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Journal articles on the topic 'State control; Newspapers'
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1
Yanatma, Servet. "Advertising and Media Capture in Turkey: How Does the State Emerge as the Largest Advertiser with the Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism?" International Journal of Press/Politics 26, no. 4 (May 24, 2021): 797–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19401612211018610.
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This article examines the distribution of advertising in newspapers in Turkey and the impact of the government on the allocation, in particular, of official announcements and of advertising by partially state-owned enterprises and private companies loyal to the ruling party, as well as pressure on other commercial advertisers, during the rule of the Justice and Development Party between 2002 and 2020. It demonstrates that the government has, in the last decade, largely used the advertising sector as a “carrot and stick” tactic to control newspapers through the distribution of official announcements and advertising by state-owned enterprises. It further finds that the state has emerged in recent years as the largest advertiser financing the “captured media,” control of media ownership has proved to be not enough to ensure docile news media. Turkey has shifted to competitive authoritarianism in recent years, and this article demonstrates the selective allocation of advertising, which is a strong component of suppressing the independent media. The article uncovers the impact of government on advertising, using two data sets to show: (i) the total spend on official announcements received by each newspaper and (ii) how much advertising space in square centimeters state-owned enterprises have placed in each newspaper. Interviews with editors-in-chief of newspapers also expose the direct role of government in the distribution of advertising.
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McCargo, Duncan. "The International Media and the Domestic Political Coverage of the Thai Press." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 3 (July 1999): 551–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x99003455.
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Although the Thai electronic media remain subject to considerable state control, newspapers in Thailand have gained some latitude to report and comment on political developments. The Thai press is one of the freest and most outspoken in Pacific Asia. In particular, the Thai language press frequently engages in antagonistic exchanges with political office-holders, and has often been credited with contributing to major upheavals. Most recently, the press was involved in the downfall of the Democrat-led government coalition over a land reform scandal in May 1995. Traditionally, however, Thai newspapers have been regarded as platforms for articulating the political views of their owners. Politicians have typically cultivated close personal ties to newspaper editors and columnists in order to further their own objectives. In recent years, the character of some Thai newspapers has changed. Whereas old-style newspapers such as Thai Rath and Daily News remain private family companies, newspapers such as Matichon, Phujatkarn, and Siam Post are part of larger corporate entities.
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Smith, Christopher J. "From ‘Leading the Masses’ to ‘Serving the Consumers’? Newspaper Reporting in Contemporary Urban China." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 34, no. 9 (September 2002): 1635–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3563.
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This paper examines and evaluates the content of news items reported in a sample of daily newspapers in China's biggest cities. Using three ‘Western’ media sources, an inventory of news items directly or indirectly related to the ‘downside’ of the economic reforms was generated. A simultaneous analysis of mainland newspapers finds that many of the same themes were reported, although the coverage tends to be thinner and less detailed. Some China scholars have suggested that the Party/state is losing control of the communications system in contemporary China, and the results of this study support such arguments; city-level newspapers are now publishing what is most interesting to their consumers and likely to win them a larger share of the market. The regime still manages the dissemination of sensitive political information, but the parallel dictates of commercialization result in the disorderly and unpredictable circulation of communications messages. Mainland newspapers still steer clear of stories considered too politically ‘sensitive’, but the margins of acceptability have been expanded to include news items that only a few years ago would have been excised. The state maintains control over what is included in the daily news as well as what is excluded, although it is unclear to what extent publishing decisions result from a process of state cooptation and self-censorship, as opposed to specific directives from Beijing.
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Крылова, Е. Н. "State Supervision of the Periodicals Distribution System in Russia in the Early 20th Century." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 4(69) (February 16, 2021): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.69.4.002.
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В статье затронут малоизученный аспект государственного контроля за системой распространения периодических изданий в России на примере столичных городов в начале ХХ века. Цель исследования — выявить основные каналы распространения столичных газет в начале ХХ века и определить механизмы государственного контроля за системой дистрибуции периодической печати. На основе имеющихся архивных источников автор приходит к выводу, что основными каналами распространения столичной прессы были подписка, розничная продажа в разнос и в магазинах и на железных дорогах. К началу Первой мировой войны система дистрибуции периодических изданий постепенно менялась. Нормативные акты, принятые в конце XIX века, уже не позволяли эффективно контролировать распространение информации, а правительственные меры предпринимались запоздало или были незначительны. Существовавшая система государственного контроля за системой дистрибуции не могла оперативно реагировать на кризис, что способствовало распространению нежелательной для правительства информации среди населения, в том числе запрещенной литературы. Полученные результаты могут быть использованы в первую очередь при подготовке общих курсов по истории России, чтении курсов лекций и спецкурсов по истории журналистики. The article treats some under-investigated issues associated with the state supervision of the periodicals circulation and distribution system in Russia in the early 20th century. The aim of the research is to study the main channels of capital newspapers circulation and distribution in the early 20th century and to identify the mechanisms of state supervision of the periodicals distribution system. The analysis of archival materials enables the author to conclude that capital newspapers were distributed via subscription, retailing, train station retail, and delivery. During the pre-war period, the system of newspaper distribution was undergoing gradual changes. Normative acts issued in the late 19thcentury were no longer enough to efficiently control the spread of information; state measures were often insufficient and untimely. The existing system of state supervision of newspaper distribution failed to respond to the crisis, therefore the public had an access to information the government wished to conceal and to literature that was forbidden. The validity of the results of the research will be recognized by lecturers, by teachers who conduct Russian history classes, by teachers conducting classes in the history of journalism.
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Hakkarainen, Pekka, and Jukka Törrönen. "Drugs and change in the welfare state framework as reflected in newspaper editorials." Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 20, no. 1 (February 2003): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/145507250302000109.
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This article presents a comparative analysis of the treatment of the drug problem and drug policy issues in Finnish newspaper editorials across three periods, viz. 1966–1971, 1972–1985 and 1993–2000. The material for the first two periods was obtained through Alko Inc.'s library and information service, while the editorials published in the 1990s were drawn from the newspapers' own electronic archives. The analysis reveals three main shifts in the welfare state's drug policy rationality over the past 35 years. First, there has been a shift from the closed nation to a global world. During the first drug wave of the 1960s Finland was categorised as a separate, isolated corner beyond the reach of the world's trafficking routes, and the aim was to create a united national front in defence against the external enemy. In the 1990s, the enemy is both on the outside and in, and Finland is positioned as an integral part of global processes. Secondly, there is evidence of a transition from the protection of deviant individuals and groups to the protection of the whole population. When drug use began to attract attention in the 1960s, it was categorised mainly as a problem for youths. The aim was to keep Finland clean above all by protecting the youth: this, it was hoped, could be achieved through police control, on the one hand, and education, on the other. In the 1990s drugs were no longer categorised solely as a youth problem, but the whole population is affected. The newspapers began to deconstruct the deviant label by arguing that drug users were ordinary Finnish youths who needed to be helped rather than isolated. The need for help and support was raised alongside the issue of protection (care and harm reduction). The shift in emphasis from deviance control to the development of treatment and care clearly illustrates the shift in the welfare state framework from paternalistic protection to client-ism that underlines the individual's rights and clienthood. Third, there has been a shift in the way that the actors in the drug problem are positioned. The control-oriented action programme that stressed the subject position of the police in the efforts to combat the first drug wave, was widely endorsed in the print press in the 1970s, even though there were other proposed positions in the newspapers in the 1960s. In the 1990s this model was called into question. The position take in the press was that it would no longer be possible to fend off the second drug wave simply by means of control and policing. There were growing calls for prevention, treatment and harm reduction alongside criminal control. According to the predominant line of thinking in the editorials, the new action programme was to be based upon equal cooperation among control authorities and other actors. In this programme the concept of drug offender was broken down into the components of sellers and users. The subject position of the control authorities was defined above all through combatting drug trade. Drug users, by contrast, were to be integrated into society: responsibility for this was given to the welfare state's service system and to various community actors. In the division of labour among state authorities, this model implied a strengthening of the position of the service system in the field of drug policy. There are also important continuities to be seen in the welfare state's drug policy rationality. Key among these is that related to the view of young people as the major group at risk that requires national protection. There has also been a strong emphasis in all three periods on collective welfare state responsibility.
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Tampubolon, Sahlan, Amrin Saragih, Eddy Setia, and Nurlela Nurlela. "Critical Discourse Analysis on Medan Local Newspapers’ Editorial." International Journal of Linguistics 9, no. 2 (May 3, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v9i2.10792.
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The aim of this paper is to explore how critical discourse analysis is realized in editorial local newspaper in Medan, Indonesia. The analysis was grounded based on Norman Fairclough’s assumption on critical discourse analysis that discussed three dimensions of analysis, such as micro analysis, macro analysis and meso analysis The data collected were the editorials of Medan local newspaper between June untill December 2012, they are the editorials of Analisa, Andalas, Medan Bisnis, Orbit, Sinar Indonesia Baru (SIB), Waspada that observed three major topic of discussions like topic on politics, state officials, and social phenomena. Findings are in micro analysis includes language use such as the realization of genre, passive voice, collective noun and naming individual, in macro-analysis shows that the editorials position to control the government’s attitude due to social phenomenon, and in meso analysis are the editorial’s role in giving his thought. These findings shows that the Medan local newspaper have just enjoyed for free press in delivering the news
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Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "Censorship as Negotiation: The State and Non-European Newspapers in Kenya, 1930–54." Itinerario 44, no. 2 (August 2020): 391–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000212.
