dimension of values and principles including the CEDU and the national constitutions, establishing the presence of an European public order underlining the display of a constitutional European system. The research tries to prospect the existence of an European integration at juridical level, granting the European juridical pluralism, highlighting the identity of each system, unifying the process of integration and the defense of pluralism, showing a defective juridical situation related to the granting of fundamental rights. The study appeals to the concept of public order that states the unity of juridical systems defining the concept of European constitutional pluralism through the mutual acknowledgment and achievement of a constitutional dimension. Among both the concepts of formal constitution and real constitution, it is preferred that of Verfassung ,real constitution. The concept of public order retains and gives values to the differences and conflicts and becomes the result of the conflict between the retention and promotion of values and fundamental principles. It is added the concept of public economic order as a variable category that marks the beginning of a new law that prevents and settle social conflicts. The public economic order oppose the abstract nature of old orders through the legislation of social categories where the contract is subject to rules of contractual typology and to the legal entity of the parts. The conceptual innovation that brings to the distinction between the two concept of public order and public economic order is the statuale base : the concept of public economic order is based on the forms of social State where the social justifies the public intervention in economy, becoming a legal notion of political and social economy. The relationship between law and economy appears important to better understand the meaning of the category of public and economic order: it is marked the need to create real and non-abstract conceptions of the system and to recover the experience of human relationships and that of the interpersonal communication. The proposal of a general theory in an economic setting reveals the deficiencies of an abstract method together with the need of a “new anthropology” upon which the subsidiary concept is based. The new typology gives value to the autonomy and to the ability of the individual and it is consequence of the natural auto govern of the human person. An analysis of the relationship between the economic order and the juridical system follows: social rules join the subsidiary role of institutions that provide for the deficiencies of procedures. There is a communication between the two subjects through which the concept of communication gains importance, thus supposing a system upon which the subsidiary intervention of institutions that work for the welfare of community life is based. The new concept of public economic order becomes a category that mediate the interrelations among the principles of the Community system and the rules of the Community market. The economic development and the social progress are the two cornerstones of the category, always tending towards a balance between the two purposes , identified at European levels as fundamental values and interpreted from the law of the Court as basic for its decisions. It is underlined the fulfillment of the concept in the Community setting in which the need of defending economic freedom has been associated to the protection of other values. The balance for the achievement of the public economic order lacks in many areas of international law where the concept of free trade prevails over social values and human person.
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LUCREZIO, MONTICELLI CHIARA. "Alle origini della polizia moderna: apparati di controllo ecclesiastici e nuovi sistemi di polizia nella Roma del primo Ottocento." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/794.
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Un’ampia storiografia ha analizzato gli apparati di polizia sorti tra XVIII e XIX secolo negli Stati europei come oggetto di studio ricco di implicazioni per la comprensione dei processi di modernizzazione. Negli anni più recenti l’interesse esclusivamente giuridico-istituzionale si è inoltre arricchito di un approccio maggiormente attento alle pratiche diffuse nella società, ai meccanismi di legittimazione popolare, alle culture amministrative e professionali del personale impiegato, restituendo così valore alla dimensione sociale in cui la storia di questa istituzione è immersa. La presente ricerca si colloca all’interno di questo contesto storiografico individuando nel periodo della Restaurazione romana la nascita di un modello di polizia con caratteristiche istituzionali, organizzative e operative comparabili alle coeve polizie diffuse in Italia e in Europa.
Anche in una realtà peculiare come quella dello Stato pontificio, ancora fortemente legata a condizioni socio-politiche riconducibili all’ancien régime, penetrarono alcuni modelli di governo importati dai francesi nel corso delle occupazioni: un esempio fu proprio l’istituzione di una Direzione generale di polizia nel 1816. Questo nuovo organismo centralizzato, attraverso l’articolazione periferica sul territorio, si sovrappose alle preesistenti strutture di controllo ecclesiastico deputate, sin dal Concilio di Trento, allo svolgimento di molte funzioni analoghe.
In special modo nella dimensione urbana di Roma, parroci e poliziotti si trovarono fianco a fianco nell’adempiere ad alcuni dei loro principali compiti di sorveglianza della popolazione (certificazioni anagrafiche, registrazione dei movimenti, rilascio passaporti) e del “buon costume” (precetti, ammonizioni, segnalazioni ai tribunali), facendo però capo a distinti apparati amministrativi, seppur sotto l’unica guida politica del sovrano-pontefice. A contrapporsi furono un progetto di “sacralizzazione” (culminato con la riforma delle parrocchie del 1824 e il Giubileo del 1825) ed uno di “secolarizzazione” della città, a cui corrisposero due concezioni distinte di governo della popolazione e del territorio che si confrontarono influenzandosi a vicenda.
Se nel resto dei paesi cattolici l’istituzione della polizia, a partire dal riformismo settecentesco fino agli sviluppi ottocenteschi, coincise con l’abolizione dei tribunali ecclesiastici e dei sistemi di controllo connessi, nello Stato pontificio si sviluppò una particolare convivenza tra queste istituzioni che consente di incrociare le fonti da esse prodotte. La ricerca si pone l’obiettivo di individuare gli elementi di conflitto e collaborazione tra i diversi apparati al fine di meglio valutare i fattori di continuità e rottura nelle istituzioni e nella società della prima metà del XIX secolo. A tale scopo la prospettiva è incentrata su un triplice livello di questioni: l’assetto legislativo e normativo, i rapporti tra gli organismi nello svolgimento pratico delle rispettive funzioni, il grado di riconoscimento e legittimazione da parte della popolazione.
L’ipotesi di fondo è quella di un’interazione tra strutture ecclesiastiche e nuova polizia nella definizione di un inedito campo di saperi e tecniche di controllo, registrazione e identificazione della popolazione. Allo stesso tempo il caso di studio considerato dimostra l’influenza esercitata dai sistemi ecclesiastici nella definizione di una moderna polizia, ponendo così il problema di estendere tale paradigma interpretativo ad altri contesti che conobbero forme più marcate di secolarizzazione nel corso dell’Ottocento.The police apparatuses emerged in the European states of 18th-19th centuries have been widely studied as a subject particularly relevant to the understanding of modernization processes. In recent years new approaches to social practices, popular legitimization, administrative and professional cultures, have enriched traditional views based on institutional and judiciary studies. This research follows such new approaches, focussing on Rome in the era of Restoration, when a modern police was established with institutional and organizational characteristics quite similar to the Italian and European model. Even in such a peculiar context as the State of the Pope, strictly bound to the legacy of ancien regime, some models of government exported by the French were maintained. The General Police Department was clearly established in 1816 on the pattern of the French heritage. This new centralised body overlapped the former ecclesiastic control structures, created since the time of the Trento Council. Priests and policemen operated simultaneously in the urban territory of Rome for implementing their tasks of surveillance of the public order (identity certification, check of population mobility, release of passports) and of “buon costume” (bids, warnings, judiciary denounciations), depending however from different administrative bodies, although under the unified rule of the King-Pope. Consequently, two opposite approaches either toward increased “sacralisation” (based on parishes reform in 1824 and Giubileo in 1825) and toward “secularisation” of the city confronted each other, implying distinct concepts of government. But those two concepts also showed mutual influence. While in other countries of Catholic Europe, to begin from 18th century reforms, the establishment of centralised police led to the abolition of ecclesiastic law courts and of their own control systems, in the State of the Pope a coexistence emerged between old and new institutions. Such peculiarity allows the historian to examine and compare two different sets of sources. The research aims at assessing the elements of conflict and cooperation between the two police apparatuses, thus providing better knowledge of the balance between continuity and change in institutions and society during the first half of the 19th century. Three aspects have been particularly considered: the legal system, the relationship between different police bodies, the social perception and legitimization. The basic thesis here pointed out is that an interaction took place between church apparatuses and new police institutions in the field of control, registration and identification practices of the population. Our particular case study shows, at the same time, that ecclesiastic control mechanisms had some role in the formation of modern police. Such interpretative paradigm might reveal relevance to other European experiences, also presenting the persistence of ecclesiastic structures, even if underlying and less incumbent.
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Mogno, Clara. "Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres." Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100022.
