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1
Gupta, Dhruv. "Policies for resolving insurgencies – lessons from third-party intervention in India." Indian Growth and Development Review 12, no. 3 (November 11, 2019): 350–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/igdr-04-2017-0033.
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Purpose In this paper, the author develops a game theoretical model to understand why Union Government of India, as a third party, has used different schemes at different times in history to assist the State Governments in fighting the Naxalite insurgency. Comparing across schemes, it was found that though Matching Security Grants scheme was preferred in general, during asymmetric information scenario it led to an emergency situation wherein the Union Government had to provide the less preferred Bulk Security Grants. Later, it became difficult to withdraw these grants as the State Governments free rode by reducing own security contribution. The author finds that instead, in this scenario, Matching Development Grants are more suitable, as they incentivize the State Governments to reveal private information and help the Union Government exit its third-party role. For a practitioner involved in conflict resolution, these conclusions imply that as the desirability of policies can change diametrically overtime, Union Government must spend resources only on those heads of expenditure that provide both security and development benefits provided they aid in preventing flow of resources to Naxalites. Further, to end its assistance, the Union Government’s expenditures should also complement the capabilities of the State Government rather than substituting them. These results can also guide policy in other protracted civil wars with substantial third-party intervention, which are common these days. Design/methodology/approach The paper is an historical analysis of strategies used by Union and State Governments and Naxalites. The analysis is based on game theoretic tools supported with examples. Findings The Union Government must provide matching grants instead of bulk grants such as Central Armed Police Forces, and the grants should be aimed at building complementarities with the state governments’ security contributions. Under asymmetric information scenario, the Union and State Governments reduce their expenses incurred to fight the Naxalites. A Matching Development Grants scheme would have done better. Union Government must spend resources on heads of expenditure that provides both Development and Security benefits, to curb flow of resources to Naxalites, besides complementing the Security Contributions of the State Government. Research limitations/implications The research is limited by disaggregated data to test the hypotheses. It is also limited by the data on hidden variables like the contribution of the Naxalites to fighting. The research is also limited to the extent that individual groups in the war like police commanders, politicians and Naxalite commanders are not incorporated. Multiple asymmetric parties are also not considered; that may generalize the model to other theaters of insurgency. Practical implications Certain heads of expenditure such as roads, mobile communication, improving quality of investigation, preventing human rights violations by the security forces, etc. are both security and development enhancing. The Union Government's expenditures must be directed toward this end. Therefore, from a practitioner's perspective, the debate between greed and grievances exists not as a limitation but as a guide. The relevant articles of Constitution of India must be redrafted on these principles. Third-party interventions in other insurgencies may be revisited under these conclusions. Social implications Security and Development policies are tools for controlling Naxalite insurgency, which can also be used to prevent flow of resources to Naxalites. Security and development policies to resolving insurgencies are useful at different information scenarios. Therefore, information neutral policies should be preferred. Originality/value This paper has contributed theoretically in modeling continuing conflicts like Naxalite insurgency, explicitly. The author also shows that though the field of civil wars may have evolved along the Greed vs Grievance debate (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004), for a practitioner, the lines blur when it comes to solutions, as many heads of expenditures have features of both security and development. This paper also shows that when the Union Government faced asymmetric information scenario, the policy of matching development grants would be beneficial in long run though of limited value in short run. This is an important conclusion as the most intense period of violence was preceded by the asymmetric information scenario. Besides, it has relevance for the other civil wars with third-party intervention, such as NATO in Afghanistan.
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Hinchy, Jessica. "Conjugality, Colonialism and the ‘Criminal Tribes’ in North India." Studies in History 36, no. 1 (February 2020): 20–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643019900103.
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The Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) of 1871 was a project to geographically redistribute and immobilize criminalized populations on the basis of family units. Family ties were a key site of contestation between criminalized people and the colonial state, as well as cooperation, or at least, situationally coinciding interests. This article’s focus on the family goes against the grain of existing literature, which has primarily debated the historical causes of the CTA and the colonial construction of the ‘criminal tribe’. This article explores a particular type of family tie—marriage—to provide a new vantage point on the minutiae of everyday life under the CTA, while also shedding light on the history of conjugality in modern South Asia. In 1891, the colonial government in north India launched a matchmaking campaign in which district Magistrates became marriage brokers. Colonial governments showed an uneven concern with marriage practices, which varied between criminalized communities and over time. In the case of ‘nomadic’ criminalized groups, colonial governments were more concerned with conjugality, since they attempted more significant transformations in the relationships between individuals, families, social groupings and space. Moreover, criminalized peoples’ strategies and demands propelled colonial involvement into marital matters. Yet the colonial government could not sustain a highly interventionist management of intimate relationships.
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Amrith, Sunil S. "Food and Welfare in India, c. 1900–1950." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 4 (September 23, 2008): 1010–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750800042x.
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In 2001, the People's Union for Civil Liberties submitted a writ petition to the Supreme Court of India on the “right to food.” The petitioner was a voluntary human rights organization; the initial respondents were the Government of India, the Food Corporation of India, and six state governments. The petition opens with three pointed questions posed to the court:A.Does the right to life mean that people who are starving and who are too poor to buy food grains ought to be given food grains free of cost by the State from the surplus stock lying with the State, particularly when it is reported that a large part of it is lying unused and rotting?B.Does not the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution of India include the right to food?C.Does not the right to food, which has been upheld by the Honourable Court, imply that the state has a duty to provide food especially in situations of drought, to people who are drought affected and are not in a position to purchase food?
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عباس فضلي, أ. م. د. نادية فاضل. "Community composition of India and its impact on national unity." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 52 (March 13, 2019): 149–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i52.69.
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India is today the largest democratic state in the Third World and has been able to maintain its national unity in the near future. The history of Indian civilization is more than 5,000 years old. It has achieved its heritage, culture, philosophy, traditions, national unity and unity and has taken its place among nations seeking progress and progress. Which are still visible to the present day, because of their history of civilization and achievements, and the fusion of cultures of invading peoples over the centuries with the culture of diverse Indian society, but despite being a secular state, Has put into place through its governments various forms of exclusion and marginalization towards the people of India, especially Muslims, and this has affected the performance of the State and credibility since independence in 1947 and to this day, but this does not mean that it is a country that does not have the elements of national unity and practices of democratic action so far at least, Democratic, in terms of elections and voting in the Indian states is still in place, but the social, religious and class divisions overlap to produce conflicts that surfaced from time to time, threatening to be dismantled if political leaders do not come to improve the measure So that the extent of conflicts in India to the extent of the outbreak of war in various denominations sectarian, religious, social and economic.
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Kumar Ojha, Narendra. "INCREASING STEPS OF MUSIC IN INDIA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 3, no. 1SE (January 31, 2015): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v3.i1se.2015.3476.
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India's civilization and culture is historical. There is no music knowledge in India today, it is very old.Even today many high-ranking artists have made their place in history such as Bhaskar Buwa, Mian Jan, Abdul Karim Khan, Fayaz Kha, Hyder Kha, Wazir Kha, Hafeez Kha, Omkarnath Thakur etc. The central and state governments have contributed significantly to the development of Indian art, with the central government giving scholarships to eligible students. Students are thus encouraged.