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AbstractThis article is concerned with the colonial state as a producer, consumer, and regulator of print. Propaganda and censorship may represent two extremes in the management of a colonial public sphere. Censorship was an interactive and negotiated process—one whose successful management was in the interest of both the censoring agents and those censored. One might think that censorship is a measure taken in order for communication to break down. If we imagine colonial print communication as a continuum suspended between partners that at one end desire full freedom of expression and at the other full control, absolute censorship does constitute silence, like that represented by the dramatic closure of the African press in Kenya with the Emergency of 1952. In a politicised colonial environment, like that in postwar Kenya, censorship may be understood as negotiation between colonisers and colonised on the limits of free speech. The article examines what changed in Kenya's late-colonial period in relation to the production, broadcasting, censoring, and suppression of non-European newspapers, and how the change affected the institutions and groupings that produced and received texts. More narrowly, it seeks to trace the dynamics of textual interfaces between the European print frameworks and those of the consolidated or emerging non-European publicists and publics. An examination that situates censorship in a broader context of management of discourse, of negotiation and dialogue, one that tests and goes beyond the dualism of suppression and resistance, may make it clearer why and to what extent a number of critical, anti-colonial publications were allowed to exist, and some were encouraged; and what the limits were, when opposition became unacceptable, and communication broke down.
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McNicholas, Anthony. "Co-operation, compromise and confrontation: the Universal News, 1860–69." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 139 (May 2007): 311–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400006660.
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The Universal News was published in London for nine years between December 1860 and December 1869. It originated as a co-operative effort between Irish and English Catholics to produce a newspaper which, though essentially secular, was to be imbued with a religious sensibility. The great majority of Catholics, however, were by this stage overwhelmingly Irish and wanted news of Ireland and Irish politics. This was not necessarily to the taste of all, so from the outset a balancing act was required between the wants and needs of English and Irish Catholics. This was not to be without its problems, for as the decade progressed and the struggle developed between a secular Irish nationalism and church and state, divisions deepened. The Universal News quickly became a paper for Irish Catholics, spanned a turbulent decade and mirrored in its own history both the internal and external struggles of the Irish in England. Furthermore, the history of the Universal News demonstrates the centrality, in Irish journalism in England, of the influence of the church, and the central question for the press of the migrants was how, in a hostile political environment, to produce and sustain newspapers that were at the same time secular but operated within a system of distribution particularly sensitive to clerical control.
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Clark, Hannah-Louise. "EXPRESSING ENTITLEMENT IN COLONIAL ALGERIA: VILLAGERS, MEDICAL DOCTORS, AND THE STATE IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 3 (July 6, 2016): 445–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381600043x.
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AbstractThis article expands our understanding of state–society interactions in rural Algeria under French colonial rule, focusing specifically on villages in the eastern department of Constantine. I analyze previously unstudied administrative records, newspapers, petitions, and complaints to show how sanitary regulations and medical expertise came to shape relationships among villagers, local elites, and the colonial state from the early 20th century. Villagers responded to state-led medicalization by seeking the protection of medical doctors, not only from disease but also from the state itself. In particular, they sought to avoid heavy-handed treatment by qaʾids and local elites who applied disease control measures without appropriate medical knowledge. Furthermore, close examination of petitions sent during World War I suggests that hardships experienced by rural communities during the war accentuated nascent feelings of entitlement across demographic, ethnic, and religious communal boundaries toward state medical treatment.
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Drobotushenko, Evgeny Viktorovich, and Yuliya Nikolaevna Lantsova. "Materials of white emigrant Church organizations in China as a source on the Orthodox Church history." Samara Journal of Science 7, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201874217.
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The paper deals with various aspects of the Orthodox Church history in China on the basis of a rich source - materials of white emigrant Church organizations collected in one large file of the Fund 9145 Collections of individual documents of various emigrant organizations of the state archive of the Russian Federation. This file contains correspondence on specific issues as well as various flyers, brochures, newspaper articles, posters, announcements, reports, statements, notes with the characteristics of various aspects of Orthodox history and covers the time period from 1924 to 1936. Articles from the Newspapers Zarya, Gong Bao as well as a spiritual magazine Bread heavenly, etc. deal with the key issues of the transition of the Chinese clergy under the control of the Synod of bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church outside of Russia under the canonical jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate, etc. Unfortunately, despite the considerable interest in the history of Russian emigration in the second quarter of the 20th century in China, as well as in the history of Orthodoxy in the country, the documents of this file have not been widely known, although they are the supplement of the little-known pages of Orthodox history.
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Sinani, Resul. "The Control of Information in Traditional Media through the Social Ones." European Journal of Language and Literature 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v2i1.p107-112.
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The usage of social media by Kosovar politicians is almost absolute. Politicians of all levels have their accounts on Facebook as well as other social networks. They use those for various reasons, starting from contacting the voters and supporters during the election campaigns as well as during the time they are in the office, up to presenting their stands and ideas that have do with different issues of public interest. For many of them, especially for low-level politicians the social media, mainly Facebook, have become the only place where they express themselves, since they find it almost impossible to become a part of the traditional media, especially of those on the national level, like newspapers, radio or television. Whereas for high-leveled politicians, concretely the heads of main institutions like the prime-minister, the head of parliament or the president, who refuse to be interviewed and be present in political shows where they could face questions from the journalists or the public, they are using Facebook statements in order to avoid direct questions from the journalists about the political subjects of the day. By making it impossible for them to take direct answers through their journalists the traditional media (newspapers, radio, TV) have to quote the posts that the politicians are making on Facebook. The kosovar journalists and the heads of media see this tendency of politicians, especially of the prime minister as the lack of transparency, avoidance of accountability, control of information and setting the agenda of the media. This paper attempts to argument the hypothesis that the high level politicians, the heads of main state institutions in Kosovo are controlling the information in traditional media through the usage of social media. In order to argument this hypothesis as a case study we have taken the Kosovar (ex)PM Hashim Thaçi whose almost every status and update has been quoted by the media. We have also interviewed journalists and editors of Kosovar media houses who have expressed their thoughts about the subject, while supporting the hypothesis of this paper.
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Stehle, Maria. ""The Whole World Is In Uproar": Discourses of Fear, Instability, and Global Change in West German Media, 1977-1980." German Politics and Society 25, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250302.
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After presenting a brief summary of the events leading up to the German Autumn, this article offers a close analysis of media responses in major German newspapers and magazines in the months following these violent and confusing political developments. It compares these responses to reports in January 1980, where the events of the late 1970s serve as a catalyst for fears of global change. Media articulate these fears about the stability and identity of the West German nation state in increasingly vague and generalized terms and relate them to a global situation that is "out of control." The discussions in this article suggest that these expressed fears reveal tensions, interruptions, and gaps in the conservative fantasy of the secure and prosperous Western nation state.
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Kananovich, Volha. "Framing the Taxation-Democratization Link: An Automated Content Analysis of Cross-National Newspaper Data." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 2 (April 2018): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218771893.
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Taxpaying constitutes a major opportunity for citizens to relate to their governments. Although it is true that paying taxes is a responsibility, it also entitles citizens to claim control over government spending, which may facilitate a greater democratization of a country’s political regime. Consistent with this reasoning, a growing body of scholarship has documented a positive relationship between the size of tax revenues extracted by the state and the adherence of the country’s regime to democratic values. What has been left underexplored is the role in this relationship of the media, a commonly available and relied-upon source of information about taxpaying for the public. This study offers a first contribution in this direction, by exploring the relationship between the nature of the political regime and the rhetorical construction of the concept of a taxpayer in the national press. Based on an automated content analysis of articles (N=24,969) published by ninety-two newspapers and news agencies in fifty-one countries using a set of pretrained and validated machine-learning algorithms, the study demonstrates that the less democratic a state is, the more likely it is for the national press to frame a taxpayer as a subordinate in a hierarchical relationship with the state, by discussing taxpaying in tax collection, rather than public spending, terms. The study furthers a more nuanced understanding of the place of the media in the taxation-democratization link and demonstrates the applicability of the supervised machine-learning approach to classifying frames in large cross-national samples of newspaper data.
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Kahane, Tony, and Andrew Zalewski. "Between Institutional Antisemitism and Authoritarianism in the Territory of the Former Galicia, 1935–1939: Discussion of the Problem." Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 18 (2021): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843925sj.20.007.13875.