Full textAbstract:
Le travail que nous présentons ici se compose principalement de deux parties. En premier lieu, nous proposons un chemin de reconstruction et de problématisation de la pensée politique de Pierre Clastres, qui constitue le travail de thèse au sens propre ; en second lieu, une série de matériaux d’archive inédits (Appendice I) et de textes clastriens jamais traduits en langue italienne jusqu’à présent (Appendice II).La première partie, intitulée Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres (La pensée politique de Pierre Clastres), s’articule en trois chapitres, dont le premier consiste en une reconstruction de la trajectoire intellectuelle de l’auteur à travers sa mise en contexte par rapport aux débats politico-intellectuels parisiens des années 1960-1970. Ce travail historique nous a permis de mieux saisir la spécificité de la pensée clastrienne et les références, explicites et implicites, présentes dans ses textes. Nous avons analysé, notamment, ses rapports avec le PCF, avec les projets intellectuels et politiques de Socialisme ou barbarie et Libre, ses relations avec Claude Lévi-Strauss, Claude Lefort, Alfred Métraux et Lucien Sebag entre autres. Le deuxième chapitre, Contre, est dédié à l’analyse de la thèse clastrienne des sociétés primitives conçues comme des sociétés qui s’organisent contre l’apparition de l’État. Nous avons ici reconstruit la genèse de la proposition clastrienne, en étudiant en particulier son interprétation de la théorie échangiste proposée par Lévi-Strauss. En effet, c’est à partir d’une mise en question de l’échange au niveau de la chefferie et à la lumière de l’observation du phénomène guerrier que l’auteur a construit son anthropologie politique. Ensuite, nous avons essayé de problématiser la notion d’ « État » utilisée par Clastres dans la perspective de l’histoire conceptuelle (Begriffsgeschichte), en nous focalisant sur les théories du contractualisme et du pacte social propres à la tradition philosophique moderne.Le troisième et dernier chapitre est une reconstruction de la réception de la pensée clastrienne en philosophie politique contemporaine et en anthropologie. Nous avons analysé ici les dialogues de Clastres avec Deleuze, Guattari et Foucault d’une côté et, en suite, certaines reprises et critiques de ses thèses dans le débat contemporain. La deuxième partie rend compte des résultats du travail d’archive qui a été fait pendant les années de notre recherche. En Appendice I nous présentons des transcriptions des entretiens que nous avons consultés en format audio et vidéo à l’INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel) à la BnF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France). Ensuite, nous présentons une série de textes jamais traduits en italien, dont un certain nombre n’étaient même pas signalé par la bibliographie de référence (le Cahier Pierre Clastres, édité par Miguel Abensour et Anne Kupiec) ni par le catalogue du fond IMEC – comme, par exemple, l’entretien avec Raymond Bellour dans Le livre des autresThe work is composed of two sections. The first part is a reconstruction and a problematization of Pierre Clastres’s political thought, which constitutes the dissertation; the second part is a collection of unpublished documents (Appendice I) along with the translation of some Clastrian texts, never translated into Italian before (Appendice II).The first section Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres (Pierre Clastres’ political thought) consists of three chapters. In the first one, I propose a study of the author’s intellectual trajectory, through an analysis of contexts and a discussion of political and intellectual debates going on in those years (Paris, ’60-’70). This historical approach allowed me to understand the specificity of Clastres’s thought and references, both implicit and explicit, contained in his texts. I have analysed his relations with PCF, with intellectual and political projects such as Socialisme ou barbarie and Libre and his acquaintance with Lévi-Strauss, Lefort, Métraux, Sebag among others. The second chapter, Contre, is consecrated to the analysis of Clastres’s hypothesis that state-less societies are organised against the rising of the State. I have here reconstructed the evolution of Clastres’s proposal by analyzing in particular how the author relates to the theory of exchange proposed by Lévi-Strauss. Indeed, it is through a redefinition of the notion of exchange at the level of chieftainship and war that the author has constructed his political anthropology. I have then tried to problematize the notion of “State” used by Clastres through studies on contractualism and the social pact in modern political theory related to the approach of conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte). In the third chapter, I have studied the reception of Clastrian thought in contemporary political philosophy and anthropology: on the one hand, I have addressed Clastres’s dialogues with Deleuze, Guattari and Foucault and, on the other, I have carried out a mapping of the most relevant readings of Clastres in the contemporary debate. The second part reports on the results of the archival work that I have done during these years of research. In Appendice I, I present some transcripts of interviews I have made at INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel). Lastly, in Appendice II I propose the Italian translation of some texts, a number of which were not even mentioned in the bibliography of reference (Cahier Pierre Clastres by Miguel Abensour and Anne Kupiec) or in the catalogue of Pierre Clastres’s archive – like, for example, the interview with Raymond Bellour in Le livre des autres
Il lavoro che presentiamo qui si compone principalmente di due parti. In primo luogo proponiamo un lavoro di ricostruzione e di problematizzazione del pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres, lavoro di tesi vero e proprio; in secondo luogo, una serie di materiali d’archivio inediti (Appendice I) e di testi clastriani mai tradotti in italiano fino ad ora (Appendice II). La prima parte, intitolata Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres, si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo consiste in una ricostruzione della traiettoria intellettuale dell’autore attraverso un’analisi del contesto rispetto ai dibattiti politici e intellettuali parigini degli anni 1960 – 1970. Questo lavoro storico ci ha permesso di cogliere la specificità del pensiero clastriano e i riferimenti, impliciti ed espliciti, presenti nei suoi testi. Abbiamo analizzato, ovviamente, i suoi rapporti con il PCF, con progetti intellettuali e politici quali Socialisme ou barbarie e Libre, le sue relazioni con Lévi-Strauss, Lefort, Métraux, Sebag e altri. Il secondo capitolo, Contre (Contro), è dedicato all’analisi della tesi clastriana delle “società primitive” concepite come delle società che si organizzano contro la comparsa dello Stato. Abbiamo qui ricostruito la genesi della proposta clastriana, analizzando in particolare la sua interpretazione della teoria dello scambio proposta da Lévi-Strauss. Infatti è a partire da una messa in questione dello scambio al livello della chefferie e alla luce dell’osservazione del fenomeno guerriero che l’autore ha costruito la sua antropologia politica. In seguito, abbiamo provato a problematizzare il concetto di “Stato” utilizzato da Clastres nella prospettiva della storia concettuale (Begriffsgeschichte), focalizzandoci sulle teorie del contrattualismo e del patto sociale proprie della tradizione filosofica moderna.Il terzo e ultimo capitolo è una ricostruzione della ricezione del pensiero clastriano in filosofia politica contemporanea e in antropologia. Abbiamo qui analizzato i dialoghi di Clastres con Deleuze, Guattari e Foucault da una parte e, in seguito, alcune riprese e critiche delle sue tesi nel dibattito contemporaneo. La seconda parte rende conto dei risultati del lavoro d’archivio che abbiamo svolto durante questi anni di ricerca. In Appendice I delle trascrizioni di interviste, che abbiamo consultato in formato audio e video all’INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel) alla BNF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France). Infine presentiamo una serie di testi mai tradotti in italiano, alcuni dei quali non erano segnalati dalla bibliografia di riferimento (il Cahier Pierre Clastres, curato da Miguel Abensour e Anne Kupiec) né dal catalogo del fondo IMEC – come, per esempio, l’intervista con Raymond Bellour in Le livre des autres
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Hawkins, Jessica. "Historicising the state : social power and Ugandan state formation." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/historicising-the-state-social-power-and-ugandan-state-formation(3cb8aeec-4aa5-4758-ad07-fe7aa8ede412).html.
Full textAbstract:
This research employs a framework of social power, as coined by Michael Mann (1986; 1993), to understand the processes of state formation and development in Uganda. Using historical knowledge to understand the extent of social power relations in Ugandan society, the thesis assesses how these relations have shaped Ugandan state formation from the mid-1850s through to the present day. The research aims to bridge a gap between the discussions from African political theorists and historians and those of historical sociologists. It posits that state formation is a useful subject of study within the field of Development Studies, especially when it engages with historical empiricism. However, rather than providing a historically descriptive account of how the state formed, the research employs the theoretical framework of social power to guide the investigation of Ugandan state formation. Four units of analysis - ideological, political, military and economic sources of power form the basis of the approach. A historically and sociologically grounded analysis of the formation of the Ugandan state provides a contextually thick framework through which state development can be understood. By employing Mann's macro-historical sociological framework, this research aims to respond to calls not only for greater macro-theorisation, but also for history to be taken into account in development discourse. Unfortunately, the study of history and the use of historians' work is an investment of time which many development scholars struggle to afford There is an emerging critique that Development Studies scholars should not only acknowledge the historical processes underlying and framing their research, but that they should also actively engage with history to inform theoretical approaches to development. This thesis aims to demonstrate, from a historical sociology perspective, that history does matter for development and should, therefore, secure itself a place within the discipline, ensuring that Development Studies does include the study of social change in societies over long periods of time. Consequently, the analysis of this thesis argues that Mann's model of social power can cast light on development trajectories and specifically for the purpose of this study, on processes of state formation in Uganda.
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Vicary, Adrian Robert. "Social work and social policy in Australia from welfare state to contract state /." [Bedford Park] : Flinders University of South Australia, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=RkVHAAAAMAAJ.
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Mogno, Clara. "Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3424735.
Full textAbstract:
The work is composed of two sections. The first part is a reconstruction and a problematization of Pierre Clastres’s political thought, which constitutes the dissertation; the second part is a collection of unpublished documents (Appendice I) along with the translation of some Clastrian texts, never translated into Italian before (Appendice II).
The first section Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres (Pierre Clastres’ political thought) consists of three chapters. In the first one, I propose a study of the author’s intellectual trajectory, through an analysis of contexts and a discussion of political and intellectual debates going on in those years (Paris, ’60-’70). This historical approach allowed me to understand the specificity of Clastres’s thought and references, both implicit and explicit, contained in his texts. I have analysed his relations with PCF, with intellectual and political projects such as Socialisme ou Barbarie and Libre and his acquaintance with Lévi-Strauss, Lefort, Métraux, Sebag among others.
The second chapter, Contre, is consecrated to the analysis of Clastres’s hypothesis that state-less societies are organised against the rising of the State. I have here reconstructed the evolution of Clastres’s proposal by analyzing in particular how the author relates to the theory of exchange proposed by Lévi-Strauss. Indeed, it is through a redefinition of the notion of exchange at the level of chieftainship and war that the author has constructed his political anthropology. I have then tried to problematize the notion of “State” used by Clastres through studies on contractualism and the social pact in modern political theory related to the approach of conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte).
In the third chapter, I have studied the reception of Clastrian thought in contemporary political philosophy and anthropology: on the one hand, I have addressed Clastres’s dialogues with Deleuze, Guattari and Foucault and, on the other, I have carried out a mapping of the most relevant readings of Clastres in the contemporary debate.