भारत की सभ्यता और संस्कृति ऐतिहासिक है। भारत में संगीत विषयक ज्ञान कोई आज का नहीं है, यह बहुत पुराना है।इतिहास में आज भी कई उच्च श्रेणी के कलाकार अपना स्थान बना चुके है जैसे- भास्कर बुवा, मियाॅं जान, अब्दुल करीम खाॅ, फैयाज खाॅ, हैदर खाॅ, वजीर खाॅ, हफीज खाॅ, ओंकारनाथ ठाकुर आदि। भारतीय कला के विकास में केन्द्र और राज्य सरकारों का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहा है, केन्द्रीय सरकार षिक्षा पात्र विद्यार्थियों को छात्रवृत्ति दे रही है। इस प्रकार से विद्यार्थियों को प्रोत्साहन मिल रहा है।
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Independentwriter, Victoria Schofield. "Plebiscite Conundrum in Jammu and Kashmir." Strategic Studies 42, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.00138.
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Since 1947 the expectation that the fate of the disputed former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir would be decided by a plebiscite has been part of the narrative of the state’s history. Seventy-five years later, the plebiscite has never been held, the state remaining de facto divided between India and Pakistan, both accusing each other of illegally occupying the territory the other controls, while a significant proportion of the inhabitants of the state maintain that they have never been allowed their ‘right of self-determination.’[1] This paper examines the reasoning behind holding a plebiscite, the challenges of holding a unitary plebiscite in a state where the inhabitants of the major regions of the state have differing allegiances and aspirations and the reasons why the plebiscite was not held. It also explains why successive governments of Pakistan have clung to the notion of holding a plebiscite, whereas successive Indian governments have long since decided that a plebiscite is no longer necessary. Finally this paper will examine whether, in a changed demographic environment, with the state de facto divided for over half the time it was ever a united administrative unit, the holding of a plebiscite would resolve the issue or whether it would create more disaffection among disappointed minorities.
[1] Pakistani maps and rhetoric describe the area of the state occupied by India as ‘illegally occupied disputed territory’; Indian maps describe the area of the state occupied by Pakistan as ‘Pakistan Occupied Kashmir’ (POK).
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Pillai, Sarath. "Fragmenting the Nation: Divisible Sovereignty and Travancore's Quest for Federal Independence." Law and History Review 34, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 743–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000195.
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Speaking at the Travancore legislative assembly on February 2, 1938, Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar said: “The federation contemplated in the Government of India Act (1935) was founded on the recognition of the fundamental idea that the Ruler alone represents his state and that the Ruler is the government of the state.” Travancore was one of the oldest princely states in India, which antedated the British occupation and claimed a dynastic rule uninterrupted by any foreign or domestic powers. Its history of constitutional reforms and economic advancement enabled it to occupy a pivotal position in colonial India. As the Dewan (prime minister) of Travancore, Sir C.P. played a crucial role in the constitutional debates on the political form of postcolonial India, especially federation, in the last two decades of the British Empire in India. He argued that Indian states were inherently sovereign, and that the only locus of sovereignty in the states was their rulers. In doing so, he imagined a future Indian federation predicated on the idea of divisible sovereignty, which was given constitutional effect by the Government of India (GOI) Act (1935). Sir C.P.'s expositions on the sovereignty of the states and Travancore's constitutionalism offer analytical lenses to recuperate a history of imperial constitutionalism and the grand political project it enabled: Indian federation.
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Akee, Randall K. Q., Katherine A. Spilde, and Jonathan B. Taylor. "The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act and Its Effects on American Indian Economic Development." Journal of Economic Perspectives 29, no. 3 (August 1, 2015): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.29.3.185.
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The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA), passed by the US Congress in 1988, was a watershed in the history of policymaking directed toward reservation-resident American Indians. IGRA set the stage for tribal government-owned gaming facilities. It also shaped how this new industry would develop and how tribal governments would invest gaming revenues. Since then, Indian gaming has approached commercial, state-licensed gaming in total revenues. Gaming operations have had a far-reaching and transformative effect on American Indian reservations and their economies. Specifically, Indian gaming has allowed marked improvements in several important dimensions of reservation life. For the first time, some tribal governments have moved to fiscal independence. Native nations have invested gaming revenues in their economies and societies, often with dramatic effect.
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Kumar, Dharma. "VII. The Colonial Tradition in India and Indonesia." Itinerario 13, no. 1 (March 1989): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004186.
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‘Given the circumstances facing Indonesian governments in the years 1950–57’, a standard history of Indonesia comments, ‘it is not surprising that the democratic experiment foundered, for there were few foundations upon which representative democracy could be built. Indonesia inherited from the Dutch and Japanese the traditions, assumptions and legal structure ofa police state. The Indonesian masses – mostly illiterate, poor, accustomed to authoritarian and paternalistic rule, and spread over an enormous archipelago – were hardly in a position to force politicians in Jakarta to account for their performance. The politically informed were only a tiny layer of urban society and the Jakarta politicians, while proclaiming their democratic ideals, were mostly elitists and selfconscious participants in a new urban superculture. They were paternalistic towards those less fortunate than themselves and sometimes simply snobbish towards those who, for instance, could not speak fluent Dutch. They had little commitment to the grass-roots structure of representative government and managed to postpone elections for five more years. A plant as rare as representative democracy can hardly grow in such soil.’
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Panneerselvam, A. "Evaluating the Efficacy of India's Coalition Governments." Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, no. 11 (September 22, 2021): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.11.21.28.
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Nowadays, alliance is typical in many regions of the planet. The Nordic Countries, the Benelux Countries, Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Japan, Turkey, Israel, New Zealand, Kosovo, Pakistan, Kenya, India, Trinidad and Tobago, Thailand, and Ukraine are instances of nations that regularly have coalition governments. Other countries that have frequent coalition governments include the countries of the Benelux and Germany. Since 1959 until 2008, Switzerland was led by a coalition government consisting of the four parties who held the most parliamentary seats. The fact that India opted for democracy and that we have been working toward maintaining a robust democratic system for almost 75 years now counts as a significant accomplishment. In India, the study of coalitions is still in its very early stages and is a relatively new field of academic endeavour. Nevertheless, it might turn out to be of tremendous significance for our nation. The development of democracy must necessarily progress through this stage of coalition building. They might represent a logical step in the process of transitioning from a multi-party system to a bi-party system in India, which is a country that has more than a hundred different political parties. In this study, several aspects of coalition governments and the history of coalition governance in India are examined and discussed. In order to arrive at a conclusion, the research used both historical and descriptive methods. In this study, a substantial amount of time was spent using a thematic software programme to analyze the qualitative data, which consisted of information obtained from secondary sources.
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Nidhi. "GOODS AND SERVICES TAX: A STUDY ON ROAD MAP FOR 2017." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no. 9 (September 30, 2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i9.2016.2529.
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The paper covers the scope of GST and the history of the taxation system in India.
The word tax is derived from the Latin word ‘taxare’ meaning, to estimate. “A tax is not a voluntary payment or donation, but an enforced contribution, exacted pursuant to legislative authority" and is any contribution imposed by government whether under the name of toll, tribute, impost, duty, custom, excise, subsidy, aid, supply, or other name.” Taxes in India are levied by the Central Government and the State Governments. Some minor taxes are also levied by the local authorities such as Municipality or Local Council. The paper consists of the demerits of existing taxation system, challenges and opportunities of the GST and the latest amendments with the road map for 2017. With the help of this paper we get the overview of the current amendments and the future efforts to be made in the implementation of GST.