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In the period 1935–1939, following the death of head of state Marshal Piłsudski, the Polish national government adopted a more authoritarian and nationalist stance. Piłsudski had been considered by some Polish Jews as a protector of national and religious minorities. After his death in May 1935, institutional antisemitism experienced a dramatic increase. In the public sphere, certain newspapers regularly featured antisemitic “news reports,” opinion pieces and cartoons of an extreme nature. The newspaper ABC, for instance, advocated boycotts of Jewish businesses and shops, listing them by name, and encouraged Jewish emigration. In universities, the increasing discrimination against Jews has been well documented. Most Polish universities instituted restrictions on the number of Jewish students they would admit, or else barred them altogether. The education ministry willingly turned a blind eye to the admission policies of the university authorities. At the beginning of the academic year 1938–1939, for example, only three students in the first year of medical studies in Lwów (less than 1% of the new intake) were Jews, and none in Kraków. After discussing antisemitism in newspapers and universities in the late 1930s, this article will examine documents held in the State Archive of Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast (DAIFO) concerning relations between the Jewish communities in the Stanisławów region, and the district, provincial and national authorities, including the national Ministry for Religious Denominations and Public Enlightenment. Much of this documentation concerns the town of Dolina. With the backing of the district authorities, an attempt was made to install as assistant rabbi in the town a certain Ksyel Juda Halberstam. This move was strongly opposed by many members of the Dolina Jewish community, as well as by its senior rabbi. The correspondence sheds light on the protracted struggle between the different parties until the assistant rabbi was finally installed in late 1938. These files on the Dolina episode highlight the desire on the part of the authorities to control the rabbis, and through them the members of their communities. Information was systematically gathered on all the rabbis in the province, with particular emphasis on their moral behaviour, their perceived loyalty to the state, and their fluency in the Polish language. These actions, in turn, reflect an underlying suspicion over the extent of the rabbis’ “Polishness” and a fear, in an era of growing nationalism, of “antinational” behaviour. Such suspicions of loyalty were particularly marked where rabbis were thought to have Zionist links.
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Rochet, Bénédicte. "A State Cinematographic Practice in Wartime." TMG Journal for Media History 19, no. 1 (April 4, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-7653.2016.248.
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Mass media widely disseminated iconographic representations of the war. In this profusion of images, the behaviour of state authorities changed, while they had previously looked down on these two types of media. The alleged power of images led belligerents to take control of war pictures which circulated in newspapers or in newsreels. Both the reputation of the Army, and, behind it, that of the Nation, were at stake. At the beginning of the war the image of Poor Little Belgium was an effective symbol that was largely fuelled by Allied propaganda and one-off Belgian initiatives. Nevertheless, when the Belgian Army was mentioned in Allied propaganda, the soldiers looked pitiful and exhausted. Because it was growing increasingly worried of this feeble image, the Belgian government decided in 1916 to change course and to coordinate its propaganda efforts to propagate a favourable portrayal of Belgium as a tenacious belligerent nation and equally worthy ally. The Belgian Army Film Unit, established in 1916, was part of this development. Her task was to shoot images of the Belgian Army in action and of its soldiers under the leadership of their commander-in-chief, King Albert and his wife Queen Elisabeth. A state cinematographic practice developed for the first time in Belgium, in the form of a rigorously controlled military film production. This article aims sketching a first approach to this Belgian Army Film Unit and to its filmic sources. The goal is to understand why the Belgian War Department gradually established an Army film unit and how it used its filmic production to write its own history at the Yser front.
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Williams, Kim M., and Lonnie Hannon. "IMMIGRANT RIGHTS IN A DEEP SOUTH CITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 13, no. 1 (2016): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000060.
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AbstractIn 2010, the Alabama GOP took control of the state legislature for the first time since Reconstruction. The next year, in a sharply partisan vote, the legislature passed, and Governor Robert Bentley (R) signed into law, the Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, also known as House Bill 56, the harshest immigration law in the country. This punitive state law was the impetus for Black elites in Birmingham to frame the immigration debate as a matter of civil rights and thus to see the issue in a new light. When Alabama Republicans moved to the Right on immigration, Black leaders in Birmingham moved Left. In this study, backed up by an event analysis of local newspapers, an analysis of interviews with members of the Black elite in Birmingham in 2013, who were previously interviewed in 2007, helps to substantiate this claim. In the summer of 2007, against the backdrop of an immigration debate in Washington, our Black elite study participants largely told us they had no stake in immigration. By 2013, many were willing to fight for immigrant rights at the highest level.
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Donnellan, Kelsey M. "CONNECTING HEALTHY BRAINS AND HEALTHY HEARTS IN INDIAN COUNTRY." Innovation in Aging 3, Supplement_1 (November 2019): S366. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igz038.1338.
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Abstract The release of the Healthy Brain Initiative Road Map for Indian Country inspired the International Association for Indigenous Aging (IA2), Association of State and Territorial Health Officials (ASTHO), and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to develop health communication materials to promote heart health and brain health among states with American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) communities. IA2 engaged public health, tribal health, and brain health experts to inform the key messages and intended audiences. The final package includes two posters, one flyer, one provider guide, four radio public service announcements, and two short videos. Tribal health officials and state health are encouraged to distribute the resources through senior centers and inter-tribal organizations, healthcare facilities, administrative offices, tribal newspapers/radio stations, and as mailers to tribal members. The session will focus on how the resources raise awareness of and promote action on heart and brain health among AI/AN communities.
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Singer, Phillip M., and Michael Rozier. "Shifting threats and rhetoric: how Republican governors framed Medicaid expansion." Health Economics, Policy and Law 15, no. 4 (March 4, 2020): 496–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413312000002x.
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AbstractThe 2012 Supreme Court decision in National Federation of Independent Business v Sebelius gave states the option to adopt the Medicaid expansion as part of the Affordable Care Act. Many states, especially those under Republican control, have since grappled with their decision to implement the expansion. We conduct a comparative analysis of how Republican governors framed their stance on the Medicaid expansion. We analyze public statements on the Medicaid expansion published in two major in-state newspapers from all Republican governors from June 2012 through June 2018. In total we collected, coded and analyzed 3277 statements from 66 newspapers. Several key themes emerge from our analysis. While every Republican governor used oppositional framing as part of their rhetorical response to the Medicaid expansion, the policy had a destabilizing effect on the previously unified opposition to health reform. We find that Republican framing split after the results of the 2012 election and that overall Republican governors shifted towards more supportive framing prior to the 2016 presidential election. Republican governors transformed how they framed their stance towards Medicaid expansion after Donald Trump was elected in 2016, with both supportive and oppositional moral-based framing of expansion increasing. These findings inform how policymakers use rhetoric to support their stance on controversial policies in a hyper-partisan and polarized political environment.
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Cheung, Alan C. K., E. Vance Randall, and Man Kwan Tam. "The development of local private primary and secondary schooling in Hong Kong, 1841-2012." International Journal of Educational Management 30, no. 6 (August 8, 2016): 826–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-06-2015-0073.
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Purpose – This paper is a historical review of the development of private primary and secondary education in Hong Kong from 1841-2012. The purpose of this paper is to examine the evolving relationship between the state and private schools in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach – This paper utilizes sources from published official documents, public data available on government websites, archival documents and newspapers. The authors also carried out a few individual interviews with legislators, government officials and principals who were familiar with the history of private education in Hong Kong. Findings – The colonial Hong Kong Government adopted laissez-faire policy in greater part of its rule until 1970s. The year 1978 marked the period of “state control” until the 1990s when privatization and deregulation emerged as a world trend in the governance of education. The role of government changed to that of “supervision” instead of “control.” Further, it is shown that the change of sovereignty did not avert the trend of decentralization, deregulation and privatization in education which is entrenched in the management of public affairs in human societies. Originality/value – The findings provides an illuminating look into the development of a society and how it grapples with the fundamental questions of the degree of social control and proper use of political power in a colonial setting.
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Lindström, Fredrik. "Ernest von Koerber and the Austrian State Idea: A Reinterpretation of the Koerber Plan (1900–1904)." Austrian History Yearbook 35 (January 2004): 143–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780002097x.
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In comparison with most of his predecessors and successors as imperial Austrian minister president, Ernest von Koerber (1850–1919) has attracted a special sort of scholarly interest. In the rare instances when scholars have investigated Austrian governments during the era of the Dual Monarchy (1867–1918), these governments have been approached in the direct context of this system and era. Koerber's five-year-long government (1900–1904) has instead been studied in the considerably wider frame of reference of the modernization of Europe in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There are, in fact, qualities in Koerber's political program, often referred to as the “Koerber Plan,” that seem to merit such attention. When compared to most Austrian governments of the late Habsburg Empire, Koerber's minister presidency was extraordinarily active. In the eyes of both contemporaries and later observers, the large-scale investment program (mainly in railroads and canal construction) represented the essence of Koerber's modernization project. But he also carried out a widely noted liberalization of state control in society, elements of which included ending the policing of political meetings and practically canceling censorship of newspapers. His background as a civil servant also shaped his policies, especially his very active modernization and effectivization program for the state bureaucracy.
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Costa-Ribeiro, Nelson, and José-Manuel Simões. "The Political and Economic Dependence of the Press in Macao under Portuguese and Chinese Rule: Continuity and Change." Communication & Society 34, no. 1 (January 12, 2021): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.34.1.29-40.
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The article analyses the media system in Macao, a special administrative region of China that transitioned from Portuguese to Chinese sovereignty in 1999, becoming one of cities in the world with the largest number of published newspapers per capita. Combining historical research with the analysis of contemporary empirical data collected through interviews with journalists working on the ground, the research demonstrates how there is a long tradition of state control that goes back to the colonial era and that has assumed different forms, ranging from outright censorship to physical intimidation of journalists and economic dependence on the government. Limitations and control strategies imposed on news reporting during the Portuguese administration continue to be practiced today by the Chinese authorities. Even so, journalists operating on the Macao media market tend to overstate the level of freedom they are given, which can be attributed to media outlets being economically dependent on the state. Nevertheless, the level of freedom attributed to the press is today higher than it had been during the colonial period with some critical voices being allowed to reach the media. This needs to be understood in the context of what has been defined as the Chinese safety valve strategy.