The second part reports on the results of the archival work that I have done during these years of research. In Appendice I, I present some transcripts of interviews I have made at INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel). Lastly, in Appendice II I propose the Italian translation of some texts, a number of which were not even mentioned in the bibliography of reference (Cahier Pierre Clastres by Miguel Abensour and Anne Kupiec) or in the catalogue of Pierre Clastres’s archive – like, for example, the interview with Raymond Bellour in Le livre des autres.Il lavoro che presentiamo qui si compone principalmente di due parti. In primo luogo proponiamo un lavoro di ricostruzione e di problematizzazione del pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres, lavoro di tesi vero e proprio; in secondo luogo, una serie di materiali d’archivio inediti (Appendice I) e di testi clastriani mai tradotti in italiano fino ad ora (Appendice II). La prima parte, intitolata Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres, si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo consiste in una ricostruzione della traiettoria intellettuale dell’autore attraverso un’analisi del contesto rispetto ai dibattiti politici e intellettuali parigini degli anni 1960 – 1970. Questo lavoro storico ci ha permesso di cogliere la specificità del pensiero clastriano e i riferimenti, impliciti ed espliciti, presenti nei suoi testi. Abbiamo analizzato, ovviamente, i suoi rapporti con il PCF, con progetti intellettuali e politici quali Socialisme ou Barbarie e Libre, le sue relazioni con Lévi-Strauss, Lefort, Métraux, Sebag e altri. Il secondo capitolo, Contre (Contro), è dedicato all’analisi della tesi clastriana delle “società primitive” concepite come delle società che si organizzano contro la comparsa dello Stato. Abbiamo qui ricostruito la genesi della proposta clastriana, analizzando in particolare la sua interpretazione della teoria dello scambio proposta da Lévi-Strauss. Infatti è a partire da una messa in questione dello scambio al livello della chefferie e alla luce dell’osservazione del fenomeno guerriero che l’autore ha costruito la sua antropologia politica. In seguito, abbiamo provato a problematizzare il concetto di “Stato” utilizzato da Clastres nella prospettiva della storia concettuale (Begriffsgeschichte), focalizzandoci sulle teorie del contrattualismo e del patto sociale proprie della tradizione filosofica moderna. Il terzo e ultimo capitolo è una ricostruzione della ricezione del pensiero clastriano in filosofia politica contemporanea e in antropologia. Abbiamo qui analizzato i dialoghi di Clastres con Deleuze, Guattari e Foucault da una parte e, in seguito, alcune riprese e critiche delle sue tesi nel dibattito contemporaneo. La seconda parte rende conto dei risultati del lavoro d’archivio che abbiamo svolto durante questi anni di ricerca. In Appendice I delle trascrizioni di interviste, che abbiamo consultato in formato audio e video all’INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel) alla BNF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France). Infine presentiamo una serie di testi mai tradotti in italiano, alcuni dei quali non erano segnalati dalla bibliografia di riferimento (il Cahier Pierre Clastres, curato da Miguel Abensour e Anne Kupiec) né dal catalogo del fondo IMEC – come, per esempio, l’intervista con Raymond Bellour in Le livre des autres.
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Ferreira, Lúcio Alberto Eneas da Silva. "O princípio da igualdade e as obrigações constitucionais do Estado na tutela penal /." Franca : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89875.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Paulo César Corrêa BorgesBanca: Antonio Milton de Barros
Banca: Fernando Andrade Fernandes
Resumo: A presente pesquisa aponta o Estado como co-responsável pela desigualdade social, estigmatização e marginalização ao aplicar o Direito Penal de forma seletiva e desigual, atingindo com maior intensidade a população pobre. Adverte o leitor sobre o papel da ideologia na determinação dos conceitos; nas escolhas dos agentes políticos e na ausência de percepção pela maioria da população sobre a aplicação desigual da lei penal. Ressalta as obrigações constitucionais do Estado Democrático e Social de Direito na criação dos tipos penais, na aplicação da lei penal e na execução das penas e medidas de segurança, em busca da igualdade material e da erradicação da pobreza, visando a construção de uma sociedade livre, justa e solidária. Expõe a evolução da teoria do bem-jurídico e as bases para a formação de um direito penal mínimo, garantista e legitimado na escala de valores e princípios previstos na Constituição Federal. Faz uma crítica ao positivismo jurídico e apresenta as bases de uma nova hermenêutica jurídica fundada no compromisso social do juiz com os valores e princípios constitucionais. Apresenta os sintomas da crise da pena privativa de liberdade, seu efeito estigmatizante, sua aplicação desigual e seletiva e sua promessa ilusória de recuperação do criminoso. Ressalta a importância de valores como a tolerância, a solidariedade e a conciliação na solução do conflito criminal.
Riassunto: La presente ricerca indica lo Stato come corresponsabile della disuguaglianza sociale, stigmatizzazione e emarginazione nell'applicare il Diritto Penale in forma selettiva e disuguale, attingendo con maggiore intensità la popolazione povera. Avverte il lettore sul ruolo dell'ideologia nella determinazione dei concetti; nelle scelte degli agenti politici e nell'assenza di percezione da parte della maggioranza della popolazione dell'applicazione disuguale della legge penale. Risalta gli obblighi costituzionali dello Stato Democratico e Sociale di Diritto nella creazione dei tipi penali, nell'applicazione della legge penale e nell'esecuzione delle pene e misure di sicurezza, alla ricerca dell'uguaglianza materiale e dello sradicamento della povertà, mirando alla costruzione di una società libera, giusta e solidale. Espone l'evoluzione della teoria del bene giuridico e le basi per la formazione di un diritto penale minimo, garantista e legittimato dalla scala di valori e principi previsti nella Costituzione Federale. Fa una critica al positivismo giuridico e presenta le basi di una nuova ermeneutica giuridica fondata sull'impegno sociale del giudice con i valori e principi costituzionali. Presenta i sintomi della crisi della pena privativa di libertà , il suo effetto stigmatizzante, la sua applicazione disuguale e selettiva e la sua promessa illusoria di recupero del criminale. Risalta l'importanza di valori come la tolleranza, la solidarietà e la conciliazione nella soluzione del conflitto criminale.
Mestre
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Lundberg, Johanna. "Social status : a state of mind?" Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Hälsouniversitetet, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-15552.
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This thesis is concerned with social stratification of psychosocial factors and social position measurement in population samples collected in mid-Sweden 2000-2006. Traditional resource-based measures of social position (occupation, education) and so far less explored prestige-based measures (subjective status, status incongruence) are tested with respect to their associations with psychosocial factors, emotions, and selfrated health. Three papers in this thesis are based on data from the Life Conditions, Stress, and Health (LSH) study, using a randomly selected population sample. Data for the fourth paper is a regional sample drawn from the health-related survey “Liv och Hälsa 2000”. Statistical methods range from correlation analysis to logistic regression and repeated measures analyses. Results from studies I and IV show that psychosocial factors are unequally distributed within the population in a linear manner, so that the lower the socioeconomic position (SEP), the more unfavourable levels. This is independent of whether we study this in a highly unequal setting such as Russia, or in a more egalitarian society such as Sweden. The stability of psychometric instruments over two years tend to be lower for all instruments among low SEP groups, and differ significantly for self-esteem and perceived control among groups with high and low education, and for cynicism among groups with high and low occupational status. Results from studies II and III point to the relevance of individuals’ own thoughts about themselves, and the potential impact on the self by normative judgements of social position in a certain hierarchical setting. In paper II, the prestige-based measure of subjective status was influenced by resource-based measures, such as self-rated economy and education, but also by life satisfaction and psychosocial factors. The importance of self-evaluation was especially obvious from the study on status incongruence (study III) where the traditionally protective effecs of a high education seem to disappear when combined with a lowstatus occupation. Shaming experiences may play an important role here for our understanding of self-perception.
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Jacoby, Tim. "Social power and the Turkish state." Thesis, University of York, 2002. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9752/.
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Reoch, Angus. "The Projected State and Social Order." Thesis, Department of Political Economy, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/10153.
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Arruda, Rodrigo Vieira das Neves de. "Welfare State do Século XXI: o capitalismo solidário." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21584.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The present study aims to analyze the end of the Wellfare State, and the emergence of the Neoliberal model and the withdrawal of various obligations of the State towards citizens, the legal order and government plans in the most several countries. Moving on to the Brazilian case, it can be seen that the Federal Constitution of 1988 was against Neoliberalism as far as social rights are concerned, establishing a series of devices that assure citizens of the basics necessary for their dignified existence. Thus, the present work verifies that a new model of state is needed that can reconcile the market freedom of the neoliberal model with the social rights of Welfare State, in order to comply with the constitutional precepts. To do so, it starts from the Concept of State, as well as its origins and evolution, from the absolutism to the Neoliberalism, passing through the Classic Liberal State and the Welfare State or Social State. Subsequently, the Social Constitutions, the Economic and Social Order in the Constitution of 1988, the principle of solidarity in the Constitution, solidarity capitalism in the economic view are discussed. Finally, the Brazilian oil sector, with its regulation and its importance in the development of the proposal of Solidary Capitalism
O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar o fim do Estado do Bem-Estar Social (Wellfare State), e o surgimento do modelo Neoliberal e a retirada de diversas obrigações do Estado para com os cidadãos, do ordenamento jurídico e dos planos de governo nos mais diversos países. Adentrando no caso brasileiro, verifica-se que a Constituição Federal de 1988 foi na contramão do Neoliberalismo quanto aos direitos sociais, estabelecendo uma série de dispositivos que assegurem aos indivíduos todo o básico necessário para a sua existência digna. Assim, o presente trabalho verifica ser necessário um novo modelo de Estado que consiga compatibilizar a liberdade de mercado do modelo neoliberal com os direitos sociais do Welfare State, de modo a se cumprir com os preceitos constitucionais. Para tanto, parte-se do Conceito de Estado, bem como suas origens e evolução, desde o Absolutismo até o Neoliberalismo, passando pelo Estado Liberal Clássico e o Welfare State ou Estado Social. Posteriormente, são abordadas as Constituições Sociais, a Ordem Econômica e Social na Constituição de 1988, o princípio da solidariedade na Constituição, o capitalismo solidário na visão da economia. Por fim, apresenta-se o setor petrolífero brasileiro, com sua regulação e sua importância no desenvolvimento da proposta de Capitalismo Solidário
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Segel, Kim Rael. "State-corporate social development in South Africa : the role of the state in advancing corporate social engagement." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1772/.