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Mawani, Renisa, and Iza Hussin. "The Travels of Law: Indian Ocean Itineraries." Law and History Review 32, no. 4 (September 9, 2014): 733–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000467.
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I believe that no country ever stood so much in need of a code of laws as India; and I believe also that there never was a country in which the want might so easily be supplied. I said that there were many points of analogy between the state of that country after the fall of the Mogul power, and the state of Europe after the fall of the Roman empire. In one respect the analogy is very striking.As there were in Europe then, so there are in India now, several systems of law widely differing from each other, but coexisting and coequal. The indigenous population has its own laws. Each of the successive races of conquerors has brought with it its own peculiar jurisprudence: the Mussulman his Koran and the innumerable commentators on the Koran; the Englishman his Statute Book and his Term Reports. As there were established in Italy, at one and the same time, the Roman Law, the Lombard law, the Ripuarian law, the Bavarian law, and the Salic law, so we have now in our Eastern empire Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other, varying with the person, varying with the place.–Thomas Babington MacaulayOn July 10 1833, in his lengthy and famous speech on the “Government of India” delivered to the House of Commons, Thomas Babington Macaulay offered a brief but fascinating spatial-temporal assessment of the exigencies confronting British legal reform in India. As his above-cited remarks suggest, Macaulay was well acquainted with the subcontinent's rich landscape of multiple legalities and was particularly attuned to the challenges this legal plurality posed to British rule. At the same time, his observations serve as an astute testament to law's travels. Macaulay's speech addressed a range of politically charged issues, including allegations of scandal and corruption surrounding the East India Company's administration. By the end, however, he turned from justifying and defending Company pursuits to persuading an attentive Parliament about the necessity and merits of legal codification. Given Macaulay's unwavering belief in the superiority of Britain (and Europe)—most clearly articulated in his developmentalist analogy between “Europe then” and “India now”—the most plausible itinerary of law's movements was a unidirectional one: law originated in metropolitan London and moved outward to India and elsewhere. However, in advancing his case for codification, Macaulay inadvertently exposed many other laws and their respective circuits of travel. India was difficult to govern precisely because it was a terrain of legal mobility; the residues of other people, places, and times produced a polyglot existence of “Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other.” What India needed most, Macaulay urged, was a systematized, standardized, and codified rule of law that was to be introduced and imposed by the British: “A code is almost the only blessing, perhaps it is the only blessing, which absolute governments are better fitted to confer on a nation than popular governments.”
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DAS ACEVEDO, DEEPA. "Divine Sovereignty, Indian Property Law, and the Dispute over the Padmanabhaswamy Temple." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 3 (July 2, 2015): 841–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000535.
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AbstractSecular governance in India was meant to have incorporated religion within public life, but the implementation of ‘Indian secularism’ has in important ways been premised on separating religious and secular lifeworlds. Public Hindu temples, whose assets and operations are managed by a melange of statutory bodies, courts, and state governments, exemplify this puzzling situation. The 2011 discovery of treasures within the Padmanabhaswamy temple in Trivandrum, Kerala, prompted extended public debate about the ownership of temple assets as well as litigation that eventually reached the Supreme Court of India. Indian citizens, erstwhile princely rulers, and the deity of the temple were variously presented as the true owners of the wealth. Ultimately, both public discourse and judicial opinion largely reaffirmed the notion that religious institutions are to be treated as private, contractually defined properties, and that temple wealth, as specifically religious property, exists outside of market circulations.
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LEAKE, ELISABETH. "AT THE NATION-STATE’S EDGE: CENTRE–PERIPHERY RELATIONS IN POST-1947 SOUTH ASIA." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (February 26, 2016): 509–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000394.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines centre–periphery relations in post-colonial India and Pakistan, providing a specific comparative history of autonomy movements in Nagaland (1947–63) and Baluchistan (1973–7). It highlights the key role played by the central government – particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto – in quelling both insurgencies and in taking further steps to integrate these regions. It argues that a shared colonial history of political autonomy shaped local actors’ resistance to integration into the independent nation-states of India and Pakistan. This article also reveals that Indian and Pakistani officials used their shared colonial past in very different ways to mould their borderlands policies. India's central government under Nehru agreed to a modified Naga State within the Indian Union that allowed the Nagas a large degree of autonomy, continuing a colonial method of semi-integration. In contrast, Bhutto's government actively sought to abandon long-standing Baluch political and social structures to reaffirm the sovereignty of the Pakistani state. The article explains this divergence in terms of the different governing exigencies facing each country at the time of the insurgencies. It ultimately calls for an expansion in local histories and subnational comparisons to extend understanding of post-1947 South Asia, and the decolonizing world more broadly.
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Mukhtar, Shabnum. "History of Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir." Shanlax International Journal of Management 8, S1-Feb (February 26, 2021): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/management.v8is1-feb.3774.
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After the independence of India in 1947, it got divided into two territories of India and Pakistan. Kashmir, which was a princely ruled state at that time, was in a state of confusion whether it should accede to India or Pakistan or stay sovereign. Hari Singh, the then Maharaja of Kashmir, felt it better to accede with India than Pakistan and signed the instrument of accession with India. The government of Pakistan resisted this accession as they were keen to add this region to their territory and thus started the Kashmir conflict. India and Pakistan have fought for more than seventy years over Kashmir. Wars over Kashmir resulted in eleven United Nations resolutions and two peace agreements, but the problem of Kashmir remained unsolved. For more than seventy years, India and Pakistan have driven a cycle of violence, retaliation, and exploitation in Kashmir, and this dispute over Kashmir has caused at least forty-seven thousand deaths and made Kashmir one of the most militarized1 regions of the earth and is still a bone of contention between India and Pakistan. Kashmiris have roused many times against oppression, tyranny, and occupation. There are umpteen historical documents of earlier times, where they have challenged numerous rulers for their ugly behavior, right from 1585, at the onset of the Mughal rule.This paper deals with the origin of the Kashmir conflict and historical and political background, and its effect on India and Pakistan.
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Kumar Kolay, Swapan. "Maoist Violence in Panchayat Extension Scheduled Areas." Indian Journal of Research in Anthropology 5, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21088/ijra.2454.9118.5219.6.
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Development concept is linked with the “Psycho-sociological” determinants and moreover, it is intertwined with the peaceful conditions in any country, then only the citizens can enjoy the fruits which out of it. Maoist violence, which has emerged as the biggest internal security challenge since independence, in India subcontinent, the people of the county and Governments experienced many odds and ills due to this structural problem. Many instances reveled in the history that hatred conditions yields poverty and its related problems at the bottom. Maoist violence to develop and grow; evaluate efficacies of different Governmental approaches to handle Maoist violence; and understand the factors influencing public perception of Maoist violence. The Government of India enacted PESA Act for the local governance in Tribal areas, the Panchayats Extension to the Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act, 1996 came into force on the 24th December, 1996. Though the PESA is enforced, tribal regions are still in a state of underdevelopment due to various systemic and structural reasons. The reasons are complex, and multi-pronged. It also needs to be pointed out that tribal areas where the Maoism is existed the locations are militarized and under the grip of security forces. The local administration is unable to discharge their duties for the empowerment of the tribal communities. The villages in Maoist dominated areas lost confidence in successive Governments because of the land grabbing and facing livelihood problems, the tribes are struggling between the Maoist and the Government especially by militarization of PESA areas, because of this reason the local governance is blocked and the desirable development is not seen.
