Academic literature on the topic 'State control; Newspapers'
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Journal articles on the topic "State control; Newspapers"
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Yanatma, Servet. "Advertising and Media Capture in Turkey: How Does the State Emerge as the Largest Advertiser with the Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism?" International Journal of Press/Politics 26, no. 4 (May 24, 2021): 797–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19401612211018610.
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This article examines the distribution of advertising in newspapers in Turkey and the impact of the government on the allocation, in particular, of official announcements and of advertising by partially state-owned enterprises and private companies loyal to the ruling party, as well as pressure on other commercial advertisers, during the rule of the Justice and Development Party between 2002 and 2020. It demonstrates that the government has, in the last decade, largely used the advertising sector as a “carrot and stick” tactic to control newspapers through the distribution of official announcements and advertising by state-owned enterprises. It further finds that the state has emerged in recent years as the largest advertiser financing the “captured media,” control of media ownership has proved to be not enough to ensure docile news media. Turkey has shifted to competitive authoritarianism in recent years, and this article demonstrates the selective allocation of advertising, which is a strong component of suppressing the independent media. The article uncovers the impact of government on advertising, using two data sets to show: (i) the total spend on official announcements received by each newspaper and (ii) how much advertising space in square centimeters state-owned enterprises have placed in each newspaper. Interviews with editors-in-chief of newspapers also expose the direct role of government in the distribution of advertising.
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McCargo, Duncan. "The International Media and the Domestic Political Coverage of the Thai Press." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 3 (July 1999): 551–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x99003455.
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Although the Thai electronic media remain subject to considerable state control, newspapers in Thailand have gained some latitude to report and comment on political developments. The Thai press is one of the freest and most outspoken in Pacific Asia. In particular, the Thai language press frequently engages in antagonistic exchanges with political office-holders, and has often been credited with contributing to major upheavals. Most recently, the press was involved in the downfall of the Democrat-led government coalition over a land reform scandal in May 1995. Traditionally, however, Thai newspapers have been regarded as platforms for articulating the political views of their owners. Politicians have typically cultivated close personal ties to newspaper editors and columnists in order to further their own objectives. In recent years, the character of some Thai newspapers has changed. Whereas old-style newspapers such as Thai Rath and Daily News remain private family companies, newspapers such as Matichon, Phujatkarn, and Siam Post are part of larger corporate entities.
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Smith, Christopher J. "From ‘Leading the Masses’ to ‘Serving the Consumers’? Newspaper Reporting in Contemporary Urban China." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 34, no. 9 (September 2002): 1635–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3563.
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This paper examines and evaluates the content of news items reported in a sample of daily newspapers in China's biggest cities. Using three ‘Western’ media sources, an inventory of news items directly or indirectly related to the ‘downside’ of the economic reforms was generated. A simultaneous analysis of mainland newspapers finds that many of the same themes were reported, although the coverage tends to be thinner and less detailed. Some China scholars have suggested that the Party/state is losing control of the communications system in contemporary China, and the results of this study support such arguments; city-level newspapers are now publishing what is most interesting to their consumers and likely to win them a larger share of the market. The regime still manages the dissemination of sensitive political information, but the parallel dictates of commercialization result in the disorderly and unpredictable circulation of communications messages. Mainland newspapers still steer clear of stories considered too politically ‘sensitive’, but the margins of acceptability have been expanded to include news items that only a few years ago would have been excised. The state maintains control over what is included in the daily news as well as what is excluded, although it is unclear to what extent publishing decisions result from a process of state cooptation and self-censorship, as opposed to specific directives from Beijing.
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Крылова, Е. Н. "State Supervision of the Periodicals Distribution System in Russia in the Early 20th Century." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 4(69) (February 16, 2021): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.69.4.002.