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Parent, Georges-André. "Presse et corps policiers : complicité et conflit." Criminologie 20, no. 1 (August 16, 2005): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017248ar.
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The literature abounds with studies showing the cultural gap and the hostility that exists between journalists and the police. During the 19th century in the United States, however, a complicity eminently profitable for both was rapidly established between constables and reporters for the first penny newspapers. The confrontations and mass rallies of the 60' s saw the role of journalists change to become no longer the servile and docile distributors of a particular image of crime, the criminal and police work. Journalists suddenly found themselves on the side of the “criminals”, facing the truncheons of militant police. In Montreal, a public relations service was subsequently created to restore the positive image of the police and try to reestablish the control of information. Since the newspapers were more commercial than intellectual enterprises, complicity, both official and unofficial, was quickly reestablished, giving rise to a rather doubtful relationship between journalists and the police. It was about ten years after the October crisis, when the majority of journalists identified more with the protesters than with the repressive forces, that the Quebec Police decided to restore media/police relationships to their former state. A communications service was created, which, in little more than ten years, enabled the police authorities to exercise an almost total control over information; only what served the strategy of the police was to be published. For the R.C.M.P., the honeymoon came to an end with the creation of the Keable and McDonald Commissions. In 1977, there were five policemen attached to the public relations service of the R.C.M.P. in Montreal. In 1986, a single officer remains and no longer even bears the title of official communications or public relations officer. Everywhere in Quebec, journalists seem to have traded their ability to inform for their daily ration of diverse facts, and it is still the disturbing image of crime and criminals that they blithely publish, making the media true instruments of social control.
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Ilham, I. "Modernitas Berseragam dan Wajah Buram Modernitas di Kota Makassar pada Masa Orde Baru." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 4, no. 1 (March 18, 2019): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v4i1.21175.
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This article describes modernity in the city of Makassar during the New Order era. The meaning of modernity in this article was a modern idea or thought in the form projects of development (modernization) which the state tries to control. The control of the State is manifested in the form of uniformity and mobilization of development projects by the city government. The main impact that arises from the process is problems of urban, environment of the urban physical and social life of population of the city. This study uses the approach of the history of the city. The data used came from archives, newspapers, magazines, and results of interviews. This study shows that uniformity and mobilization of urban development modernity projects touch the lowest level, especially in the regulation and use of urban space and in the activities of urban residents. At the same time, the control and influence of the private sector increasingly determines the use of space. A predetermined city plan often can not work because it gets intervention from the interests of the private sector. In this conflict of interests, various "disappointments" arose in the attempt to modernize urban space. In urban areas, problems arise in structuring cities and social life which are vulnerable as an impact of an increasingly widespread modernization project. On the other side, the livelihood sources of some urban residents such as the informal sector are increasingly marginalized and have no support from the city government.
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SAVAGE, GAIL. "EROTIC STORIES AND PUBLIC DECENCY: NEWSPAPER REPORTING OF DIVORCE PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007845.
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The passage of the 1926 Judicial Proceedings (Regulation of Reports) Act prohibited the detailed reporting of divorce cases in newspapers. The voluminous press coverage of divorce cases commanded a large readership, but this very popularity had provoked anxiety about how such stories affected public morality. An overview of the range of opinion about this issue from the passage of the 1857 Divorce Act until the First World War will provide a context for an account of the steps by which the law underwent revision during the 1920s. The analysis will show both how the meaning of the public ridicule of sexual transgression changed over time and the ways in which the logically necessary but inherently unstable relationship between the erotic and public decency provided an impetus for such changes in meaning. The 1926 legislation represented one effort on the part of the state to control and to regulate that relationship. It did so, not so much to protect the individual's privacy from public scrutiny and so extend the scope of the individual's freedom of personal conduct, but in order to preserve the public decorum crucial for the maintenance of hierarchies of class, gender, and age.
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Hou, Zhide. "A Corpus-Driven Analysis of Media Representations of the Chinese Dream." International Journal of English Linguistics 6, no. 1 (January 31, 2016): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v6n1p142.
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<p class="PACLICAbstracttext">The Chinese dream describing a set of ideals received numerous media reports after its proclamation by Chinese President Xi Jinping in November 2012. Making use of the rich source of media data, this article explores the ideology and ideals of the Chinese Dream represented in China’s state-run English-language newspapers. Modeled on the approach of corpus-driven discourse studies and combining the theoretical framework and methodological approaches of Critical Discourse Analysis and corpus linguistics, this study attempts to yield new insights into the media representations of the Chinese Dream. A corpus of the Chinese dream is analyzed using software Concgram (Greaves, 2009) by creating information on the frequency distribution regarding the most frequently occurring two-word/three-word concgrams, and related concordance lines. Findings shown Chinese President Xi’s speech on the Chinese Dream has strong control of ideological positions in media representations.</p><p class="PACLICAbstracttext"> </p>
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018010101.
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This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.
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Baugut, Philip. "Wie der Online-Boulevardjournalismus die Gefährlichkeit der islamistischen Szene konstruiert – und Muslime unter Generalverdacht stellt Eine Analyse der Berichterstattung von krone .at." Studies in Communication and Media 9, no. 3 (2020): 445–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2192-4007-2020-3-445.
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The topic of Islamism is obviously connected with fears and is therefore particularly relevant for tabloid journalism. Against this background, a qualitative content analysis of 249 articles on krone.at < http://krone.at/ > was conducted to investigate how one of the most widely read tabloid newspapers constructs the dangerousness of the Islamist scene in Vienna on the Internet. Using an analysis grid that distinguishes between tabloidization on the level of focus and style, a superordinate frame of danger in the sense of the frame definition according to Entman was identified. In this way, the reporting constructed an Austrian affectedness of terrorism, as well as an alleged Islamist penetration of society. The Islamist scene was object to maximum moral discreditation through an emotional depiction of its brutality. A loss of political and social control and the spread of Islam were presented as the cause of the problems portrayed. This led to treatment recommendations, on the one hand to control Islam more strongly by the state and on the other hand to be on the alert. Emotionalization, visualization, sensationalism and reduction of complexity turned out to be tabloid journalistic features placing Islam in an undifferentiated terrorist context.
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Popova, Ol’ga D. "Accounting and Control as Mechanisms for Solving Economic Problems as Viewed by Russian Citizens of the Perestroika Era (Based on the Analysis of Letters to the Authorities)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 6 (December 15, 2020): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v059.
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This article deals with the public attitude toward the economic reforms of 1989–1990, specifically, the citizens’ suggestions on how to improve the country’s economy. The author analyses previously unpublished letters written by Russian citizens and addressed to the country’s leaders (Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev) or sent to Soviet newspapers. To investigate people’s mental attitudes, the article focuses not only on social polling, but also on emotions, feelings, and thoughts shared by the letterwriters. The author of this article maintains that many citizens feared that the country would be swept away by the avalanche of capitalism and were prejudiced against perestroika-induced innovations. Habitual mental attitudes were undermined by the cooperative movement and private entrepreneurship. Various unrealistic and paradoxical suggestions were not infrequently made by the letter-writers who knew very little, if anything, about market economy. The majority of people suggested that command economy with its bureaucratic flavour should be improved. The analysis shows that Russian citizens’ mental attitudes were predominantly shaped by the notion of a bipolar world, as well as by Vladimir Lenin’s teaching about the socialist state and its role in the accounting and control over the Soviet state. The letters demonstrate that Russian citizens hoped to upgrade the Soviet economy through improvements introduced into the system of accounting and control, through harsher regulatory measures imposed on the economic system, as well as through rationing and strictly supervised distribution of goods. Many people believed that socialism was inviolable and that the Soviet economy could be improved by means of administrative reforms.
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S, Shantharaju, and Vivian Peter. "The Jallikattu Fiasco: Week Long Protest against the Ban Enforced and the Role Played by Print Media." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 3 (July 1, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.42.1.
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As the fourth pillar of democratic governments, media has a significant influence in the formation of general conclusions among the masses. The bull has stomped its way into featured news story in Tamil Nadu several times in the last decade. From the time that people of Tamil Nadu prepared to celebrate Pongal in 2017, a large number of individuals from different urban communities of the state came together in open spaces, such as coastal areas and playgrounds, challenging a Supreme Court directive prohibiting the essentially provincial spectacle of Jallikattu. Convenient conclusions have frequently been drawn with regard to debilitating injuries and even deaths. The ‘game’ has never been directed by anyone with precise control. The present paper is an attempt to understand how a section of media, mostly newspapers, portrayed this sensitive issue. The review conducts a comparison between one English daily and one vernacular daily, both covering the Chennai locale in Tamil Nadu and attempts to examine the stand taken by print media in the projection of Jallikattu.
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Mutereko, Sybert. "Marketisation, managerialism and high-stake testing." International Journal of Educational Management 32, no. 4 (May 14, 2018): 568–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-04-2017-0096.