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The contemporary South African state seeks to ensure economic growth and global competitiveness whilst simultaneously redressing apartheid legacies. These are its twin imperatives to effect social and economic transformation. This thesis advances the framework of State-Corporate Social Development (SCSD) to describe and explain policies developed by the post-apartheid government to regulate the social and economic practices of business, and policies adopted by businesses in response. The thesis explores state-market dynamics as these relate to policies promoting black economic empowerment (BEE) in South Africa. Against this broad policy rubric, the research explores, within a wider nexus of stakeholder relationships, the interactions between business and government with reference to two sectors: investment companies and tourism. Extensive legislative and institutional mechanisms have been established to ensure a business environment conducive to government's political agenda. A key driver is the imperative to accelerate the integration of black South Africans into the economic mainstream through BEE policies. The state uses multiple levers to offer incentive or apply sanction. It is shown that the state, as a major consumer of goods and services, is itself a primary agent in transforming socio-economic patterns along market principles. SCSD also includes the response of business to evolving policy and environmental conditions. These responses vary according to the business size, nature, sector and value placed on various stakeholding relationships. The thesis employs stakeholder and social contract theory, and qualitative methods, including 135 interviews, to develop and explain SCSD as it pertains to BEE. Using formal and informal social contracts, it is shown how BEE policy shifted from emphasising equity ownership to a broader-based strategy. The strategy relies on multi-stakeholder relationships and drivers offering economic market-based incentives. The thesis draws conclusions regarding the centrality of the state in providing incentives for corporate social development policy in South Africa. It also suggests broader policy lessons relevant to state-corporate relations and the viability of the SCSD approach.
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Karlson, Nils. "The state of state an inquiry concerning the role of invisible hands in politics and civil society /." Uppsala : Stockholm : S. Academiae Ubsaliensis ; Distributor, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1993. http://books.google.com/books?id=hCiOAAAAMAAJ.
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Jegermalm, Magnus. "Carers in the Welfare State : On Informal Care and Support for Carers in Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Social Work, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-642.
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The general aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse patterns of informal care and support for carers in Sweden. One specific aim is to study patterns of informal care from a broad population perspective in terms of types of care and types of carer. A typology of four different care categories based on what carers do revealed that women were much more likely than men to be involved at the ‘heavy end’ of caring, i.e. providing personal care in combination with a variety of other caring tasks. Men were more likely than women to provide some kind of practical help (Study I).
Another aim is to investigate which support services are received by which types of informal caregiver. Relatively few informal caregivers in any care category were found to be receiving any kind of support from municipalities or voluntary organizations, for example training or financial assistance (Study II).
The same study also examines which kinds of help care recipients receive in addition to that provided by informal carers. It appears that people in receipt of personal care from an informal caregiver quite often also receive help from the public care system, in this case mostly municipal services. However, the majority of those receiving personal, informal care did not receive any help from the public care system or from voluntary organizations or for-profit agencies (Study II).
The empirical material in studies I and II comprises survey data from telephone interviews with a random sample of residents in the County of Stockholm aged between 18 and 84.
In a number of countries there is a growing interest among social scientists and social policymakers in examining the types of support services that might be needed by people who provide informal care for older people and others. A further aim of the present dissertation is therefore to describe and analyse the carer support that is provided by municipalities and voluntary organizations in Sweden. The dissertation examines whether this support is aimed directly or indirectly at caregivers and discusses whether the Swedish government’s special financial investment in help for carers actually led to any changes in the support provided by municipalities and voluntary organisations. The main types of carer support offered by the municipalities were payment for care-giving, relief services and day care. The chief forms of carer support provided by the voluntary organizations were support groups, training groups, and a number of services aimed primarily at the elderly care recipients (Study III).
Patterns of change in municipal carer support could be discerned fairly soon. The Swedish government’s special allocation to municipalities and voluntary organisations appears to have led to an increase in the number of municipalities providing direct support for carers, such as training, information material and professional caregiver consultants. On the other hand, only minor changes could be discerned in the pattern of carer support services provided by the voluntary organizations. This demonstrates stability and the relatively low impact that policy initiatives seem to have on voluntary organizations as providers (Study IV).
In studies III and IV the empirical material consists of survey data from mail questionnaires sent to municipalities and voluntary organizations in the County of Stockholm.
In the fields of social planning and social work there appears to be a need to clarify the aims of support services for informal carers. Should the support be direct or indirect? Should it be used to supplement or substitute caregivers? In this process of reappraisal it will be important to take the needs of both caregivers and care recipients into account when developing existing and new forms of support. How informal caregivers and care recipients interact with the care system as a whole is undeniably a fertile field for further research.
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AL-KHOURY, DAREEN SUHAIL NAYEF. "Radicalization and The Social Space: The Case of Jordan." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/306460.
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La tesi si basa su una ricerca empirica sul fenomeno della radicalizzazione contribuendo ad arricchire la conoscenza su un tema ancora poco esplorato, soprattutto relativamente alle sue dinamiche interne e specificità contestuali.
Il contesto di riferimento è stato la Giordania, paese da cui proviene il maggior numero (pro capite) di militanti nelle organizzazioni islamiche presenti in Siria e in Iraq. La popolazione oggetto d’analisi sono stati i giovani (nella fascia 18-30 anni) e alcuni testimoni privilegiati, esperti del fenomeno.
Il quadro teorico di riferimento ha tratto spunto dalla teoria dello spazio sociale di Pierre Bourdieu, mentre il disegno della ricerca ha utilizzato approcci qualitativi (desk analysis, interviste semi strutturate) e quantitativi (survey). In particolare, nell’ambito della survey sono stati raccolti 2200 questionari rivolti alla popolazione giovanile con l’obiettivo di analizzare opinioni e atteggiamenti progressisti/conservatori nei confronti della religione e della società. La tecnica di analisi utilizzata è stata quella delle corrispondenze multiple (ACM) con lo scopo di individuare i fattori latenti e le loro relazioni di interdipendenza alla base delle opinioni dei giovani intervistati nei confronti della religione e dell’estremismo islamico. Sulla base dei risultati ottenuti è stata costruita una tipologia di giovani favorevoli o meno a far parte di una organizzazione radicale.
I risultati complessivi della ricerca forniscono indicazioni utili per prevenire il fenomeno della radicalizzazione. In particolare, emerge l’importanza di avere a disposizione dati di qualità per colmare le lacune oggi esistenti unitamente agli stereotipi sull’Islam e sul fenomeno della radicalizzazione. Inoltre, sottolineano l’importanza della distinzione tra Jihad e terrorismo e dell’importanza dell’investimento sul capitale culturale dei giovani che, come è emerso dalla ricerca contribuisce a sviluppare una mentalità progressista e tollerante e ad allontanarli dalle organizzazioni radicali.In this study, the radicalization phenomenon is investigated. Value is brought in the sense that it offers a strong domestic perspective that aims to compensate for insufficient efforts in analysing contextual specificities and domestic factors in radicalization studies. Focusing on the case of Jordan, a country known to have produced the highest number of fighters to have joined Islamic organizations in Syria and Iraq, and specifically on youth, the research draws insights from Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social space and utilizes the desk research analysis and semi-structured interview methods to acquire profound contextual knowledge. Moreover, the research uses the survey method to collect and analyse 2,200 collected questionnaires using multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) to reveal unknown patterns and structures formed between a complex set of social, economic, cultural and symbolic local factors and an opinion indicator, acquired using the experimental vignette method (VEM), to measure the level of progressiveness, religiousness and extreme opinions of the young participants. The findings in this research are organized in a typology and a framework of five individual profiles that propose initial points of differentiations in the profiles of those who choose or reject the idea of joining a radical organization. The findings pinpoint the importance of differentiating between Jihad and terrorism, and propose policy recommendations that include investing in providing rich, high-quality and accurate data about Islam to fill the gaps in knowledge for those who seek additional religious profundity, and enhancing the cultural capital ‒ an underestimated aspect in counter-radicalization strategies ‒ for its revealed strong association with a progressive and tolerant mindset in the country.
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JUNIOR, ALCEU MAURICIO. "THE RISK STATE: THE CONSTITUTIONAL STATE IN THE SOCIAL PARADIGM OF RISK." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19594@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROO direito constitucional enfrenta o desafio de integrar ao seu programa de pesquisa os estudos sobre risco e sociedade desenvolvidos em outros campos das ciências sociais. Em uma sociedade de riscos, o estado incorpora novas funções regulatórias, encontrando desafios relacionados à incerteza e reflexividade científica. A lógica dos riscos demanda uma estrutura dinâmica e especializada para a regulação da sociedade pelo direito, transferindo decisões públicas a corpos técnicos e tribunais sem representação democrática, exacerbando o déficit de de legitimação no estado. Esta tese sustenta que o estado constitucional de direito assume na sociedade atual a configuração de estado de risco, que se caracteriza por tomar a ideia de risco como um dos principais elementos de definição e justificação da ação governamental. Considerando o impacto dos riscos contemporâneos sobre a justificação do Estado, assim como sobre o princípio democrático, os direitos fundamentais e a judicialização das políticas públicas, a tese propõe um modelo constitucionalmente adequado do risco, que procura compatibilizar o caráter político e científico da percepção e avaliação dos riscos com a necessidade de utilização do direito para a regulação de uma sociedade complexa.
Constitutional law faces the challenge of integrating studies on risk and society developed in other social sciences into its research program. In a risk society, the state incorporates new regulatory functions, facing challenges related to uncertainty and scientific reflexivity. The logic of risks demands a dynamic and specialized structure for the regulation of society through law, transferring public decisions to technical bodies and courts without democratic representation and exacerbating the legitimation deficit in the state. This dissertation argues that in today s society the constitutional state becomes a risk state, characterized by taking the idea of risk as one of the main elements of definition and justification of government action. Considering the impact of contemporary risks on the justification of the state, as well as on the democratic principle, the fundamental rights and the judicialization of public policies, this dissertation proposes a constitutionally appropriate model of risk that attempts to make the political and scientific character of risk perception and assessment compatible with the necessity of using law to regulate a complex society.
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Kozhanenko, Evgeniya. "Mechanism of the state and its main role for social state development." Thesis, Kozhanenko E. Mechanism of the state and its main role for social state development / E. Kozhanenko // ІІІ Міжнародний молодіжний науковий юридичний форум: [Матеріали форуму, м. Київ, Національний авіаційний університет, 14-15 травня 2020 р.] Том 1. – Тернопіль: Вектор, 2020. - С. 76-78, 2020. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/43908.