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В статье затронут малоизученный аспект государственного контроля за системой распространения периодических изданий в России на примере столичных городов в начале ХХ века. Цель исследования — выявить основные каналы распространения столичных газет в начале ХХ века и определить механизмы государственного контроля за системой дистрибуции периодической печати. На основе имеющихся архивных источников автор приходит к выводу, что основными каналами распространения столичной прессы были подписка, розничная продажа в разнос и в магазинах и на железных дорогах. К началу Первой мировой войны система дистрибуции периодических изданий постепенно менялась. Нормативные акты, принятые в конце XIX века, уже не позволяли эффективно контролировать распространение информации, а правительственные меры предпринимались запоздало или были незначительны. Существовавшая система государственного контроля за системой дистрибуции не могла оперативно реагировать на кризис, что способствовало распространению нежелательной для правительства информации среди населения, в том числе запрещенной литературы. Полученные результаты могут быть использованы в первую очередь при подготовке общих курсов по истории России, чтении курсов лекций и спецкурсов по истории журналистики. The article treats some under-investigated issues associated with the state supervision of the periodicals circulation and distribution system in Russia in the early 20th century. The aim of the research is to study the main channels of capital newspapers circulation and distribution in the early 20th century and to identify the mechanisms of state supervision of the periodicals distribution system. The analysis of archival materials enables the author to conclude that capital newspapers were distributed via subscription, retailing, train station retail, and delivery. During the pre-war period, the system of newspaper distribution was undergoing gradual changes. Normative acts issued in the late 19thcentury were no longer enough to efficiently control the spread of information; state measures were often insufficient and untimely. The existing system of state supervision of newspaper distribution failed to respond to the crisis, therefore the public had an access to information the government wished to conceal and to literature that was forbidden. The validity of the results of the research will be recognized by lecturers, by teachers who conduct Russian history classes, by teachers conducting classes in the history of journalism.
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Hakkarainen, Pekka, and Jukka Törrönen. "Drugs and change in the welfare state framework as reflected in newspaper editorials." Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 20, no. 1 (February 2003): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/145507250302000109.
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This article presents a comparative analysis of the treatment of the drug problem and drug policy issues in Finnish newspaper editorials across three periods, viz. 1966–1971, 1972–1985 and 1993–2000. The material for the first two periods was obtained through Alko Inc.'s library and information service, while the editorials published in the 1990s were drawn from the newspapers' own electronic archives. The analysis reveals three main shifts in the welfare state's drug policy rationality over the past 35 years. First, there has been a shift from the closed nation to a global world. During the first drug wave of the 1960s Finland was categorised as a separate, isolated corner beyond the reach of the world's trafficking routes, and the aim was to create a united national front in defence against the external enemy. In the 1990s, the enemy is both on the outside and in, and Finland is positioned as an integral part of global processes. Secondly, there is evidence of a transition from the protection of deviant individuals and groups to the protection of the whole population. When drug use began to attract attention in the 1960s, it was categorised mainly as a problem for youths. The aim was to keep Finland clean above all by protecting the youth: this, it was hoped, could be achieved through police control, on the one hand, and education, on the other. In the 1990s drugs were no longer categorised solely as a youth problem, but the whole population is affected. The newspapers began to deconstruct the deviant label by arguing that drug users were ordinary Finnish youths who needed to be helped rather than isolated. The need for help and support was raised alongside the issue of protection (care and harm reduction). The shift in emphasis from deviance control to the development of treatment and care clearly illustrates the shift in the welfare state framework from paternalistic protection to client-ism that underlines the individual's rights and clienthood. Third, there has been a shift in the way that the actors in the drug problem are positioned. The control-oriented action programme that stressed the subject position of the police in the efforts to combat the first drug wave, was widely endorsed in the print press in the 1970s, even though there were other proposed positions in the newspapers in the 1960s. In the 1990s this model was called into question. The position take in the press was that it would no longer be possible to fend off the second drug wave simply by means of control and policing. There were growing calls for prevention, treatment and harm reduction alongside criminal control. According to the predominant line of thinking in the editorials, the new action programme was to be based upon equal cooperation among control authorities and other actors. In this programme the concept of drug offender was broken down into the components of sellers and users. The subject position of the control authorities was defined above all through combatting drug trade. Drug users, by contrast, were to be integrated into society: responsibility for this was given to the welfare state's service system and to various community actors. In the division of labour among state authorities, this model implied a strengthening of the position of the service system in the field of drug policy. There are also important continuities to be seen in the welfare state's drug policy rationality. Key among these is that related to the view of young people as the major group at risk that requires national protection. There has also been a strong emphasis in all three periods on collective welfare state responsibility.
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Tampubolon, Sahlan, Amrin Saragih, Eddy Setia, and Nurlela Nurlela. "Critical Discourse Analysis on Medan Local Newspapers’ Editorial." International Journal of Linguistics 9, no. 2 (May 3, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v9i2.10792.