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Walker, Lydia. "Jayaprakash Narayan and the politics of reconciliation for the postcolonial state and its imperial fragments." Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, no. 2 (April 2019): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619835659.
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Jayaprakash (JP) Narayan was an activist, politician and political thinker who attempted to use peace negotiations on India’s borders to renegotiate the postcolonial Indian state. This article tracks JP’s efforts to find non-national vehicles for regional nationalist demands through his positions on the contentious political questions of a Nagaland in India, and a Tibet in China. It locates JP within the Anglophone international peace movement that transitioned from support of Indian independence to a critique of the state violence of the Indian government, and traces JP’s thinking and work in support of some degree of autonomy for Tibet and Nagaland. Finally, this article connects these projects to JP’s non-statist critique of Indian state sovereignty, arguing that through a more decentralised and inclusively organised India, JP sought to re-organise what decolonisation had wrought.
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Sinha, Subir. "Lineages of the Developmentalist State: Transnationality and Village India, 1900–1965." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 1 (January 2008): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000054.
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On 2 October 1952, marking Gandhi's fourth birth anniversary after his assassination in 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of postcolonial India, launched the Community Development (CD) Programs. Dedicating the programs to Gandhi's memory allowed Nehru to claim symbolic legitimacy for them. At the same time, this centerpiece of Nehruvian policy in the Indian countryside was heavily interventionist, billed as “the method ... through which the [state] seeks to bring about social and economic transformation in India's villages” (Government of India 1952). In its heyday, CD preoccupied the Planning Commission, was linked to the office of the Prime Minister, had a ministry dedicated to it, and formed part of the domain of action of the rapidly proliferating state and other development agencies. Fifteen pilot projects, each covering 300 villages, were launched in all the major states. Planning documents of the day register high enthusiasm and optimism for these programs. However, by the mid-1960s, barely a decade after the fanfare of its launch, the tone of planners toward CD turned first despairing and then oppositional. They called for abandonment of its ambitious aim of the total development of Indian villages in favor of more focused interventions to achieve a rapid increase in food-grain production.
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SHERMAN, TAYLOR C. "Migration, Citizenship and Belonging in Hyderabad (Deccan), 1946–1956." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (December 9, 2010): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000326.
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AbstractWhilst the history of the Indian diaspora after independence has been the subject of much scholarly attention, very little is known about non-Indian migrants in India. This paper traces the fate of Arabs, Afghans and other Muslim migrants after the forcible integration of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1948. Because these non-Indian Muslims were doubly marked as outsiders by virtue of their foreign birth and their religious affiliation, the government of India wished to deport these men and their families. But the attempt to repatriate these people floundered on both political and legal shoals. In the process, many were left legally stateless. Nonetheless, migrants were able to creatively change the way they self-identified both to circumvent immigration controls and to secure greater privileges within India.
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Carrithers, Michael. "Passions of Nation and Community in the Bahubali Affair." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 4 (October 1988): 815–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015754.
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In early 1983 Digambar and Svetambar Jains forced into public prominence their struggle over the local Jain pilgrimage site of Bahubali hill in Kolhapur District in southern Maharashtra, in India. By the end of that year the majority Maratha community, Harijans, the local and State Congress Party, the police, the district administration, and the State and Union governments were also entangled in the conflict. These Byzantine and sometimes violent events became known as ‘The Bahubali Affair’ (Marathi bāhubalīprakaran).
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Tani, Karen M. "States' Rights, Welfare Rights, and the “Indian Problem”: Negotiating Citizenship and Sovereignty, 1935–1954." Law and History Review 33, no. 1 (December 10, 2014): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801400056x.
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“What distinguishes the American Indians from other native groups is . . . the nature of their relationship with a government which, while protecting their welfare and their rights, is committed to the principles of tribal self-government and the legal equality of races.”Felix S. Cohen, Chairman, Board of Appeals, United States Department of Interior (1942)“[T]he objective of Congress is to make the Indians self-supporting and into good individual American citizens . . . . You cannot have a good American citizen . . . unless you have a good citizen of the State.”United States Representative Antonio M. Fernández (D., New Mexico) (1949)“While all this red tape is being untangled, one in need dies without assistance.”David A. Johnson, Sr., Governor and Chairman of the Gila River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community (1949)These three quotations come from a period in modern American history often remembered for economic depression and war, but perhaps most remarkable for the accompanying changes in governance. Building on Progressive Era innovations, America's federal system became ever more “cooperative”— that is, marked by intricate federal-state personnel and revenue sharing. Meanwhile, Americans witnessed the steady expansion of central state authority. By the 1940s, neither the states nor the federal government enjoyed many areas of exclusive jurisdiction. The federal and state governments' relationships with their subjects were similarly in flux, and the stakes were high. As a result of New Deal social welfare programs, as well as numerous war-related measures, the benefits of state and national citizenship had expanded by the late 1940s. The burdens of citizenship had expanded, too, in the form of higher and broader taxation, compulsory military service, and more government oversight. The stage was set for fierce conflicts over the borders of the nation's political communities and the terms of belonging.
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Singh, K. Gyanendra. "The Economic History of Manipur: Some Explorations." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 4 (December 21, 2016): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341042.
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Manipur, an erstwhile princely state of northeastern India, suffered in the hands of Burmese during 1819-25 and again in the hands of British in 1891. Since 1891, the state had been under the control of the British government of India. With the change in hands of the seat of administration, the economy of the state underwent drastic changes.Following pure economic history approach, we analyse the salient features of the economy of Manipur during the feudal and colonial era. It was observed that the otherwise self-sufficient food economy of the feudal era was distorted during the colonial period. The colonial policy not only robbed the rice economy but also shunned the paths of industrialisation, thus preventing the natural transition of an economy. The policy of monetisation and commercialisation of agriculture led to export-led-retardation of the people and de-industrialisation of the economy with feeble trends towards tertiarisation of the economy.
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LALLY, JAGJEET. "Crafting Colonial Anxieties: Silk and the Salvation Army in British India,circa1900–1920." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 3 (February 4, 2016): 765–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000323.
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AbstractIn the early twentieth century, the Salvation Army in British India transformed its public profile and standing, shifting from being an organization seen by the state as a threat to social order, to being partner to the state in the delivery of social welfare programmes. At the same time, the Army also shaped discussion and anxieties about the precarious position of India's economy and sought to intervene on behalf of the state—or to present itself as doing so—in the rescue of India's traditional industries. The Army was an important actor in debates about the future of traditional industries such as silkworm rearing and silk weaving, and was able to mobilize public opinion to press provincial governments for resources with which to try to resuscitate and rejuvenate India's silk industry. Although the Army's sericulture initiatives failed to thwart the decline of India's silk industry, they generated significant momentum, publicity, and public attention, to some extent transforming the Army's standing in British India and beyond.
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Tan, Tai Yong. "Maintaining the Military Districts: Civil—Military Integration and District Soldiers' Boards in the Punjab, 1919–1939." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (October 1994): 833–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012555.