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The state is a sovereign politico-territorial organization of a society with power, which is exercised by the state apparatus on the basis of legal norms that provide protection and reconciliation of public, group and individual interests with legal restraint, if necessary.
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Thiele, Sarah. "Social capital and state repression in Nigeria." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98586.
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This study seeks to explain the relationship between civic associations and attitudinal social capital---norms of trust and reciprocity---within the context of an authoritarian state. In contrast to many post-industrial nations, Nigeria boasts a vibrant civil society but seems to possess little attitudinal social capital. A deeper understanding of this relationship is offered by considering how an association's structure influences members' attitudes and how this relationship is impacted by a repressive regime. These relationships are tested using both statistical data and a qualitative study of three associations. The findings support the hypothesis that certain structural characteristics are more conducive to the fostering of attitudinal social capital but that the presence of state repression undermines this process. Furthermore, it is shown that pro-democracy associations are essential in creating the space necessary for trust and cooperation between citizens, even when they do not foster these norms amongst their own membership.
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Paker, Hande. "Social aftershocks : rent seeking, state failure, and state-civil society relations in Turkey." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85026.
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This research emerged from the belief that merely economic explanations of rent seeking were too narrow and an interdisciplinary approach was needed to understand historical structural factors that contribute to particularistic exchanges. Rent-seeking and particularistic ties are almost always explained from a strictly neoclassical perspective which tend to be reductionist approaches that fail to explain why some states will be rent-seeking while others will not. Moreover, other frameworks that analyze state-civil society interaction do so without taking into account particularistic state-civil society interaction. Thus, there is a need to explain such particularistic ties in a comparative institutional framework. My dissertation research was undertaken on two associations in Turkey, namely the Turkish Red Crescent (Kizilay) and AKUT (a search and rescue team), in order to understand the dynamics of the relationship between a particularistic state and civil society associations. The TRC was chosen because it was involved in particularistic exchanges and functioned as an institution of the state, which meant that it partook in the state failure the state in Turkey faced in the aftermath of a devastating earthquake in 1999. The Marmara earthquake was devastating not only physically in terms of the damage it caused, but also socially in terms of the extent of the failure of state institutions it exposed and the extent of criticisms it unleashed. The immediate chaos that ensued in the aftermath of the earthquake was marked by the "absence of the state". The failure of the state provoked an unprecedented civil reaction and mobilization. AKUT, the second case of the research, also became the focus of public attention, albeit for completely the opposite reason. It was revered for the successful rescue work it carried out in the earthquake while the TRC was severely criticized for its failure to deliver services.My dissertation research has shown that in cases of state failure, the state can only establish particularistic ties creating a multilevel chain system of particularized exchanges and fails to deliver public goods and services universally. Thus, the state co-opts a civil society organization into this chain system, demonstrated both by the TRC and AKUT. Furthermore, in cases of state failure, a civil society organization that has developed independently of the state becomes over-missionized with filling the gap created by state failure (AKUT), with public expectations and demands from AKUT far exceeding their self-defined goals and capabilities. Thus, ineffectiveness of the state does not translate into well-working civil society organizations. The absence of a capable state affects the nature of civil society organizations adversely. This finding is a direct contribution to the more general debate on the effectiveness of state institutions and the voluntary sector. More importantly, my research effectively shows that much of the dichotomous discussion of the state on the one hand, and civil society on the other, needs to be discarded. Such dichotomous thinking does not capture the complex interactions between the state and civil society organizations, as I have shown in the case of Turkey.
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Phaahla, Letuku Elias. "Social forces, state pensions, and welfare state-building in South Africa and Mauritius." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97063.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study traces the development of the welfare state in Mauritius and South Africa from the early 1900s until the present, with specific reference made to the non-contributory old-age pension scheme. It seeks to understand the intersections between big capital, the state and broad-based social forces in heralding different welfare outcomes in the two countries. Mauritius has retained its long-standing traditions as a social democratic welfare state stretching back to the late 1950s. In contrast, the current welfare model of South Africa continues to be the embodiment of the liberal welfare state, similar to that of the ancien regime set up in 1928, even though it has maintained a generous social grants system since the advent of democracy in 1994. As a result it is important to unravel patterns of historical evolution that are responsible for different welfare outcomes in seemingly identical socio-political contexts. Similarly, it is important to scratch below the surface of these historical patterns of evolution to account for these disparate welfare frameworks which, nonetheless, exhibit identical outcomes in the social security sector in terms of their unfaltering commitment to old-age pensions. To this end the dissertation employs the comparative historical analysis approach in a bid to draw cross-national parallels between the social processes that unfolded and consequently underpinned development paradigms over time. This study suggests that accounting for the divergent policy outcomes is the disproportionate powers being wielded by neoliberal market forces within the main arteries of the South African economy, which hindered the state from defining the policy direction of its welfare framework to dovetail with expansive social reforms. This restraint was compounded by the left as a 'labour aristocracy', whose alliance with the political ruling class compromised their ability to champion the pro-poor agenda with as much vigour as they would have if they had pursued an independent course. This is a far cry from the welfare trajectory of Mauritius, in which a mutual understanding between the state, cross-class movements and capitalist market forces bridged contesting class interests by reconciling market economics with social fundamentals. Unlike in South Africa, the independence of the working classes in Mauritius – whose mobilising traditions cut across the class spectrum – has added special impetus to the social reform movement, having served as the bulwark against welfare retrenchments and/or less egalitarian reforms in the past. That the universal pension scheme and the state’s commitment to the pro-poor cause remain intact in Mauritius is a result of these pro-active class contestations. On the other hand, the absence of the balance of power struck between social actors and the economic élite in South Africa propelled a class compromise that allowed for the dominance of pensions to come at the cost of extensive social reforms. Such outcomes would not have come into effect in South Africa had the playing field for all relevant stakeholders been level, as in Mauritius.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie volg die ontwikkeling van die welsynstaat in Mauritius en in Suid-Afrika vanaf die vroeë 1900’s tot op hede, met spesifieke verwysing na die nie-bydraende ouderdomspensioenskema. Dit poog om die snypunte tussen groot kapitaal, die staat en breë-basis maatskaplike kragte wat gelei het tot verskillende welsynuitkomstes in die twee lande te begryp. Mauritius het sy langdurige tradisie as ’n sosiale demokratiese welsynstaat, wat sedert die 1950’s bestaan, behou. In kontras gaan die huidige welsynmodel in Suid-Afrika voort as die beliggaming van die liberale welsynstaat, soortgelyk aan die ancien regime wat in 1928 ingestel is, selfs al het dit ’n vrygewige stelsel van maatskaplike toelae sedert die vestiging van demokrasie in 1994 onderhou. As gevolg hiervan is dit belangrik om die patrone van historiese evolusie te ontsyfer wat verantwoordelik is vir verskillende welsynuitkomstes in blykbaar identiese sosiaal-politiese kontekste. Eweneens is dit belangrik om onder die oppervlak van hierdie historiese patrone van evolusie te krap om hierdie uiteenlopende welsynraamwerke te verklaar wat nietemin identiese uitkomstes in die maatskaplike sekuriteitsektor vertoon in terme van hulle onwrikbare verbondenheid tot ouderdomspensioene. Ten einde dit te bereik gebruik hierdie proefskrif die benadering van vergelykende historiese analise in ’n poging om dwarsliggende nasionale ooreenstemmings te vind tussen die maatskaplike prosesse wat gelei het tot die skep van ontwikkelingsparadigmas oor tyd en hulle gevolglik onderskraag het. Hierdie studie stel voor dat die verklaring vir die uiteenlopende beleidsuitkomstes berus in die ongelyke magte wat binne die belangrikste kanale van die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie deur neoliberale markkragte beheer word, wat die staat daarvan weerhou het om ’n beleidsrigting vir sy welsynraamwerk te definieer wat by die breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings pas. Hierdie remming word vererger deur die linkersy as ’n ‘arbeidsadelstand’, wie se alliansie met die politieke regerende klas hulle vermoë gekompromitteer het om die pro-arm agenda met soveel lewenskrag voor te staan as wat dit moontlik sou gewees het as hulle ’n onafhanklike koers ingeslaan het. Hierdie verskil hemelsbreed van die welsyntrajek in Mauritius, waar ’n wedersydse begrip tussen die staat, bewegings wat klas oorskry, en kapitalistiese markkragte kompeterende klasbelange oorbrug het deur die markekonomie met maatskaplike grondbeginsels te rekonsilieer. Anders as in Suid-Afrika het die onafhanklikheid van die werkersklas in Mauritius – wat se mobiliserende tradisies oor die klasspektrum heen sny – besondere impetus gevoeg by die maatskaplike hervormingsbeweging, aangesien dit gedien het as verskansing teen welsyninkortings en/of minder gelykmakende hervormings in die verlede. Dat die universele pensioenskema en die staat se verbondenheid tot die pro-arm saak in Mauritius onaangetas bly, is as gevolg van hierdie proaktiewe klasstryd. Andersins het die afwesigheid van ’n magsbalans tussen maatskaplike akteurs en die ekonomiese elite in Suid-Afrika gelei tot ’n klaskompromis, wat toegelaat het dat die oorheersing van pensioene gekom het ten koste van breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings. Sulke uitkomstes sou nie in Suid-Afrika ingetree het nie as die speelveld vir al die relevante belanghebbers gelyk was, soos in Mauritius.
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White, Vicky. "Seeing through state social work : women social workers' experiences in statutory settings." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2990/.
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The thesis begins with a review of the feminist social work literature, setting out four key issues: the immersion of women social workers in feminist social workidentity, the creation of egalitarian relationships with women-service users, the goal of empowerment and the neglect of the statutory context. Research questions are generated in the process of discussing these themes, with a view to beginning to redress the paucity of empirical research in this area. The state is then explored as crucial to developing an understanding of the characteristics and the operation of social work. The advent of managerialism in state social work is presented as the locus in which women social workers' experiences arc grounded and practice possibilities are constructed. The thesis moves on to consider the mainslreaming of gender in the reform of social work education undertaken by CCETSW. These developments in social work education are seen as consistent with trends in state social work more generally. The methods used in the case study are introduced and the data this case study produced are discussed in relation to: women social workers' identities, identifications and stances; egalitarian relationships and empowerment; and managerialism. The thesis concludes by summarising its findings and drawing out their implications for future research and practice based on accommodations between women social workers and state social work.