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Purpose Using a South African district of education as a case study, the purpose of this paper is to explore how high-stake assessments informed by marketisation and managerialism have been embedded in the South African education system. Design/methodology/approach This papers draws on data that were collected through a mixed method approach in the secondary schools of the uMgungundlovu District, which is in Kwazulu-Natal province (KZN) in the eastern part of South Africa. This paper emerged from multiple sources of data, that is, from documents, interviews, questionnaires, and observation as well as secondary sources. Findings The paper demonstrates how the pincer movement of markets and managerialism have used high-stake testing as a mechanism of performativity. It illustrates how test scores are published in newspapers to provide consumers with information that is needed for full participation in the marketised education system. Practical implications The insights from this paper have profound implications for school managers and policy makers. While high-stake tests are logically consistent and theoretically defensible, overdependence on them portends the replacement of traditional values of schools by the market value of the education. Originality/value The study contributes profound insights into how the high-stake testing serves the purpose of social control and subjugation mechanisms for students, schools, and teachers by the state and the invisible arm of the markets. The problem with the use of high-stakes testing as performativity mechanisms is not just that they hinders learning and teaching, but it changes the work of schools and teachers who are at the chalkface of education system.
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Dyakieva, Baldzhya B., Olga I. Lepilkina, and Nina G. Ochirova. "Establishment of a Periodic Printing System in Polyethnic Regions in 1900-1930s (on the Material of the Press of Kalmykia and Stavropol region)." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 2020, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2020-4-226-235.
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The formation of the system of periodicals in two similar and dissimilar polyethnic regions in the south of Russia – Kalmykia and Stavropol – developed according to the same scheme, but had significant nuances. The Stavropol press, aimed at the Russian majority in the region, appeared earlier (in 1850) and was typologically more diverse and numerous until the 1920s, while the publications created for the Kalmyks were for a long time isolated projects: The Russian-Kalmyk Calendar (1911-1918), a newspaper in the Kalmyk language «Oordin ziang» (1917-1918), leaflets and the first bilingual newspaper «Red Kalmyk» (1919-1920). A new stage in the development of journalism in the regions begins with the establishment of Soviet power after the end of the civil war. The work of the press is under the control of the ruling party, and the unification of the system of regional and local periodicals begins. Gradually, both in Kalmykia and in Stavropol, a harmonious system of periodicals was formed, lined up vertically and horizontally: regional / regional mass sociopolitical newspapers – regional / regional youth newspapers – regional / regional children’s newspapers – district / ulus socio-political newspapers – large circulation newspapers – wall newspapers. In addition to newspapers, instructor magazines for party and Soviet workers, literary and artistic publications of regional writers’ unions were published. The polyethnicity of the regions influenced the information policy of local periodicals and the structure of the press: in Kalmykia there were publications in the Kalmyk language, in Russian and bilingual, in Stavropol, along with publications in Russian, there were bilingual publications in two districts.
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Chan, Kwun-fu. "Destructive construction." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 1 (May 7, 2020): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2019-0009.
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Purpose This study aims to examine the problems encountered during the establishment of the Central Police Academy (CPA) under the Nationalist regime from 1936 to 1949. While the authoritarian party-state unified the police academies by forceful means, this catalyzed the cleavage between the schools of police studies and resulted in power struggles over police education, intellectual thought, collectivity and even the national reform of police administration. More than narrating the progress of power consolidation, this study attempts to identify the problems underlying the factional strife and to reveal the interwoven pattern of these power struggles, exploring the confusion regarding what the police is, a question that troubled Chinese policemen from the mainland to Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach This paper explains the emergence of the factional strife from the beginning of the preliminary growth of the Police Academies in Nanking and Chekiang. It widely makes use of the official archives from Japan Center for Asian Historical Records and Historica Academia to show the dynamic situation in police education and administration. Rather, the official publications of the Police Academies and their affiliated associations reveal the hidden political agenda behind a unified framework as the party-state claimed. Moreover, official gazettes, memorials and newspapers are also used to strengthen the core argument of this study. Findings This paper examines the impact of the factional strife between the police leaders Dai Li and Li Shizhen on the CPA from 1936 to 1949. It illustrates that the establishment of the CPA ostensibly unified the nationwide police force but triggered power struggles over the control of the police administration. More importantly, it also shows how the factions strove for larger shares of power under the supreme doctrines that Chiang Kai-shek and the party-state imposed. Originality/value The failure of police education to become powerful was a special case among other more typical institutions. The governors coercively merged the police academies and created robust conditions for growth under the shelter of state authority. The police force did not follow the same path of national monopoly as what recent studies found but drifted apart with its vested interests and incompatible beliefs. Hence, the greater the demand for centralized control by the state, the greater the tension of the factional strife.
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Kharshiing, Korsi Dorene. "Identity and Otherisation in Northeast India: Representations in Media Texts." Psychology and Developing Societies 32, no. 1 (February 8, 2020): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971333619900046.
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Asymmetrical power relations between ‘us’, or the in-group, and the ‘others’, or the out-group, are key to the construction and understanding of otherisation. Otherness in Meghalaya, Northeast India is made complex by historical, geopolitical, social, linguistic and cultural factors that are instrumental in creating boundaries between the tribal and non-tribal populace. The present article examines discourses of non-tribal people being ‘othered’ by their tribal counterparts, the majoritarian Khasis in Meghalaya. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the article examines representations of the ‘othering’ of non-tribal ‘others’ in media texts drawn from English-medium newspapers, magazines and a blog. Evidently, issues of control, and dominance, are pivotal to the power struggles between the ethnic groups in the state, which are inherent in the process of othering. The othering of northeasterners in mainland India is evident in discourse that prods reverse otherisation of non-tribal Indians in the Northeast, including Meghalaya. Clearly, an analysis of such texts also reveals the role of identity politics and ethnonational groups as pivotal to othering. Finally, identity threat, race-based differentiation and loss of citizenship allude to outcomes of otherisation.
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Botías Saus, Antonio Ángel. "Un caso de censura en la prensa en la I República. La suspensión del diario La Paz de Murcia." Investigar la Comunicación desde Perspectivas, Teorías y Métodos Periféricos 8, no. 15 (February 1, 2021): 388–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.24137/raeic.8.15.17.
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In the second half of the twentieth century in Spain, because of the political ups and downs, an effective censorship of the periodicals was developed by the State. The objective of this article is to know one of the least known cases of condemnation of a spanish newspaper, La Paz de Murcia, which had a major distribution in the capital in 1874, when the events occurred. The study of the suspension of La Paz de Murcia reveals how, under some circumstances, a newspaper's response could force the State to rethink and cancel its sanctions and the attempt to control journalists.
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Bo-wei, Chiang. "A Special Intermittence and Continuity in Local History: The Chinese Diaspora and Their Hometown in Battlefield Quemoy during 1949-1960s." Journal of Chinese Overseas 7, no. 2 (2011): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325411x595396.
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Abstract From 1949, Quemoy became the battlefront between the warring Nationalists and Communists as well as the frontline between Cold War nations. Under military rule, social and ideological control suppressed the community power of traditional clans and severed their connection with fellow countrymen living abroad. For 43 long years up until 1992, Quemoy was transformed from an open hometown of the Chinese diaspora into a closed battlefield and forbidden zone. During the war period, most of the Quemoy diasporic Chinese paid close attention to the state of their hometown including the security of their family members and property. In the early 1950s, they tried to keep themselves informed of the situation in Quemoy through any available medium and build up a new channel of remittances. Furthermore, as formal visits of the overseas Chinese were an important symbol of legitimacy for the KMT, Quemoy emigrants had been invited by the military authority to visit their hometown since 1950. This was in fact the only channel for the Chinese diaspora to go home. Using official files, newspapers and records of oral histories, this article analyzes the relationship between the Chinese diaspora and the battlefield, Quemoy, and takes a look at the interactions between family and clan members of the Chinese diaspora during 1949-1960s. It is a discussion of a special intermittence and continuity of local history.
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Slezin, Anatoly A. "Pioneer “Light Horsemen”." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2019): 519–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2019-2-519-529.
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“Light horsemen,” a Komsomol initiative for performing functions of social control over the work of state machinery, played an important part in the life of Soviet society in late 1920s–1950s. It encompassed various social spheres and strata. The article draws on the documents from the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History to offer a first inquiry into the “light horsemen.” Pioneer “horsemen” helped to prevent train accidents and tampering on the national railways. At postal enterprises, they checked the quality and promptness of letters and newspapers delivery to the addressees, hanged mailboxes, protected telegraph and telephone wires from damage. “Horsemen” helped the half-educated to write their letters. 1933-1935 saw the high point of the young “horsemen” movement; rural pioneers were the most active. Pioneer units took an active part in inspection and repair of agricultural machinery, protection of horses and young animals, grain sorting, inspection of mineral fertilizers storage, protection of crops from birds. When involving pioneers and schoolchildren in the movement, the authorities tried to cultivate their sense of inviolable socialist property. The idea was ever enforced that only enemies can convert a part of the kolkhoz harvest. The cult of pioneer heroes included idealization of pioneers’ delations. Pioneers protecting the harvest were virtually a part of punitive institution. They were actively drawn into searching for “class enemies.” The author explains the decrease of pioneers’ interest in the tasks of the “light horsemen” by condescending and even neglectful attitude to their work on the ground. Pioneers’ tutors from party and Komsomol felt that their active participation in economic and political campaigns distracts them from their studies, which were more important at their age; children’s emotional reaction to what was going on went hand in hand with incompetence and inability to deal with elementary problems.
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Choucair, Julia, Maya Mikdashi, Jehan Agha, and Shereen Abdel-Nabi. "Pop Goes the Arab World: Popular Music, Gender, Politics, and Transnationalism in the Arab World." Hawwa 2, no. 2 (2004): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569208041514662.