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The vital importance of the Indian Army as the guardian of the imperial order in India was never more evident than during the interwar years. The period from 1919 to the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 was a testing time for the Raj; state authority was being challenged by a mounting nationalist movement, and public order was frequently disrupted by civil disobedience campaigns, as well as recurrent outbreaks of communal violence. In maintaining public order the colonial state had always been prepared to rely on that ultimate guarantee of its authority and power–the Indian Army. However, in frequent discussions of the deployment of the military in 'aid of civil power', the continued loyalty of the bulk of the army the Indian soldiers and officers, was never questioned, and seemed to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the Army Headquarters were well awar that the 'loyalty' of the Army could never be guaranteed, and that it was conditional upon a stable and pacified recruiting base; if that base were to be 'subverted', then the Indian Army, or portions of it, would not only cease to be of use as an instrument of state power, but could ultimately pose a threat to the Raj itself
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Stein, Burton. "State Formation and Economy Reconsidered." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 3 (July 1985): 387–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00007678.
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For too long, considerations of state formation in India have divided on the colonial threshold of history, and the British regime in the subcontinent has been treated as completely different from all prior states. The most important reason for this seems to be that the historiography of the British empire was created by those who ruled India; it was therefore a kind of trophy of domination. Other reasons include the vast and accessible corpus of records on the creation of the British colonial state, the recency of its emergence, and the foundational character of the colonial state for the independent states of the subcontinent. Continuity of the British colonial state with its predecessors is acknowledged only in the case of the Mughals owing, in part, to the prolonged process of separation of the Company's government from its Mughal imperial cover before the Mutiny. Thus, long after they had ceased as a governing regime, the Mughals were considered by contemporaries and subsequently by historians to be the old regime of India.
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Epryntsev, Pylyp, and Nadiya Nosevych. "INDIA CENTRAL INVESTIGATION BUREAU: HISTORY, LEGAL BASIS OF PROFESSIONAL ACTIVITY, TASKS, STRUCTURE." Law Journal of Donbass 73, no. 4 (2020): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32366/2523-4269-2020-73-4-11-19.
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The law enforcement component provides for actions to ensure the rights and freedoms of citizens and protect the national interests of the state. It maybe done through the fight against organized crime, including international terrorism, the investigation of certain illegal acts, the restoration of an effective system of national security and defense. In the framework of this scientific and legal article, the author considered the history, legal basis of professional activity, structure and tasks of the Central Bureau of Investigation of India. Today's Indian CBI is a certain functional-targeted analogue of the American FBI, but does not cover, in contrast, the issue of threats to India's national security. Considering these subject aspects, the scientist turned to the current legislation of India on the professional activities of the CBI, the official website, as well as the scientific works of some domestic and foreign experts on this issue. An analysis of these and other sources revealed that the Central Bureau of Investigation of India today is a functional target of the US FBI, whose prerogative is to investigate a number of serious crimes throughout India, although, unlike the FBI, its professional rights in India states are significantly limited. The Bureau of Investigation does not carry out intelligence or counterintelligence activities, following the example of the FBI. The priority in the professional activities of the Central Bureau of Investigation of India is the investigation of criminal offenses, primarily corruption. Incomplete regulatory regulation of its activity remains a big problem for this body. The CBI's prerogative is to investigate a number of serious crimes throughout India, although, unlike the FBI, its professional rights in the Indian states are severely limited. A certain priority in the CBI's professional activities is the investigation of criminal offenses committed by government officials. First of all, we are talking about acts of corruption. A major problem for today's Indian CBI is the lack of separate clear legislation on its professional activities.
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Prakash, Om. "IV. Opium Monopoly in India and Indonesia in the Eighteenth Century." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023366.
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The dominant theme in the historical literature on agricultural production for export is the fast-expanding demand by Europe in the course of the industrialisation during the nineteenth century of agricultural goods originating in Asia, Africa as well as the Regions of Recent Settlement. In a large number of cases, the growing supplies of agricultural export were put together through recourse to the plantation system. The colonial governments often played an important, and sometimes a decisive, role in the rise and the smooth functioning of this system. This could be in the form of liberal land grants, the delegation of coercive authority to the management over the labour supply and so on. The direct, including entrepreneurial, role of the government was often evident also in arrangements which were not of the usual plantation variety, but which operated on the basis of accommodation, and indeed integration, with the existing organisation of traditional peasant agriculture. An outstanding example of this is the well-known Cultivation System introduced by Governor-General Johannes van den Bosch in Dutch Indonesia in the 1830s. The common theme that cuts across the bulk of the great diversity of arrangements of the use of coercive power by the colonial state in a variety of ways and often in fairly liberal doses.
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Chidaksh, Bhargava. "An Assessment Of The Crash Of Exchange On The Appearance Of Category With Unique Mentioning To India." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, no. 05 (May 20, 2021): 6–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-05-02.
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Since most recent twenty years we have been seeing a paradigmatic shift both in principle and capacity of the state. The world has encountered a category which moves back on its capacities and obligations. It implies an adjustment of the idea of the state. This change is generally called as the retreat of the category and it has expected another job via completing the disinvestment and privatization in all stroll of its life. The new job and the capacity of the category is making great conditions for private ventures and exchange influences and chopping down the use on government assistance approaches. The rise of exchange influences over the category and its capacities has left broad ramifications on the overall category of the general public and jobs of normal masses. In this unique situation, the article will talk about how far the exchange influences have affected the exercises of the category for the sake of improvement methodology
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PURUSHOTHAM, SUNIL. "Federating the Raj: Hyderabad, sovereign kingship, and partition." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 157–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000981.
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AbstractThis article explores the idea of federation in late-colonial India. Projects of federation sought to codify the uncodified and fragmented sovereign landscape of the British Raj. They were ambitious projects that raised crucial questions about sovereignty, kingship, territoriality, the potential of constitutional law in transforming the colonial state into a democratic one, and India's political future more broadly. In the years after 1919, federation became a capacious model for imagining a wide array of political futures. An all-India Indian federation was seen as the most plausible means of maintaining India's unity, introducing representative government, and overcoming the Hindu–Muslim majority–minority problem. By bringing together ‘princely’ India and British India, federation made the Indian states central players in late-colonial contestations over sovereignty. This article explores the role of the states in constitutional debates, their place in Indian political imaginaries, and articulations of kingship in late-colonial India. It does so through the example of Hyderabad, the premier princely state, whose ruler made an unsuccessful bid for independence between 1947 and 1948. Hyderabad occupied a curious position in competing visions of India's future. Ultimately, the princely states were a decisive factor in the failure of federation and the turn to partition as a means of overcoming India's constitutional impasse.
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Hashmi, Zahra Akram. "Land Revenue Settlements: The Magnitudes of Economic Development in the State of Bahawalpur (1866–1947)." Indian Historical Review 48, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836211009711.
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With the advent of the British in India, the colonial institutions were introduced throughout the country. In the Bahawalpur State, the Agency government stimulated the fiscal patterns of British India particularly its settlement policy, which brought amelioration in the native revenue system. This paper traces the historical process of land settlement for revenue generation and their impact over the agrarian economy of the State. These settlements became the major contributing factor towards the economic advancement. The different phases of settlement of land, along with the extent of government demand are established in this research. The third phase of land settlement resulted by the beginning of weir control water system, brought some revolutionary changes in the land pattern and revenue structure therefore, it has been particularly focused in this paper. The data for this study is mainly based on unpublished archival documents and unpublished assessment reports.
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Tsai, Kellee S. "Cosmopolitan Capitalism: Local State-Society Relations in China and India." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 2 (April 14, 2016): 335–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815002120.