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Tafvelin, Rosendal Fredrik, and Anna Näsmo. "Vad händer om staten tar mindre ansvar? : En scoping review om överskjutning av kostnader från stat till kommun." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för socialt arbete, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-170968.
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Sammanfattning: Under tiden som passerat sedan 90-talet har makt mellan stat och kommun decentraliserats. Kommuner drivs mer självständigt men är beroende av staten för att finansiera välfärd, en maktkamp mellan stat och kommun om vem som bär ekonomiskt ansvar är ständigt återkommande. 90-talskrisen var startskottet för många förändringar i socialförsäkringar, styrsystemet New Public Management infördes för att kostnadseffektivisera men också för att till viss del öka statens kontroll över offentlig sektor. De som inte längre kvalificerar sig till a-kassa eller sjukpenning söker sig ofta till det kommunala försörjningsstödet, flertalet är sjuka eller arbetslösa och bör kanske få stöd av de statliga socialförsäkringarna istället för Socialtjänsten, samhällets sista utpost. I nuvarande välfärdsdebatt höjs röster om att det sker en förskjutning av kostnader från stat till kommun. I denna uppsats undersöks förskjutning av kostnader från stat till kommun med särskilt fokus på socialförsäkringarna arbetslöshetsförsäkringen, sjukförsäkringen och assistansersättning. För att göra det utförs en scoping review med vetenskaplig såväl som grå litteratur. Staten verkar stegvis avsagt sig ansvar i flertalet socialförsäkringar genom att exempelvis försvåra tillgången till a-kassa, utförsäkra sjukskrivna, eller genom strängare bedömningar av arbetsförmåga och rätten till assistansersättning. Det är dock problematiskt att dra kausala samband mellan statliga beslut och kommunala budgetar, men mycket tyder på att det sker en förskjutning av kostnader från stat till kommun. Sökord: Decentralisering, förskjutning av kostnader, socialförsäkringar, New Public Management, finansieringsprincipen, inkomstbortfallsprincipen, sjukpenning, assistansersättning och a-kassa.
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Saleh, Abdo Saleh. "The social foundation of the contemporary Yemeni state." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300258.
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Kamel, Maggie Samir. "Redrawing state-society boundaries : Egypt's dynamic social contract." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3955/.
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Most LDC regimes, especially those with a colonial past, suffer from a deficit in legitimacy. Basing their rule on the personality and achievements of one person, these regimes have failed to pass on their legitimacy to their successors, or sometimes even secure legitimacy for the state. They have drawn up a social contract with their populations that entailed obligations to achieve objectives such as industrialisation, national and economic independence, and welfare of their societies. In return, their populations were expected to support their regimes, and surrender their political rights and liberties. In this research, we focus on the social contract in Egypt, as an example of an LDC state where the regime has suffered from a lack of legitimacy since the country gained its independence in 1952. Over the last five decades, Egyptian regimes have forged a social contract with their populations in order to legitimise their rule. The social contract encompassed achieving objectives adopted by the regime on the domestic and international level according to their visions. The formula of the social contract has been modified by the regime in response to changes in domestic and international factors. One of the main obligations that the regime has committed itself to since 1952 has been welfare provision by the state. The commitment of the regime to provide welfare for the population has been an effective tool to generate legitimacy. Thus, the maintenance of a 'welfare state' has constituted a central component of the social contract since 1952. However, a social contract based on welfare provision has not been durable; this type of contract has secured the regime legitimacy only as long as it has been able to deliver welfare products. As industrialisation failed to take off, Egyptian regimes found it difficult to sustain the welfare state. Their attempts to withdraw from welfare provision, without compromising their legitimacy, have been unsuccessful. This is because the regime has marketed welfare provision by the state as a right of the public based on citizenship; the populace has proved resilient in defending this right. Hence, the regime had to rely upon aid and or external borrowing to postpone the crisis; and modify the social contract by introducing some measures of political liberalisation.
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Petersen, Alan R. "Alcohol, social policy and the state in Australia." Thesis, Petersen, Alan R. (1987) Alcohol, social policy and the state in Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1987. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51301/.
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This thesis examines policy and policy-making in the area of alcohol abuse and drink-driving in Australia. It aims to challenge dominant ideologies about alcohol abuse and to show how these ideologies inform and constrain social action. The thesis develops a specific theoretical analysis to account for approaches to policy-making by the state and to show, in particular, how these have become manifest in the development of a policy on drinking and driving in the state of Victoria. The most general and distinguishing feature of policy development in the alcohol area, it is contended, is the influence of medical ideology which sees social problems as arising from within the individual and also, most recently, in a philosophy which defines problems as the outcome of faulty life-styles. The major part of the thesis is concerned with showing how the focus on alcohol abuse is bound-up with 'individualization', and especially 'medicalization', of the problem of road traffic accidents and how this process has served to divert attention from an examination of the structural changes needed to overcome this problem. In conclusion, the thesis maps an alternative plan of action on alcohol-related problems. This plan will assist policy-makers. social workers and others working with the victims of alcohol abuse to exploit the 'contradictions' emerging within the late capitalist state.
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Cubillos, Celis Paula. "L'État social au Chili sous le prisme des politiques de l'enfance : continuités et inflexions 1973-2013." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCB183/document.
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Les transformations de l'État social au Chili, suite à la restructuration politico-économique consubstantielle à la dictature militaire (1973-1990), ont fait l'objet d'un intense débat. Cependant, les transformations survenues depuis 1973 dans la relation entre l'État, le marché et la société civile, concernant l'accès aux droits, sont à situer dans une structure de distribution inégale des droits qui s'est forgée tout au long du XXe siècle. Cette philosophie de l'État social, et son rapport aux individus, se caractérise par la classification des bénéficiaires : des porteurs de droits et des récepteurs de l'assistance. Ce système s'organise à partir de la configuration de deux voies d'accès à la protection, en relation directe avec la participation au marché et se caractérise par la dimension privatisée de la conception de la solidarité, soit à travers la famille soit à travers la philanthropie. Le processus de néo-libéralisation introduira trois inflexions dans ce modèle : la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux qui va perfectionner le système de collaboration public-privé ; la technocratisation de la prise de décisions et de l'intervention ; le changement de la nature du ciblage comme mécanisme de justice sociale. Ainsi, le modèle de distribution inégale des droits, majoré par la mise en place de l'État résiduel pendant la dictature puis par la sophistication des politiques de ciblage pendant la démocratie, va prendre forme, notamment sur le plan de la gestion sociale de l'enfance. Les politiques de la santé, de l'éducation et de la protection spécialisée reflètent ce modèle de continuité et les inflexions néolibérales. Il s'agit de la reconfiguration de l'État social sous tension : le rôle fort régulateur qui accompagne la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux est ancré progressivement dans un discours des droits sociaux qui fait écho aux processus de démocratisation vécus par le pays, à partir de 1990. L'objectif de cette recherche est de réfléchir sur les formes que l'État social adopte à partir de la restructuration politico-économique du pays ainsi que de retracer ces transformations dans un cadre sociopolitique et historique. De cette façon, nous nous consacrerons à l'analyse des reconfigurations du social et du politique dans la nouvelle donne, à partir de l'étude des politiques sociales menées envers l'enfanceThe transformations of the Chilean Welfare State, following the political-economic restructuration after the military dictatorship (1973-1990), have been the core of an intense debate. However, the transformations taking place since 1973 in the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society, regarding the access to rights, lie in a structure of unequal distribution of rights forged throughout the 20th century. This philosophy of the Welfare State and its relation to individuals is characterized by the classification of beneficiaries: the bearers of rights and the recipients of assistance. This system is organized based on the configuration of two mechanisms of access to social protection, with the direct participation of the market, and which is characterized by the privatized dimension of the solidarity conception, either through the family or through the philanthropy. The neo-liberalization process introduces three changes to this model: the liberalization of the social sectors, which improves the public-private collaboration system; the technocratic development of the decision-making process and the intervention process; and the change of targeting as a mechanism of social justice. Thus, the model of unequal distribution of rights, enhanced by the establishment of a residual state during the dictatorship and then by the sophistication of targeting policies during the democratic period, takes shape, particularly, in terms of the social management of childhood. The policies of health, education, and specialized protection, crystallize a model of continuity and neoliberal inflections. This is the reconfiguration of the Welfare State as a tension: the strong regulatory role that accompanies the liberalization of the social sectors is gradually anchored on a discourse of social rights that reflects the processes of democratization experienced by the country since 1990. The objective of this research is to reflect on the forms that the Welfare State adopts from the political-economic restructuration of the country and to trace these transformations in a socio-political and historical framework. In this way, this study seeks to analyze the reconfigurations of social and political process, from an empirical regard, discussing the studies of social policies towards the childhood
Las transformaciones del Estado social de Chile luego de la restructuración político-económica realizada por la dictadura militar (1973-1990), ha sido objeto de un intenso debate. Sin embargo, las transformaciones realizadas desde 1973 en la relación entre el Estado, el mercado y la sociedad civil respecto al acceso a los derechos, se sitúan en una estructura de distribución desigual de derechos, forjada a lo largo del siglo XX. Esta filosofía del Estado social y su relación con los individuos, se caracteriza por la clasificación de beneficiarios: de un lado los portadores de derechos y del otro, los receptores de asistencia. Este sistema se organiza a partir de la configuración de dos vías de acceso a la protección, en relación directa con la participación en el mercado, y se caracteriza por la dimensión privatizada de la concepción de la solidaridad, sea a través de la familia o de la filantropía. El proceso de neo-liberalización introducirá tres inflexiones a ese modelo: la liberalización de los sectores sociales, que perfeccionará el sistema de colaboración público-privada; la tecnocratización de la toma de decisiones y de la intervención; el cambio en la naturaleza de la focalización, en tanto mecanismo de justicia social. De esta manera, el modelo de distribución desigual de derechos, aumentado por la implementación del Estado residual en dictadura, y luego por la sofisticación de la focalización en democracia, toma forma especialmente en el plano de la gestión social de la infancia. Las políticas de salud, educación y protección especializada, reflejan tanto este modelo de continuidad como las inflexiones neoliberales. Se trata de una reconfiguración del Estado social bajo tensión: el rol fuertemente regulador que acompaña la liberalización de los sectores sociales, está anclado progresivamente en un discurso sobre los derechos sociales que hace eco de los procesos de democratización vividos por el país desde 1990. El objetivo de esta investigación es reflexionar sobre las formas que adopta el Estado social a partir de la restructuración político-económica del país, tanto como trazar esas transformaciones en un marco político-histórico. De esta manera, nos interesamos al análisis sobre las reconfiguraciones de lo social y lo político en el nuevo escenario, a partir del estudio de las políticas de infancia
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CELLINI, GIOVANNI. "Controllo sociale, servizio sociale e professioni di aiuto nel sistema penitenziario." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/41613.