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AbstractAssumptions are often made as to the static nature of contemporary Arab politics and societies. Authors, scholars and commentators look for sociopolitical dynamism in the arenas they are used to: newspapers, television and parliament/congress, to name but a few. When they do not see or hear these debates taking place in the formal institutions that they are familiar with, they are quick to assume that these reassessments are simply not occurring. Nothing could be further from the truth. The Arab world is debating itself on matters of politics, identity and gender roles, to name but a few subjects. The debate space that is being utilized, however, is easily unnoticeable to those who are not adept at finding these forums and are instead used to being presented with them. When public space is limited, any opening will be used to the utmost. The ways in which the Arab world imagines and recreates itself is often through art. Satellite television and the strengthening of transnational media has helped the populations of this widely defined nation come into contact with each other in a realm outside of state control. Artists can become peoples' most important and trusted politicians. A medium readily accessible for consumption and easy to understand, popular music addresses important themes that speak to a collective audience and tie it together as a community. This paper seeks to examine the political, identity and gender debates that are currently occurring within the realm of popular music.
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Vikilani, Sione Fatanitavake. "Media freedom and state control in Tonga." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i2.1035.
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The Tongan Constitution guarantees free speech and media freedom but this guarantee has often been misunderstood and misinterpreted by the media industry, the government and politicians alike. Freedom of speech was integrated into the Constitution from the beginning in 1875. However, as history has shown, this freedom has often been altered to silence opposition and critics’ voices. As early as 1882, the Tongan media had their first confrontation with the government and in 2003 saw a parallel incident unfolding. This article examines the influence of state control on the media in Tonga through an analysis of two case studies from different eras in Tongan history: the Niuvakai newspaper in 1882 and the Taimi ‘o Tonga newspaper in 2003.
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Araújo, Bruno Gomes. "FÉ E ORDENAMENTO SOCIAL DO TERRITORIO: ESTRATÉGIAS DE CONTROLE DA IGREJA UNIVERSAL DO REINO DE DEUS / Faith and Social Planning Territory: Control Strategies and the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God." Geographia Meridionalis 1, no. 2 (December 18, 2015): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/gm.v1i2.5833.
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Paralelamente às ações do Estado e das empresas o sagrado apresenta-se hodiernamente como agente ativo na organização do social do território controlando áreas, fluxos e delimitando novos campos de atuação do espaço geográfico. Para fins de reprodução de sua territorialidade na sociedade brasileira a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus – IURD combina mecanismos (i)materiais como discurso da Teologia da Prosperidade e a utilização de um poderoso aporte técnico midiático, para circular a informação necessária a promoção de suas redes de poder. Trata-se de uma moderna infraestrutura instalada no território que vai de suntuosos templos a estruturas de redes midiáticas, como jornais, radiodifusão e canais de televisão utilizados para a difusão de seus produtos que se materializa em toda estrutura religiosa da igreja e fundamenta o seu marketing de sistema de crenças. Sendo assim, nossa incursão teórica pretende discutir a lógica de reprodução espacial da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus – IURD, analisando suas principais estratégias no campo empresarial, político e social. Complementando essa análise procuraremos discernir algumas das ações dessa instituição religiosa vinculadas ao uso do território, considerando o impacto geográfico que essas trazem ao ordenamento social em algumas cidades como Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo e Irecê na Bahia.ABSTRACTIn parallel to the actions of the State and enterprises the sacred presents itself in our times as an active agent in the social organization of the territory controlling areas, streams and defining new geographical space fields. For the purpose of reproduction of his territoriality in Brazilian society the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God - UCKG combines mechanisms (i) materials like discourse of teleology Prosperity and the use of a powerful technical contribution media, to circulate the information needed to promote their power networks. It is a modern infrastructure installed in the territory ranging from sumptuous temples to the media network structures such as newspapers, radio and television broadcasting channels used for distribution of its products that materializes across religious church structure and bases its marketing belief system. Thus, our theoretical incursion discusses the spatial logic of reproduction of Universal Church of the Kingdom of God - UCKG, analyzing their main strategies in the business, political and social. Complementing this analysis will seek to discern some of the actions of this religious institution linked to the use of the territory, considering the geographical impact that these bring to the social order in some cities such as Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo and Bahia Irecê.Keywords: Universal Church of the Kingdom of God; Planning; Territory
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Elwan, La Ode Muhammad. "Reconstrues Legislation: The Effectiveness of Presidential Veto in Government System in Indonesia Based on the State of The Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution." Halu Oleo Law Review 2, no. 2 (August 24, 2018): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.33561/holrev.v2i2.4511.
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In the Indonesian Government System, the president is the supreme authority of the government under the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia. After 4 (four) amendments to the 1945 Constitution, the presidential power experienced a shift in function and role as a result of the magnitude of the flow of political interests, so that almost all the power of the president on the authority of legislation in the 1945 Constitution of the 1945 Constitution largely lacked a permanent legal power and formal juridical. We know that the substance of the authority of presidential legislation if based on the presidential system of government does not exist and is not given real space. Consequently, the president as the mandate of the people's sovereignty must be able to control the system of government even though the fact that there is dominance of the legislative institution to the presidential institution together with the cabinet that is the authority of presidential legislation in the constitution of the state 1945 Constitution has no law forces so that the wheel of development does not run normally -target is planned. The hope is that our country's constitution must be able to guarantee the principle of balance of authority and mutual supervision that governs the legislation of the president against the product of the law. Writing methodology based on the literature review contained in books, papers, newspapers, scientific articles, journals, and legislation as the object under study. The results of the study and analysis conclude: (1) The Veto of the President is not effective when reviewed in the constitutional document of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia; (2) The inconsistency of the Presidential Government System of Indonesia with the contents of the articles of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia; (3) it is recommended that the fifth amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and the revision of Law Number 12 Year 2011 on the Establishment of Legislation to be followed up by MPR RI and the President; (4) The Presidential Regulation in Lieu of Law, according to the authors must be absolutely given to the President without the intervention of the House of Representatives because the President as Head of State and has the Highest Government Authority under the 1945 Constitution between State Institutions.
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Nurunnabi, Mohammad. "Political governance and (account)ability of private universities in developing countries." International Journal of Public Sector Management 29, no. 6 (August 8, 2016): 522–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-09-2014-0112.
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Purpose Due to scarcity of research in governance and accountability in private higher education in developing countries, the purpose of this paper is to explore the tensions surrounding good governance in legitimizing accountability in private universities in developing countries with reference to Bangladesh. Design/methodology/approach Mixed methods are employed: a quantitative survey of 1,576 students from all 79 private universities; qualitative interviews with 23 stakeholders; and policy documents including the Private University Acts, the World Bank Report and newspapers (1992-2015) were evaluated. The objectives of these mixed methods in this study are juxtaposed and generate complementary insights that together create a bigger picture surrounding governance and accountability issues. Findings Using Clark's (1983) triangle model (i.e. state control, academic oligarchy, and market forces together with the external influence of donors and boards of trustees as internal governance) and new institutional theory (DiMaggio and Powell, 1983), the major contributions of this study are explaining the root causes of the poor governance of private universities through three related factors: the substantial political power and autonomy held by boards of trustees; a lack of enforcement of Private University Act; and a lack of coordination among stakeholders. The coercive power of the state becomes powerless since the board of trustees ultimately enjoys political power and “does whatever it can.” The lack of coordination of the academic oligarchy (e.g. professors and academics) and market forces (represented by students) by the board of trustees creates a paradox of governance and hence a decoupling of formal policies and actual practice. Practical implications The findings have major policy implications for local and international policymakers for improving good governance in private universities in developing countries. Originality/value The novelty of the study's findings represents an initial effort to understand the complex and persistent phenomenon of prolonged poor governance of private universities in developing countries, which is largely neglected in the literature. This will undoubtedly contribute to literature and policy implications.
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Dąbrowski, Jakub. "Produkowanie estetyk, produkowanie podmiotu. Początki odwilży i wolność twórcza w sztukach wizualnych na przykładzie wystawy w Arsenale." Artium Quaestiones, no. 29 (May 7, 2019): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2018.29.14.
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In Polish art history, there are two approaches to the “Arsenał” exhibition of August 1955. One, rooted in the debates around it, presents the “Arsenał” as the beginning of a political “thaw” – an act of emancipation, a demonstration of young artists who rebelled against the socialist realism. The other approach to the show or, rather, to the “thaw” as a whole, rejects an interpretation of artistic processes and choices as autonomous activities. Instead, with reference to the theory of Michel Foucault, the “Arsenał” is considered as a result of a reconfiguration of scattered power relations, stimulated by the changing strategies of the institutional power system. The present paper follows the latter approach. Foucault claims that power relations are combined with three interconnected types of human relations: defining the hierarchy of tasks and division of labor, compelling obedience, and performing “communicative binding,” i.e. purposeful action that affects the actors’ knowledge of the world and of themselves. After 1954, power relations in Poland were strategically changing: the system of labor division and the distribution of art, including all the related benefits, was still centralized, but the ineffective administrative control relaxed, while the production of meaning changed as well – the communist party modified its rhetoric referring to art and the range of artistic choice grew together with the options of communication. Still, the liberalization of the system and abandoning the Moscow version of the socialist realism in cultural policy did not mean any real increase of the freedom of choice. Using state exhibition institutions and the press, which was the main channel of communication between the authorities and the masses, the communist regime continued to control the aesthetic consciousness of the artists. An analysis of both printed and visual messages found in the press of the period, specialist periodicals and daily newspapers alike, has revealed a surprising similarity of the official discourse and the aesthetic choices made by the participants of the “Arsenał” – in particular those choices which were later interpreted as attempts to reject the socialist realism and launch a new beginning. It seems that the young artists were “positively censored,” i.e. the regime succeeded in creating an aesthetic reality which they accepted. What is more, they considered it subversive as an emanation of liberty. The selection of the aesthetic modes favored by the authorities took place in an unconscious way already at the stage of creation, before particular works of art were accepted by the ”Arsenał” jury and before they were actually controlled by the institutions of censorship.