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This article examines different patterns of “cosmopolitan capitalism” in three paired localities in China and India: (1) Zhejiang/Gujarat, (2) Zhongguancun/Bangalore, and (3) Guangdong/Kerala. The paired cases illustrate the attentiveness of the local state to transnational society and present varied expressions of the local developmental impact of remittances and return migration. Analytically, this article departs from conventional usages of both state and society by focusing on the local state in combination with a less territorial conception of society. The rationale for this dual definitional stretch—both downwards (local state) and outwards (transnational society)—has an empirical basis. First, the local government represents the day-to-day point of contact with “the state” for most people. Second, limiting the scope of “society” to populations currently residing within national borders unnecessarily excludes temporary migrants and diasporic communities who continue to identify with a locality. Theoretically, this article extends Albert Hirschman's classic categorical troika of “exit, voice, and loyalty” to the literature on new transnationalism.
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BASU, SUBHO. "The Dialectics of Resistance: Colonial Geography, Bengali Literati and the Racial Mapping of Indian Identity." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 1 (November 6, 2009): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990060.
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AbstractThrough a study of hitherto unexplored geography textbooks written in Bengali between 1845 and 1880, this paper traces the evolution of a geographic information system related to ethnicity, race, and space. This geographic information system impacted the mentality of emerging educated elites in colonial India who studied in the newly established colonial schools and played a critical role in developing and articulating ideas of the territorial nation-state and the rights of citizenship in India. The Bengali Hindu literati believed that the higher location of India in such a constructed hierarchy of civilizations could strengthen their claims to rights of citizenship and self-government. These nineteenth century geography textbooks asserted clearly that high caste Hindus constituted the core ethnicity of colonial Indian society and all others were resident outsiders. This knowledge system, rooted in geography/ethnicity/race/space, and related to the hierarchy of civilizations, informed the Bengali intelligentsia's notion of core ethnicity in the future nation-state in India with Hindu elites at its ethnic core.
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Sayeda, Fauzia Farmin, and Barnali Sarma. "The Effect of Sino-Indian War, 1962 on Ethnic Communities of Arunachal Pradesh." Space and Culture, India 8, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.vi0.768.
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The study is an attempt to analyse the socio-economic consequences of Sino-Indian war of 1962 on the ethnic communities of North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA), the present state of Arunachal Pradesh, geospatially located in North-East India. A careful analysis of the pre-independent history of the region suggests that both Ahoms and British rulers followed a policy of non-interference in the region as it was predominantly a tribal area. After independence, the Indian Government also followed the policy of minimal governance. The vital issues of infrastructure were also not given much emphasis until the war of 1962. As the Government realised the strategic importance of the state, a significant change in government policy can be witnessed. Apart from initiating development in infrastructure of the state, efforts were also made to nationalise the frontier. The present research aims to document the socio-economic changes brought by the war, using a critical analysis of a wide range of sources.
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Sengupta, Debjani. "The dark forest of exile: A Dandakaranya memoir and the Partition’s Dalit refugees." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 57, no. 3 (September 2022): 520–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219894221115908.
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The Partition of India in 1947 has often been studied through the lenses of territoriality, communal identity, and the high nationalist politics of the attainment of the two nation-states of India and Pakistan. However, the history of nation-making is inextricably linked with the account of Dalit communities in divided Bengal, their aspirations and arrival in West Bengal, and their subsequent exile outside the newly formed state to a government-chosen rehabilitation site called Dandakaranya in central India. From the 1950s, the Dalit population of East Pakistan began migrating to West Bengal in India following their leader Jogendra Nath Mandal who had migrated earlier. Subsequently, West Bengal saw a steady influx of agriculturalist Dalit refugees whose rehabilitation entailed a different understanding of land resettlement. Conceived in 1956, the Dandakaranya Project was an ambitious one-time plan to rehabilitate thousands of East Bengali Namasudra refugees outside the state. Some writings on Dandakaranya, such as those by Saibal Kumar Gupta, former chairman of the Dandakaranya Development Authority, offer us a profound insight into the plight of Dalit refugees during post-Partition times. This article explores two texts by Gupta: his memoir, Kichu Smriti, Kichu Katha, and a collection of essays compiled in a book, Dandakaranya: A Survey of Rehabilitation. Drawing on official data, government reports, assessments of the refugee settlers, and extensive personal interaction, Gupta evaluates the demographic and humanitarian consequences of the Partition for the Dalit refugees. These texts represent an important literary archive that unearths a hidden chapter in the Indian Partition’s historiography and lays bare the trajectory of Scheduled Caste history understood through the project of rehabilitation and resettlement in independent India.
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Siddique, Asheesh Kapur. "Mobilizing the “State Papers” of Empire: John Bruce, Early Modernity, and the Bureaucratic Archives of Britain." Journal of Early Modern History 22, no. 5 (October 2, 2018): 392–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342604.
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Abstract This article examines John Bruce’s vision of the bureaucratic archives of the British state and empire at the end of the eighteenth century. As Historiographer to the East India Company and Keeper of State Papers in the 1790s and early 1800s, Bruce used the archives of corporate and state government as sources of bureaucratic knowledge to justify and plan imperial and domestic policy. In this way, Bruce deployed a strategy of governance by the authority of “state papers,” rooted in early modern political practice, across imperial and domestic government. The demise of Bruce’s influence signaled the waning of this role of the archive as a technology of governance in Britain during the nineteenth century.
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Banerjee, Sreeparna, Chaiti Sharma Biswas, Manoranjan Pal, Subir Biswas, Md Golam Hossain, and Premananda Bharti. "REPORTED CASES IPC CRIMES AGAINST CHILDREN IN WEST BENGAL, INDIA: A STUDY WITH RECENT DATA." International Journal of Social Sciences & Economic Environment 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53882/ijssee.2022.0701004.
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Objective of the study: The present study tries to explore the variation in criminal cases of crimes against children in West Bengal vis-à-vis India during the period 2006 to 2017. Methodology: This is mainly a descriptive study, which uses secondary information collected from the official records of the National Crime Records Bureau from 2006-2017 of India and West Bengal. The present study considers only the crimes against children that are punishable under IPC. Linear regression is carried out to explore the crime against children which is increasing over the years. Findings: The data shows that all sorts of crime against children are increasing over time and that more than 90 percent of crimes against children are committed by known people. Implications: There should be awareness programmes by the Government of India and the respective State Governments to teach the parents and the teachers of schools about how to prepare the children against any move committed against them and how to treat the children if such mis-happenings are already committed. The NGOs and mass medias also have their specific roles in order to stem violence against children. Limitations: Firstly, the study was based on secondary data. Hence, sometimes it was not specific to researcher’s needs. Secondly, National Crime Records Bureau provides history of crime upto 2017 and afterwards no further records regarding crimes were updated. So, the present situation of overall crime against children in India was not known. Key wordsKidnapping, Murder, Rape, Trafficking of girls
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Hancock, Mary. "Subjects of Heritage in Urban Southern India." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 20, no. 6 (December 2002): 693–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d343.