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In Italy there is a prison and probation system based on a rehabilitative model that is aimed at social reintegration of the author of the crime, which is connected with social policies and entrusts relevant tasks to the helping professions. Among these, social work is affected by changes in social policies and a new social order, marked in Europe by the influence of neo-liberal thought (Lorenz, 2005; Dalrymple, Burke, 1995, 2006). In this scenario, changes in social policies, which have occurred with the crisis of the welfare state, are interwoven with those of criminal policies. The central research question, proposed in contemporary sociological literature, with particular reference to the U.S. and Britain, is of the gradual transition from a model mainly focused at ensuring social welfare, to a model in which the dominant interest is to increase effective social control (Garland, 2004). In this “new welfare” there has been an impoverishment of social protection, and resources for the most vulnerable segments of the population. This process has led - in some cases - to discriminatory policies, aimed at segregation and incarceration of the most disadvantaged people. In the research presented in this paper, 43 semi-structured interviews were carried out in three regions of northern Italy, to professionals working in the penitentiary sector (mainly social workers). Through them, we have focused on the representations of the respondents on specific issues, including: the crisis of the welfare state in relation to the penal-welfare system, the culture of control and the changes in the functions and activities of social workers. Results show that social workers reject punitive responses, especially those towards the most disadvantaged social groups. Furthermore, in a long-term assessment, there does not seem to emerge, for social workers, a loss of strength as a group and status. There is, in fact, a certain evolution of social work from the methodological point of view, the attention of the profession to internal organizational issues and networking with other local agencies. On the other hand, in the crisis of welfare state and the rehabilitation ideal, political ideals and "strong" values, felt by the entire professional community, seem to be lacking.
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Keough, Shawn Michael. "A social exchange perspective of intention to quit." Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2006. http://sun.library.msstate.edu/ETD-db/ETD-browse/browse.
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PORFILIO, AMELIO. "Il welfare state incontra l’Unione europea: dalla costituzione economica europea ad un modello sociale europeo." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/807.
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La tesi si snoda lungo tre piani di analisi per esaminare i rapporti fra Unione europea e welfare state. Innanzitutto, essa guarda alla CEE come organizzazione sorta principalmente per perseguire l’integrazione economica degli Stati membri senza interferire sulla loro funzione di welfare. Nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione delle competenze sociali dell’Unione europea, la tesi suggerisce come i sussistenti limiti procedurali e sostanziali evidenzino quella logica.
In secondo luogo, la tesi ricorre alla categoria di costituzione economica europea al fine di spiegare la limitazione di sovranità cui gli Stati membri sono andati incontro per favorire l’attuazione del principio di libertà economica. Su questa base, vengono enucleati taluni effetti prodotti dalla costituzione economica europea sul welfare state. Un’attenzione particolare è dedicata ai riflessi della costituzione economica in materia pensionistica.
Infine, la tesi guarda alle innovazioni apportate dalla Strategia di Lisbona e dal Trattato di Lisbona, con particolare riguardo al rafforzamento del metodo aperto di coordinamento ed all’entrata in vigore della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. In questa luce, si coglie la tendenza all’edificazione di un modello sociale europeo. Avendone discusso genesi e sviluppo, vengono illustrati i suoi tratti distintivi ed i suoi riflessi sulle politiche nazionali di sicurezza sociale e del lavoro.The thesis examines the relationship between European Union and Welfare State under three different perspectives. Firstly, it looks at the EEC as an organization pursuing economic integration of Member States while not interfering with their welfare function. In tracing the evolution of the social competences of the European Union, it is highlighted how the original logic still underlies the existence of procedural and substantive limits to those competences. Second, the thesis draws on the category of European economic constitution to explain how Member States bounded their sovereignty in order to give full effect to economic freedom. On that basis, the thesis describes some of the inroads made by the European economic constitution into national welfare states, with special attention to its effects on pension systems. Finally, the thesis looks at some of the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Strategy and the Lisbon Treaty, focusing on the strengthening of the Open Method of Co-ordination and the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this perspective, the thesis captures the emergence of a European social model. Having discussed origins and development of the European social model, its main distinctive features and reflexes on domestic social policies are spelled out.
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PORFILIO, AMELIO. "Il welfare state incontra l’Unione europea: dalla costituzione economica europea ad un modello sociale europeo." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/807.
Full textAbstract:
La tesi si snoda lungo tre piani di analisi per esaminare i rapporti fra Unione europea e welfare state. Innanzitutto, essa guarda alla CEE come organizzazione sorta principalmente per perseguire l’integrazione economica degli Stati membri senza interferire sulla loro funzione di welfare. Nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione delle competenze sociali dell’Unione europea, la tesi suggerisce come i sussistenti limiti procedurali e sostanziali evidenzino quella logica.
In secondo luogo, la tesi ricorre alla categoria di costituzione economica europea al fine di spiegare la limitazione di sovranità cui gli Stati membri sono andati incontro per favorire l’attuazione del principio di libertà economica. Su questa base, vengono enucleati taluni effetti prodotti dalla costituzione economica europea sul welfare state. Un’attenzione particolare è dedicata ai riflessi della costituzione economica in materia pensionistica.
Infine, la tesi guarda alle innovazioni apportate dalla Strategia di Lisbona e dal Trattato di Lisbona, con particolare riguardo al rafforzamento del metodo aperto di coordinamento ed all’entrata in vigore della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. In questa luce, si coglie la tendenza all’edificazione di un modello sociale europeo. Avendone discusso genesi e sviluppo, vengono illustrati i suoi tratti distintivi ed i suoi riflessi sulle politiche nazionali di sicurezza sociale e del lavoro.The thesis examines the relationship between European Union and Welfare State under three different perspectives. Firstly, it looks at the EEC as an organization pursuing economic integration of Member States while not interfering with their welfare function. In tracing the evolution of the social competences of the European Union, it is highlighted how the original logic still underlies the existence of procedural and substantive limits to those competences. Second, the thesis draws on the category of European economic constitution to explain how Member States bounded their sovereignty in order to give full effect to economic freedom. On that basis, the thesis describes some of the inroads made by the European economic constitution into national welfare states, with special attention to its effects on pension systems. Finally, the thesis looks at some of the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Strategy and the Lisbon Treaty, focusing on the strengthening of the Open Method of Co-ordination and the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this perspective, the thesis captures the emergence of a European social model. Having discussed origins and development of the European social model, its main distinctive features and reflexes on domestic social policies are spelled out.
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Klimó, Árpard von Tosti-Croce Mauro. "Tra stato e società : le élites amministrative in Italia e Prussia : 1860-1918 /." Roma : Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali, Direzione generale per gli archivi, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390581167.
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Reedy, Kathleen. "A state of conspiracy." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1975.
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Ethnography of the state has long been focused on either a state’s reproduction of itself or on ‘the people’s’ resistance to it. In both cases, the state is cast as a unified, holistic identity that exists in diametric opposition to the people living within its borders. There have been some recent attempts to speak back to these assumptions (e.g. Navaro-Yashin 2002), but we are still left with a monolithic image of the state. This thesis is an attempt to break down the ‘obvious’ divides between the reified concepts of People and State, especially in regards to Arab Middle Eastern countries. My analysis is based on 13 months of fieldwork in Damascus, Syria, where I witnessed how politics are lived and described in the course of everyday life. This work focuses on popular stories about and interactions with what might be labeled global and state politics. Thus I read their stories to not be just narratives but narrative actions—a concept I suggest considering as a ‘narraction’ to encompass its seemingly dualistic, but practically singular nature. Political narractions in Syria often take the form of identity-work or conspiracy theory; this thesis approaches these as ethnographic objects and undertakes a more performative analysis of these narractions. I suggest that in narracting these stories, Syrians are doing a form of relations, making connections and disconnections between the various subjects within the narractions (and themselves) in a manner that is highly fluid and flexible and can seem somewhat ambiguous (if not in the conventional use of the term). That there can be simultaneous connections and disconnections is not as mutually exclusive a state as it would appear and is also one that Syrians experience in relation to kinship and friendship. In a comparative turn, I suggest that in both familial and political relations, the disconnections (challenges) are not a form of ‘resistance,’ but are a negative (Narotzky and Moreno 2002) aspect of relations that are just as essential to the overall construction and maintenance of a relationship as the positive ones we are more familiar with (e.g. familial affection or political activism). Finally, I argue that this process of ‘making connections’ via observing and narracting relationships can provide a broader model of knowledge production that applies to the work of anthropologists as much as to the conspiracy theorizing of Syrians.
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Pagnac, Romain. "Droits sociaux et dynamiques d’activation des politiques sociales en Europe." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40061/document.