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SALMASIZADEH, MOHAMMAD. "RUSSIAN-TURKISH WAR 1877-1878 IN IRANIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE XIX CENTURY AND MODERN IRANIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-1-56-61.
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The conflict between the Russian and Turkish in 1877-1878, though formed on the pretext of Russia's support for Christian nations under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, was actually part of the great scheme that European governments had begun to break up the Ottoman Empire and resolve the Eastern Question. The goals of these powers for world domination, that would sometimes results in wars among themselves, were mainly focused on expanding the territorial realm and winning economic gains. These goals were followed under the disguise of gaining freedom for Christians and securing independence for non-Turkish nations. The scientific and technological impairment of the Ottoman Empire compared to the European countries, accompanied by internal rivalries and frequent overthrow of the rulers, were some of the main weaknesses of the Ottoman state causing their demise. In the meantime, Russia was in pursue of its policy of territorial expansion and seeking access to warm waters. Russia's main objective was to obtain access to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. Having control over the Straits of Bosporus and Dardanelles that were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire would have connected Russia to the center of world trade in the Mediterranean and would have freed Russia from its land blockages and frozen ports. The causality, the start, and the ramifications of these wars have been reflected in the Iranian historiography of that era. Mohammad Hassan Khan Etemad al-Saltanah, a great historian of the Nasereddin Shah Qajar Age (1848-1898), using the reports of Iranian officials in Russia and the Ottoman Empire, and two books of Montazame Nasseri and Merat al-Boldan that were translations of selected articles from the French and Ottoman newspapers have recorded this important historical event. The reasons for Iranian attention to this historical event forms part of the modern and global historiography of Iran, in which attention to the developments in the Ottoman Empire plays an important role in Iran's acquaintance with modern civilization.
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Myers, Allison E., Brian G. Southwell, Kurt M. Ribisl, Sarah Moreland-Russell, J. Michael Bowling, and Leslie A. Lytle. "State-Level Point-of-Sale Tobacco News Coverage and Policy Progression Over a 2-Year Period." Health Promotion Practice 20, no. 1 (January 16, 2018): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524839917752108.
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Background. Mass media content may play an important role in policy change. However, the empirical relationship between media advocacy efforts and tobacco control policy success has rarely been studied. We examined the extent to which newspaper content characteristics (volume, slant, frame, source, use of evidence, and degree of localization) that have been identified as important in past descriptive studies were associated with policy progression over a 2-year period in the context of point-of-sale (POS) tobacco control. Method. We used regression analyses to test the relationships between newspaper content and policy progression from 2012 to 2014. The dependent variable was the level of implementation of state-level POS tobacco control policies at Time 2. Independent variables were newspaper article characteristics (volume, slant, frame, source, use of evidence, and degree of localization) and were collected via content analysis of the articles. State-level policy environment contextual variables were examined as confounders. Results. Positive, significant bivariate relationships exist between characteristics of news content (e.g., high overall volume, public health source present, local quote and local angle present, and pro–tobacco control slant present) and Time 2 POS score. However, in a multivariate model controlling for other factors, significant relationships did not hold. Discussion. Newspaper coverage can be a marker of POS policy progression. Whether media can influence policy implementation remains an important question. Future work should continue to tease out and confirm the unique characteristics of media content that are most associated with subsequent policy progression, in order to inform media advocacy efforts.
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Lybo, O. L. "Characteristics of Kharkiv theatre development in1840–1860’s (on the materials of State Archive of the Kharkiv Region)." Problems of Interaction Between Arts, Pedagogy and the Theory and Practice of Education 51, no. 51 (October 3, 2018): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34064/khnum1-51.07.
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Problem statement. In this study, attention is focused on the Kharkiv theatre development in the 1940–1960’s, the activities of the theatrical entrepreneur Liudvih Mlotkovskyi and the directors of the Kharkov Theatre: Hendrikov, Alferaki, Petrovskyi, Lvov and Shcherbyna. The theatre directors served as intermediaries between the entrepreneur and the Provincial Offices authorities, while addressing issues of organization and contract negotiation with actors, maintenance of theatre premises. They played an important role on repertoire policies controlled with the censorship committee of the Tsar Russia. Research and publications. The subject of Kharkiv theatre as a part of Ukrainian theatre history development in noted period was highlighted in XIX century by the famous writer, literary critic, culture and public activist Hrigoriy Kvitka-Osnovianenko and by Mykola Cherniaiev – a journalist, literary and theatre critic, reviewer of the newspaper “Yuzhnyi krai” (one of the largest provincial newspapers of the XIX century), where his articles about history of theatre organization in Kharkiv was published. In the XX century this period is covered by famous theatre critics: Alexander Klinchin (in the monographs about the Ukrainian theatre prominent figures Mykhailo Shchepkin, Mykola Rybakov, Liubov Mlotkovska), Arkadii Pletniov (in the study “At the origin of the Kharkiv theatre”), Rostyslav Pylypchuk (in “Materials about the Ukrainian theatre history. From the foundation to the beginning of the twentieth century”), Yu. Polyakova (in numerous publications and the preface to M. Cherniaiev’s book “From Kharkiv’s theatrical antiquity”); ethnographers Andrii Paramonov, Volodymyr Titar (in “The materials for the Kharkiv Theatre history of 1780–1934”). The objective of this study is to attempt to supplement the scientific research of famous theatrical scholars (primarily A. Pletnov and M. Cherniaiev) with materials that were found in the Kharkiv region State Archives. The main material. Entrepreneur Liudvig Mlotkovskyi, who headed the Kharkiv theatre from the autumn of 1834 to the spring of 1843, played a significant role in the theatre history of above mentioned period. In 1839 Mlotkovskyi was allocated a piece of land in Kharkiv free of charge to build a theatre. The first stone building of the theater for 1020 seats was opened in 1841. Furthermore, the land was allocated to Mlotkovskyi’s ownership, he was obliged to comply with some terms among which was compulsory that the theatre director was appointed by the governor. As the first director of the new theatre the Count Hendrikov Oleksandr Ivanovych (1806–1881) was elected and approved. Unfortunately, no materials or documents about Hendrikov’s activity in the theatre were found. However, it is known that during the time of his directorship, due to difficulties and debts, the entrepreneur Mlotkovskyi left Kharkiv. The theatre’s premises were first leased to touring troupes (companies), and in 1853, Mlotkovsky donated it to his daughter, the dramatic actress Vera Liudvygovna Mlotkovska-Diukova. Thus, further theatrical activities in Kharkiv were connected with the Diukov’s entrepreneurial family and the managers of the theatre: Alferaki, Petrovskyi, Lviv and Shcherbyna. They faced the difficult task of theatre revival and getting back its fame. Mykola Dmytrovych Alferaki (1815–1860), Collegia Advisor, a nobleman, held the post from 1845 to 1849. As the director, he paid the debts and additionally invested his own money for the theatre development and improvement. From 1849 to 1856 Engineer-Lieutenant Colonel Petrovskyi was the director of the theater. Archival materials describing Petrovskyi’s directorship were located. He tried to save the situation by means of more democratic drama repertoire that was interesting for general public. Mykhailo PavlovychLvov (1819–1867) was the next theatre director appointed. He was an architect, the member of St. Petersburg Academy of Arts, the professor of Kharkiv University. Lvov purchased costumes, scenery, and library; he spent some money to restore the theatre premises. In addition to being in charge of the Kharkiv Theatre, Lvov rented Poltava Theatre and the railway station for 8 years. What his administration was like is not definitely known, but he served as the director to 1857. At the end of 1850’s and beginning of 1860’s the post of the theatre director was taken up by an experienced entrepreneur Ivan Oleksandrovych Shcherbyna (1821–1869). He had the theatre boxes reconstructed, started a permanent ballet company that worked in the theater for 3 years, alternating ballet performances with spectacles of touring companies and the permanent drama troupe stage enters. The time of Shcherbyna directorship at the Kharkiv Drama Theatre appeared to be the most favourable for the Ukrainian repertoire, when along with Russian drama products the plays by Ukrainian authors were staged, such as I. P. Kotliarevskyi, H. F. Kvitka-Osnovianenko, D. Dmytrenko etc. Conclusions. Basing on previously published studies of famous theatre critics and ethnographers and attempting to combine the results of their research with the materials found in Kharkiv State regional archive we conclude: Kharkiv was one of the provincial theatre art centers in the XIX century. Not only theatrical entrepreneurs, but also provincial authorities took part in theatre formation and development. The latters tried to control the repertoire policy through the theatre directors appointed by them. Despite the discouraging conditions connected with the difficulties and censorship oppression some progressive theatre directors, such as Petrovskyi and Shcherbyna, ignored the bans and staged prohibited by censorship dramas. It happened not only for the sake of commercial benefits, but also because the banned drama pieces were the most interesting for the general population, it were modern, democratic and satisfied the needs of the audience. This study does not claim to be complete. Its objectives are to combine some historical finds with modern researches about Kharkiv theatre development, and partly fill in the gaps relating to the activity of the entrepreneurs and directors who headed the Kharkiv theatre in 1840–1860s; the work in this direction will continued.