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In this paper I deal with a recent effort, conducted jointly by corporate and voluntary bodies, to create a themed cultural environment in Chennai (formerly Madras), the capital city of the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. This project, not yet completed, fuses craft center with architectural reconstruction, and is the work of upper-caste, globally connected elites. The site, Dakshina Chitra, envisions southern Indian culture and history in ways that are tied to consumerism and to elite perceptions of regional and national heritage. This effort departs from and poses a critique of the versions of culture, history, and identity that have been inscribed by the state in urban public space during the second half of the 20th century—the statues, monuments, and memorials that celebrate Tamil ethnicity as promulgated in the Dravidianist sociopolitical movement. This movement, which originated in the late 19th century, provided a platform for anticolonial and subaltern social movements. It continues in the hands of the political parties who have controlled, at different times, the government of Tamil Nadu since 1967. The competing discourses on heritage posed by these different projects are indicative of political, economic, and cultural transformations associated with liberalization that are now reconfiguring the relations between state and society in southern India. The constructions of locality and history that became visible during the anticolonial struggle of the first half of the 20th century are being challenged by alternative formulations as heritage becomes a marketable good and consumption becomes a vehicle of political participation. With this case I consider the ways that themed urban environments serve not only as indices of the changing political economy, but also as markers of changes in the cultural mediation of political subjectivity.
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ANDERSON, EDWARD, and PATRICK CLIBBENS. "‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.
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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.
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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.
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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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Gamble, Ruth. "How dams climb mountains: China and India’s state-making hydropower contest in the Eastern-Himalaya watershed." Thesis Eleven 150, no. 1 (February 2019): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619826204.
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The dam rush in the upper-Brahmaputra River basin and local, minority resistance to it are the result of complex geopolitical and parochial causes. India and China’s competing claims for sovereignty over the watershed depend upon British and Qing Dynasty imperial precedents respectively. And the two nation-states have extended and enhanced their predecessors’ claims on the area by continuing to erase local sovereignty, enclose the commons, and extract natural resources on a large scale. Historically, the upper basin’s terrain forestalled the thorough integration of this region into both nation-states, but recent technological and economic advances have enabled the two states and their agents to dramatically transformed these landscapes. Many of their projects have perpetuated the interventionist hydrological regimes that India and China also inherited from their imperial forebears. Nevertheless, as with their definition of their borders, neither state has highlighted this historical contingency. Instead, both governments have consistently presented their hydropower projects as shining examples of necessary and benevolent development. Their economy-focused, monolithic development paradigms have, not coincidently, also enabled the systemic side-lining of non-majority cultures, religions and histories. The combination of this cultural exclusion and the nation-states’ late integration of this peripheral region has laid the ground for conflict with local groups over the dam rush. Local identities and experiences have evolved around complex religious, cultural and trade networks, many of which were heavily influenced by the now-defunct Tibetan polity, rather than via modern Chinese and Indian nationalist discourses of development. The dam clashes highlight both the basin’s complex cultural matrixes and the ambiguous relationship Asia’s two most populous nation-states have with their respective imperial pasts. And as the situation remains unresolved, the watershed is an ecological catastrophe in waiting.
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CHATTERJEE, PARTHA. "THE CURIOUS CAREER OF LIBERALISM IN INDIA." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 3 (September 27, 2011): 687–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000412.
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There is a long-standing myth that the history of modern India was foretold at the beginning of the nineteenth century by British liberals who predicted that the enlightened despotic rule of India's new conquerors would, by its beneficial effects, improve the native character and institutions sufficiently to prepare the people of that country one day to govern themselves. Lord William Bentinck, a disciple of Jeremy Bentham, while presenting as governor-general his case for the opening up of India to European settlers, speculated on the possibility of “a vast change to have occurred in the frame of society . . . which would imply that the time had arrived when it would be wise for England to leave India to govern itself”, but added that such change “can scarcely be looked for in centuries to come”. The doctrinal basis within liberal theory for justifying a democratic country like Britain exercising despotic power in colonies such as Ireland and India was securely laid out by mid-century liberals such as John Stuart Mill. The project of “improvement” was revived at the end of the nineteenth century by Gladstonian liberals who inducted elite Indians into new representative institutions based on a very narrow franchise in preparation for some form of self-government. When power was ultimately transferred to the rulers of a partitioned subcontinent in 1947, the history of liberal progress in India was complete. The storyline was laid out, for instance, in Thompson and Garratt's Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India or in Percival Spear's revised edition of the hugely successful textbook by Vincent Smith. Even nationalist Indian scholars adopted at least a part of this story, nowhere more so than in the histories of constitutional law which traced the foundations of the postcolonial Indian republic to the progressive expansion of liberal state institutions under British rule.
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BALACHANDRAN, APARNA. "Petitions, the City, and the Early Colonial State in South India." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2019): 150–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17001135.
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AbstractThis article explores the entwined history of early colonial urbanism and the articulation of legal subjectivity under East India Company rule in South India. More specifically, it looks at petitions from outcaste labouring groups to the Madras government in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Although early colonial petitions were unequivocally products of colonial rule, which derived their distinctive form and language from colonial law, a reading of the petition archive is one of the only ways to achieve a historical understanding of the city of Madras as it was experienced by its less privileged inhabitants. This article looks at the delineation of the communal selfhood of subaltern urban communities through petition narratives, arguing that the variety and innovativeness displayed by petition writers is testament both to the acceptance of colonial legality and to the agency of native subjects in negotiating with, and appropriating the language and rationale of, the colonial legal regime.
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Misra, Sanghamitra. "The Customs of Conquest: Legal Primitivism and British Paramountcy in Northeast India." Studies in History 37, no. 2 (August 2021): 168–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02576430211042143.
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The discourse around indigeneity, customary rights of possession and claims to political autonomy in Northeast India conventionally traces the postcolonial protectionist legislation for ‘tribes’ to various acts passed under the late colonial state, the most significant precursor being seen as the Government of India Act, 1935. This article will argue that one can in fact trace the ‘original moment’ in the idea of customary law for ‘tribes’ much further back in history, to the early decades of the nineteenth century. This historical moment was anchored in the beginnings of the East India Company’s conquest of the Garo hills in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, in the appropriation of the land and revenue of the Garos and in the ethnogenesis of the ‘hill Garo’. The article will explore the ways in which the beginning of the invention of customary law and traditional authority in Northeast India under East India Company rule was impelled by the Company’s demands for revenue and was shielded and secured by the deployment of military power across the hills. Over the course of the nineteenth century, the strategies of imperial control first introduced in the region were reproduced across the rest of Northeast India, underscoring the significance of the Garo hills as the first ‘laboratory’ of colonial rule in the region as well as sharpening our understanding of the character of the early colonial state. The article thus takes as its task the historicization of the categories of ‘customary law’, ‘traditional/indigenous authority’ and the ‘hill tribe’, all of which form the basis of late colonial and postcolonial legislation on the ‘tribe’.
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Bloch Rubin, Ruth. "State Preventive Medicine: Public Health, Indian Removal, and the Growth of State Capacity, 1800–1840." Studies in American Political Development 34, no. 1 (April 2020): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x20000073.