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Depuis un certain nombre d’années, se manifeste tout spécialement en Europe l’influence de la thématique de l’activation des dépenses sociales dites « passives ». Ce discours politique imprègne les systèmes nationaux et se diffuse sur le plan normatif, conduisant à de nouvelles articulations entre logiques de protection sociale classique (indemnisation ou aide sociale) et d’emploi (droit du travail). Ces politiques actives s’appuient sur les fondements traditionnels du modèle social-démocrate nordique et du modèle anglo-saxon. L’Union européenne a fait sienne la dynamique d’activation et lui a accordé une place centrale dans sa stratégie pour l’emploi et dans la Méthode Ouverte de Coordination en matière de protection sociale. Cette stratégie a produit un impact sur les systèmes nationaux. Cet impact a pu être mesuré aussi bien sur les systèmes béveridgiens que sur les systèmes bismarckiens, laissant apparaître une multiplicité des visages de l’activation selon les Etats-membres, mais selon une référence plus marquée soit à une approche libérale soit à une approche dite « universaliste » ou « prospective », d’amélioration des trajectoires professionnelles. Les transformations récentes des dispositifs français (indemnitaires ou assistantiels), basées sur une logique de conditionnalité des prestations, ont conduit à des bouleversements au sein de la protection sociale qui invitent à questionner les logiques juridiques sous-jacentes de ces mutations et à proposer une analyse critique de la portée d’un tel renouvellement du contrat socialThe influence of the theme of activating "passive" social expenditure has been evidenced over the last few years and especially in Europe. This political discourse has filtered into the national systems and has spread to legislation, leading to new links between the logic of classic social protection (compensatory technique or social assistance claimants) and employment (employment law). These active policies are based on traditional socio-democratic nordic models and the anglo-american model. The European Union has adopted the activation concept and given it central place in its employment strategy and through the Open Method of Coordination for social protection. This strategy has had an impact on the national systems. This impact may be measured in Beveridgian systems as well as in Bismarckian systems, that shows the different aspects of activation depending on the Member States but with a more distinct difference depending on a more liberal or universalist approach. The recent transformations in the French system (unemployment insurance benefits or social assistance schemes) based on the conditionality of social protection, have led to significant changes to social protection which raises the issue of the underlying legal logic of these changes and a critical analysis of the extent of such a renewal of the social contract
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Erlandsson, Matilda, and Meijerink Linn Falk. ""Vi har lite olika syn på det här" : En diskursanalys om sociala företag i lokal kontext." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för socialt arbete (SA), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-74969.
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The aim of this study was to identify discourses in the construction of the phenomenon social enterprises in the local context of Växjö, to illustrate the conditions of organized social work. The discourse analysis was done through interviews with different key persons of the local field, who earlier had participated in a medial debate about social enterprises. In accordance to the theoretical perspective of Foucaults approach on discourses, we analyzed the use of language to pursue power. We found that the way of speaking about social enterprises was positive in general when the focus was on the main purpose of their work. When the focus was put on how this purpose would be pursued and accomplished, it was discovered that there were different opinions about that, and two main discourses could be separated. One discourse had the focus on the entrepreneurial aspect of social entrepreneurship and the other had focus on the social aspect. Through the study it became clear that the understanding of the phenomenon is different from various point of views. And since it is unclear what the phenomenon really are, there is an ongoing struggle about the power to define it. We discovered that there is a connection between discourse and power when it comes to social enterprises in relation to welfare state organization.
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Richterova, Daniela. "Communist Czechoslovakia, terrorists and revolutionaries : an investigation into state relations with violent non-state actors." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2018. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/113870/.
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This thesis provides a revisionist account of Czechoslovakia's relationship with 'terrorists and revolutionaries' during the latter half of the Cold War. It explores the motives and assesses the quality of the relationship communist-era Prague forged with myriad groups officially or semi-officially associated with the Palestinian cause. It interrogates the country's complex security and intelligence liaisons with the Palestinian Liberation Organisation and its myriad factions, starting from the mid-1960s and tracing them all the way to the end of the Cold War. Simultaneously, it sheds light on Czechoslovakia's policies towards some of the most notorious terrorist figures of the Cold War - Carlos the Jackal, the 1972 Munich Olympic massacre commander Abu Daoud, and the enigmatic Abu Nidal. It argues that Prague's policies towards these non-state actors were heterodox, inherently uncomfortable and anxious. Simultaneously, it contends that Prague was less able to control the actions of its controversial non-state allies than previously thought. In doing so, it challenges the two-dimensional narrative of Soviet sponsorship of international terrorism by interrogating the complex nature of Prague's policies towards the Third World, the Middle East and unfamiliar non-state entities claiming common ideological and strategic goals. It draws on tens of thousands of recently-declassified Communist Party, government and intelligence records collected from ten archives in four different countries.
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Poppleton, Lawrence. "Qualitative social inquiry and state of the environment reporting : can qualitative social inquiry make a contribution to the state of the environment reporting? /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envp831.pdf.
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Brejning, Jeanette. "The Welfare State and corporate social responsibility in England and Denmark : rolling back the state or rolling out new solutions to social problems?" Thesis, University of Bristol, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508056.
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Poitiers, Niclas Frederic. "Essays in Education, Fertility, and the Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667315.
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In countries in the developed world, income inequality is increasing, while technological and societal changes open labour market opportunities for women. At the same time they are undergoing an important demographical transition with decreasing fertility and increasing population ageing. All these trends affect the decisions that different generations make over the life-cycle. In this thesis, I investigate the role that these trends play for education, fertility, and pensions.
In the second chapter of this thesis, I investigate how income inequality is affecting education attainment. An important difference between countries with low and high levels of social mobility is the extent of upward mobility of children from low income families. This is mainly explained by the probability of high school dropout. I develop a model with three levels of education in which children facing a credit constraint choose which level of education to attain. I find in an empirical exercise that in the U. S. the opportunity cost of education is more important in explaining the high school dropout rate of men than the return on education. The model and the empirical results imply that a policy that reduces the opportunity cost of education and is paid by higher taxation on graduates, reducing the return on education, could decrease dropout rates.
In the third chapter, I analyse the decline in fertility in Germany. Decomposing the decline in completed fertility in Germany of the cohorts of women born between 1930 and 1965, I observe two distinct stages: In the first stage the decline in fertility is due to a decrease in intensive fertility (number of children per women with at least one child), whereas in the second stage the decline is due to a decrease in extensive fertility (increase in childlessness). Based on an event study approach, I argue that there are high opportunity cost of having children for women in terms of working time independent of their education level. Based on these findings, I develop an overlapping generations model with childlessness and quantity/quality trade-off driven by the time cost of children. In a calibration exercise, this model is able to generate the decline in intensive fertility as well as the increase in childlessness that I observe in the data with an decrease in the gender wage gap.
The forth chapter of my thesis is a joint work with Gianko Michailidis on the effect of population ageing and income inequality on public education and pensions. We developed an overlapping generations model with public and private education, a pay-as-you-go pension system, endogenous fertility, and probabilistic voting on pensions and education spending. In this model, an increase in income inequality increases public education and pensions spending per enrolled student and retiree, respectively, and decreases the participation in public education and fertility. An increase in the share of retirees in the economy decreases the per student spending on public education and pensions, while decreasing the participation in public education and the fertility rate. Empirical evidences from OECD countries confirm our theoretical predictions regarding education spending.
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Santos, Milena da Silva. "Política social no capitalismo monopolista : função social do Estado e controle do capital." Universidade Federal de Alagoas, 2012. http://repositorio.ufal.br/handle/riufal/804.
Full textAbstract:
The present work addresses the State and Social Policy and has as objective investigate how social policy can be considered a form of control of the social-metabolic capital through the activity of the state. To do so, based on the Marxian analysis of the ontological foundations of the state, conducting a study of the socio-historical emergence of the state and its social function as well as the development of the modern state - as the typical capitalism - form of state and its different forms of action, and how nature has to perform its social function. In this direction, performs an analysis on the order of reproduction of capital and the role of the state as a political command structure aimed at defending the interests of capital, complementing it so essential for the maintenance of order socio-metabolic. It also addresses the "social question" and its main dimensions to understand how they originate and develop social policies - as a form of state action in response to their expressions. So, doing a historical restoration of proto-forms of social policies, we seek to capture its ontological foundations, analyzing the process of consolidation during the period of monopolistic capitalism - its highest expression the "Welfare State" - and its social function in the system s social-metabolic capital. It also examines the nature of capital's structural crisis and its determinations, emphasizing those aspects that differentiate cyclical crises. Finally, it investigates the ways of coping with the structural crisis of capital by the state and more importantly, what the consequences of structural adjustment for social policy and the "State of Welfare."Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O presente trabalho aborda o Estado e a Política Social e tem como objetivo investigar como a política social pode ser considerada uma das formas de controle do sistema sociometabólico do capital através da atuação do Estado. Para tanto, baseia-se na análise marxiana dos fundamentos ontológicos do Estado, realizando um estudo socio-histórico do surgimento do Estado e sua função social, bem como do desenvolvimento do Estado moderno como a forma de Estado tipicamente capitalista e suas diferentes formas de atuação, e como mantém sua natureza para realizar sua função social. Nessa direção, efetua uma análise sobre a ordem de reprodução do capital e o papel do Estado como uma estrutura de comando político direcionada a defender os interesses do capital, complementando-o de forma essencial na manutenção dessa ordem sociometabólica. Aborda ainda a questão social e as suas principais dimensões para entender como se originam e se desenvolvem as políticas sociais como uma forma de ação estatal em resposta às suas expressões. Assim, fazendo um resgate histórico das protoformas das políticas sociais, busca-se captar seus fundamentos ontológicos, analisando o processo de consolidação durante o período monopolista do capitalismo sendo sua expressão máxima o denominado Estado de Bem-Estar Social , e sua função social no sistema sociometabólico do capital. Analisa também a natureza da crise estrutural do capital e suas determinações, destacando quais os aspectos que a diferenciam das crises cíclicas. Por fim, investiga as formas de enfrentamento da crise estrutural do capital pelo Estado e, principalmente, quais as decorrências dos ajustes estruturais para a política social e o Estado de Bem-Estar Social .