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Sabaté, Joan. "The Impact of Audience Measurement Institutions on Local Media. Study of the Catalonian Case." Tripodos, no. 46 (February 5, 2021): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.46p137-156.
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This paper describes the changes in audience data concerning newspapers and magazines that are part of the Catalonian Association of Local Press —ACPC—, resulting from the transformation of the Communication and Culture Barometer into the EGM Catalonian Barometer. These two studies were prepared by the Communication and Culture Audiences Foundation —FUNDACC—, a non-profit organisation whose management was largely controlled by a scientific board, their primary purpose being to provide audience and cultural consumption data in Catalan-speaking territories, uninfluenced by communication companies’ interests. FUNDACC’s objective was to provide an alternative to the data provided by the Association for Media Research —AIMC— and the EGM General Media Study—, believed to be subject to the control of media groups with state-wide business interests. This methodological transition resulted in the invisibility of many of the publications that constitute the fabric of local media in the Catalan-speaking territories and it considerably affected its results. The purpose of this paper is to describe the impact of institutional and methodological factors in audience measurement on the transformation of a communication space. L’impacte de les institucions de mesurament d’audiències en els mitjans locals. Estudi del cas català Aquest article descriu els canvis en les dades d’audiència de les revistes que formaven part de l’Associació Catalana de la Premsa Comarcal (ACPC), com a conseqüència de la transformació del Baròmetre de la Comunicació i la Cultura en l’EGM Baròmetre Catalunya. Aquests dos estudis eren elaborats per la Fundació Audiències de la Comunicació i la Cultura (FUNDACC), una institució sense ànim de lucre amb una direcció controlada majoritàriament per un patronat científic, que tenia com a objectiu principal oferir dades d’audiència i de consums culturals dels territoris de parla catalana, independents dels interessos particulars de les empreses de comunicació. L’objectiu de FUNDACC era presentar una alternativa a les dades aportades per l’Asociación para la Investigación de Medios de Comunicación (AIMC) i l’Estudio General de Medios (EGM), que es creien sotmeses al control dels grups de comunicació amb interessos de negoci d’abast estatal. El teixit de mitjans locals als territoris de parla catalana es va veure molt afectat per aquesta transició metodològica, que va provocar la invisibilització de moltes de les capçaleres que en formaven part. L’objectiu d’aquest article és explicar quin és l’impacte dels factors institucionals i metodològics del mesurament de les audiències en la transformació d’un espai de comunicació. Key words: audience measurement, audience measurement institutions, audience economics, media systems, local media Paraules clau: mesurament d’audiències, institucions de mesurament d’audiències, economia de l’audiència, sistemes mediàtics, mitjans locals.
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Cho, Joan E., Jae Seung Lee, and B. K. Song. "MEDIA EXPOSURE AND REGIME SUPPORT UNDER COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM: EVIDENCE FROM SOUTH KOREA." Journal of East Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2016.41.
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AbstractThis study explores whether and how exposure to mass media affects regime support in competitive authoritarian regimes. Using geographical and temporal variation in newspaper circulation and radio signal strength in South Korea under Park Chung Hee's competitive authoritarian rule (1961–1972), we find that greater exposure to media was correlated with more opposition to the authoritarian incumbent, but only when the government's control of the media was weaker. When state control of the media was stronger, the correlation between media exposure and regime support disappeared. Through a content analysis of newspaper articles, we also demonstrate that the regime's tighter media control is indeed associated with pro-regime bias in news coverage. These findings from the South Korean case suggest that the liberalizing effect of mass media in competitive authoritarian regimes is conditional on the extent of government control over the media.
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Jeong, Yong Dam, Kwang Su Kim, and Il Hyo Jung. "Optimal Control Strategies Depending on Interest Level for the Spread of Rumor." Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society 2018 (2018): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/9158014.
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Many media channels such as broadcast, newspaper, and social networks diffuse a variety of information which can cause spread of many rumors. There are social damage and economic damage due to the spread of rumors. Thus one needs to establish strategies for controlling the rumors. We first propose rumor model with three control strategies for preventing the spread of rumor, (1) announcing the truth before ignorant receives rumor, (2) punishing spreaders, and (3) deleting information of the rumor in media, and consider optimal control problems to minimize the number of spreaders while minimizing the cost of three control strategies for preventing the spread of rumors. The analysis of optimal control problems is conducted as Pontryagin’s Maximum Principle. Furthermore, adapted optimal control is performed to investigate the effect of three controls under isoperimetric constraints. By using numerical simulations, we compare the number of spreaders before and after applying the three controls and confirm when and how each control should be applied with respect to the interest level of rumor. The lower the interest level of rumor is, the greater the number of spreaders drops after the three controls are applied. In terms of timing of three controls, control (1) should be applied in the early stage of rumor spreading and control (2) is required when the rumors spread the most. After the rumors spread the most, control (3) is needed. Commonly the higher the interest level is, the more controls (1) and (2) are required. On the other hand, control (3) is needed a lot when the interest level is low.
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Al-Ghamri, Nayef. "The Negative Impacts of Commercial Concealment on the Performance of Small Businesses in Jeddah Province in Saudi Arabia." International Journal of Economics and Finance 8, no. 8 (July 20, 2016): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v8n8p124.
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The commercial concealment phenomenon leads to negative economic, security and social consequences. It has been linked to several other phenomena such as money laundering operations and the violation of residence and work regulations by foreign workers who have been deported several times from the country due to their illegal entry. The trading practice by foreigners has been widespread for two main reasons: first, due to the availability of jobs; second, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is the shrine for many Muslims, especially after the Umrah (mini religious pilgrimage ceremony) or Hajj seasons. These reasons have contributed to the presence of a large number of foreigners who engage in commercial concealment activities with the help of a Saudi citizen. Such practices have contributed negatively towards both, the economy and the society, noting that the number of those foreigners is on the rise. Aggravating this situation, foreigners conceal each other’s practices by hiring other foreigners in their businesses and not Saudi citizens. More light has been shed on the commercial concealment issue, whereby, citizens, the media and authorities have altogether started to combat this phenomenon. It is gaining more attention especially after the spread of many security-related crimes that are constantly published in daily newspapers. Moreover, commercial concealment played a role in the increase of the unemployment rate among young people and the control of foreigners of many commercial and services businesses in which small businesses occupy a large portion. The importance of this research study is demonstrated in its focus on the commercial concealment phenomenon and its negative impacts on the State. This particular phenomenon gravely harms the economy and inflicts damage on the society through the spread of drugs, theft and other crimes. The current research addresses this phenomenon relying on the application of a positivistic (scientific) approach to study, with a deductive approach by analyzing and reaching appropriate solutions or answers to this phenomenon. The research explores the reasons behind commercial concealment, its economic impact and defines the means to combat it by identifying the best local, international methods and regulations to combat the commercial concealment crime. To identify the various aspects related to the reasons behind commercial concealment, information and data relevant to the research topic was collected from the private sector, official bodies, citizens and other related sectors of the society. Thus, this research study followed an explanatory nonexperimental research design (Belli, 2008; Cook and Cook, 2008; Johnson, 2001) via a survey which was distributed to a 100 randomly selected sample. The IBM SPSS Statistics 23 Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS®) software was used to analyze the collected data. The research drew up some proposed recommendations to combat the commercial concealment phenomenon based on the results of the analysis of questionnaires and the study of laws, regulations and relevant references.
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Pushkareva, Irina. "The Media Image of Language in the Modern Russian Newspaper (on the Material of the City Newspaper “Kuznetskiy Rabochiy”)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 10, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 325–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.5484.
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The article represents features of the media image of language in the city newspaper. Semantic and stylistic characterization of the use of the lexeme ‘language’ in the newspaper text reveals the specificity of the media image. The material for the semantic and stylistic analysis of the interpretative field of the concept ‘language’ is the Russian mass city newspaper “Kuznetskiy rabochiy” (Novokuznetsk). Content analysis of the newspaper texts of 2002–2018 revealed regularities of the actualization of the semantics of the lexeme ‘language’ in the contexts. In the newspaper texts, the language is realized, primarily, as a system of the verbal means used to express the national identity, to increase the level of education and spiritual culture, and to improve the mutual understanding. In some degree, the language policy controls and corrects the state of this system. The newspaper texts demonstrate that the speech behavior of a modern person realizes not only the harmonious (the topic of creativity) but also the incorrect use of the language system (lie, verbal aggressiveness, errors, lack of the language taste). The estimation is explicated through the language game, the use of phraseological units, epithets, iterations, and antitheses. These devices create the meliorative contexts as well as the pejorative ones. The most emphasized semantic aspect “Language and national identity” is formed in the newspaper texts, primarily, due to the discourse specificity of the regional edition. One of the local historical dominants of the regional edition is tied to the topic of the destiny of the small nation. Apart from the materials about the Shor language, the main semantic aspect of the media image of language in the examined newspaper texts of the 21st century is the aspect “language and education”.