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Despite growing awareness of the American state's active role in the early nineteenth century, scholars have tended to ignore the early republic's public health apparatus. The few studies that do chronicle antebellum health initiatives confine themselves to programs intended to directly reward citizens—and particularly those who contributed politically or economically to the nation's founding and expansion. As this detailed study of the Indian Vaccination Act of 1832 makes clear, however, antebellum policymakers saw value in providing medical care to those outside their settler citizenry. Blending liberal, republican, and ascriptive ideas, the vaccination program joined two competing political logics: one emphasizing the humanity of indigenous people and the importance of providing for their welfare, and the other prioritizing the state's interest in an efficient “removal” process. Evidencing far more autonomy and administrative capacity than the average nineteenth-century bureaucracy, the War Department played a pivotal role in petitioning Congress for, and ultimately administering, the vaccination program. Unwilling to cede regulatory power over indigenous health to more proximate local governments or private parties, the War Department preferred its own military manpower—a decision that would profoundly shape the design and reception of subsequent Native health programs.
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S, REVATHY V. "Re-Appraising Taxation in Travancore and It's Caste Interference." GIS Business 14, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 207–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/gis.v14i3.4671.
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Travancore , one of the Princely States in British India and later became the Model State in British India carried a significant role in history when analysing its system of taxation. Tax is one of the chief means for acquiring revenue and wealth. In the modern sense, tax means an amount of money imposed by a government on its citizens to run a state or government. But the system of taxation in the Native States of Travancore had an unequal character or discriminatory character and which was bound up with the caste system. In the case of Travancore and its society, the so called caste system brings artificial boundaries in the society.[1]
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SS, KARTHIK KUMAR. "Analysing the Contributions of Early Travellers in the History of Kerala." GIS Business 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2019): 102–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/gis.v14i3.4075.
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“Man’s curiosity for things and enquiry for food and shelter from one place to another gave birth to travel and travel led to tourism.”[i] From time immemorial man’s thirst for journeying is unquenchable, which has resulted in the spread of Human civilisation to all parts of the globe. Travels in the more advanced stages of our civilisation was done with an intent on Exploration, Diplomacy, Commerce, Knowledge etc. With Trade and Commerce being the main motivation behind travel rather than for pleasure in the early ages, the travellers were mostly consisting of Merchants, Pilgrims or Scholars.
Conscious travels were undertaken to explore and see the world as it had progressed. And a new phenomenon of travelling in pursuit of leisure came to being and in course of time the concept of tourism got new meaning and acquired importance, as travelling exclusively for pleasure constitutes the main theme of tourism in these days.
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Reimagining the Growth and Development of Tourism in Travancore with Special Emphasis on Kanya kumari
SAFEED R
Abstract
One of the wealthiest and most developed state in the British India was Travancore, which was situated on the south of the Indian Subcontinent. The princely state was blessed with nature and the geographical features are entirely distinct from other places in India. The modern industry like tourism got spatial attention from the government from the beginning of the twentieth century and it accepted several plans for attracting visitors to its tourist spots. A few tourist destinations, which were in pathetic condition were elevated to high standard and world class facilities were arranged to meet the demands of the travelers. Kanyakumari, the land of rising sun was situated on the south of Travancore got special consideration and government made necessary arrangements for the growth and development of Kanyakumari as a tourist destination.
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Pendharkar, Dinesh, and Chandramauli Tripathi. "Cancer site distribution in district hospital in central India." Journal of Clinical Oncology 38, no. 15_suppl (May 20, 2020): e13627-e13627. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2020.38.15_suppl.e13627.
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e13627 Background: Many state governments have started district cancer care program to offer cancer services in district general hospitals. These places are most frequented by every level of population. The access is free, close to their residence and has an equitable atmosphere. The program created de-facto registry of local cancer patients. We, here analyze trends of various types of cancer in one such hospital of central India. Methods: All patients reporting to this unit for various support in cancer are registered with unique id. The registry takes their local residential details and details of the medical history related to cancer. They are offered support all through their journey of cancer from diagnostics to end of life care, palliative care. Data of 2014-2019 are analysed from District Ujjain in central India. Results: Total of 3562 patients were registered with proven diagnosis of cancer. There were 1805 male (50.7%) and 1757 females (49.3%.In female group age varied between 2to 97 years, with a mean of 51.41 and median age of 50 years. In male group,the age ranged between 1 to 92, with mean age of 53.46 and median of 55 years. The five commonest cancer amongst female included breast, head and neck, ovary, cervix and lung. In males the commonest five were-Head and neck, lung, prostate, oesophagus and colo-rectal (Table). The group of head and neck cancer include all sites of the head and neck area together. Conclusions: The pattern of cancer in districts is giving new geopathological information. It is clear that tobacco related cancer predominates in male and female both, but breast cancer is number one even in a relatively rural area. In female ovary is increasing and cervix is coming down compared to national data.In view of governments putting in extensive pressure on early detection schemes in India,this data is extremely important. Based on these realistic data, the strategy may be changed for the district. [Table: see text]
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DEB ROY, ROHAN. "WHITE ANTS, EMPIRE, AND ENTOMO-POLITICS IN SOUTH ASIA." Historical Journal 63, no. 2 (October 2, 2019): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000281.
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AbstractBy focusing on the history of white ants in colonial South Asia, this article shows how insects were ubiquitous and fundamental to the shaping of British colonial power. British rule in India was vulnerable to white ants because these insects consumed paper and wood, the key material foundations of the colonial state. The white ant problem also made the colonial state more resilient and intrusive. The sphere of strict governmental intervention was extended to include both animate and inanimate non-humans, while these insects were invoked as symbols to characterize colonized landscapes, peoples, and cultures. Nonetheless, encounters with white ants were not entirely within the control of the colonial state. Despite effective state intervention, white ants did not vanish altogether, and remained objects of everyday control until the final decade of colonial rule and after. Meanwhile, colonized and post-colonial South Asians used white ants to articulate their own distinct political agendas. Over time, white ants featured variously as metaphors for Islamic decadence, British colonial exploitation, communism, democratic socialism, and, more recently, the Indian National Congress. This article argues that co-constitutive encounters between the worlds of insects and politics have been an intrinsic feature of British colonialism and its legacies in South Asia.
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Mohamed Adil, Mohamed Azam. "The Federal Constitution: Is Malaysia a Secular State?" ICR Journal 6, no. 1 (January 15, 2015): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v6i1.362.
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The discussion on whether Malaysia is an Islamic or secular state has been a much hotly debated topic recently. In the government’s written answer to a question raised by Oscar Ling Chai Yew (DAP-Sibu) at Dewan Rakyat on 16 June 2014, Jamil Khir, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department re-asserted that Malaysia is an Islamic state. This view was supported by Tun Mahathir Mohamad arguing that in an Islamic state like Malaysia, justice applies to all, Muslims and non-Muslims alike. This was re-affirmed by Amin Mulia, the Dewan Rakyat’s Speaker that Malaysia is an Islamic state simply because Islam is the only religion stated in the Federal Constitution. Unlike Turkey and India where the word “secular” is clearly provided in their respective Constitutions, such provision is not found in the Federal Constitution.
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Banerjee, Basabi Khan, and Georg Stöber. "“Hitlermania”." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2020.120103.
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Recent surveys and reports document a growing phenomenon of “Hitlermania” in some parts of India. This article investigates whether the way in which National Socialism is presented in school education has encouraged this development or, on the contrary, has discouraged a positive valuation of the Nazis, including their leader. It analyzes curricula and a sample of school history textbooks published by state and central education boards, which have been used in Indian schools over the last two decades, focusing on their treatment of National Socialism and the Holocaust. While the results can be partly attributed to government interference in the school history curricula and in textbook writing, there appear to have been other factors at play, such as the social environment.