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The aim of this paper is to explore how critical discourse analysis is realized in editorial local newspaper in Medan, Indonesia. The analysis was grounded based on Norman Fairclough’s assumption on critical discourse analysis that discussed three dimensions of analysis, such as micro analysis, macro analysis and meso analysis The data collected were the editorials of Medan local newspaper between June untill December 2012, they are the editorials of Analisa, Andalas, Medan Bisnis, Orbit, Sinar Indonesia Baru (SIB), Waspada that observed three major topic of discussions like topic on politics, state officials, and social phenomena. Findings are in micro analysis includes language use such as the realization of genre, passive voice, collective noun and naming individual, in macro-analysis shows that the editorials position to control the government’s attitude due to social phenomenon, and in meso analysis are the editorial’s role in giving his thought. These findings shows that the Medan local newspaper have just enjoyed for free press in delivering the news
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Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "Censorship as Negotiation: The State and Non-European Newspapers in Kenya, 1930–54." Itinerario 44, no. 2 (August 2020): 391–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000212.
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AbstractThis article is concerned with the colonial state as a producer, consumer, and regulator of print. Propaganda and censorship may represent two extremes in the management of a colonial public sphere. Censorship was an interactive and negotiated process—one whose successful management was in the interest of both the censoring agents and those censored. One might think that censorship is a measure taken in order for communication to break down. If we imagine colonial print communication as a continuum suspended between partners that at one end desire full freedom of expression and at the other full control, absolute censorship does constitute silence, like that represented by the dramatic closure of the African press in Kenya with the Emergency of 1952. In a politicised colonial environment, like that in postwar Kenya, censorship may be understood as negotiation between colonisers and colonised on the limits of free speech. The article examines what changed in Kenya's late-colonial period in relation to the production, broadcasting, censoring, and suppression of non-European newspapers, and how the change affected the institutions and groupings that produced and received texts. More narrowly, it seeks to trace the dynamics of textual interfaces between the European print frameworks and those of the consolidated or emerging non-European publicists and publics. An examination that situates censorship in a broader context of management of discourse, of negotiation and dialogue, one that tests and goes beyond the dualism of suppression and resistance, may make it clearer why and to what extent a number of critical, anti-colonial publications were allowed to exist, and some were encouraged; and what the limits were, when opposition became unacceptable, and communication broke down.
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McNicholas, Anthony. "Co-operation, compromise and confrontation: the Universal News, 1860–69." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 139 (May 2007): 311–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400006660.
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The Universal News was published in London for nine years between December 1860 and December 1869. It originated as a co-operative effort between Irish and English Catholics to produce a newspaper which, though essentially secular, was to be imbued with a religious sensibility. The great majority of Catholics, however, were by this stage overwhelmingly Irish and wanted news of Ireland and Irish politics. This was not necessarily to the taste of all, so from the outset a balancing act was required between the wants and needs of English and Irish Catholics. This was not to be without its problems, for as the decade progressed and the struggle developed between a secular Irish nationalism and church and state, divisions deepened. The Universal News quickly became a paper for Irish Catholics, spanned a turbulent decade and mirrored in its own history both the internal and external struggles of the Irish in England. Furthermore, the history of the Universal News demonstrates the centrality, in Irish journalism in England, of the influence of the church, and the central question for the press of the migrants was how, in a hostile political environment, to produce and sustain newspapers that were at the same time secular but operated within a system of distribution particularly sensitive to clerical control.
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Clark, Hannah-Louise. "EXPRESSING ENTITLEMENT IN COLONIAL ALGERIA: VILLAGERS, MEDICAL DOCTORS, AND THE STATE IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 3 (July 6, 2016): 445–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381600043x.
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AbstractThis article expands our understanding of state–society interactions in rural Algeria under French colonial rule, focusing specifically on villages in the eastern department of Constantine. I analyze previously unstudied administrative records, newspapers, petitions, and complaints to show how sanitary regulations and medical expertise came to shape relationships among villagers, local elites, and the colonial state from the early 20th century. Villagers responded to state-led medicalization by seeking the protection of medical doctors, not only from disease but also from the state itself. In particular, they sought to avoid heavy-handed treatment by qaʾids and local elites who applied disease control measures without appropriate medical knowledge. Furthermore, close examination of petitions sent during World War I suggests that hardships experienced by rural communities during the war accentuated nascent feelings of entitlement across demographic, ethnic, and religious communal boundaries toward state medical treatment.
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Drobotushenko, Evgeny Viktorovich, and Yuliya Nikolaevna Lantsova. "Materials of white emigrant Church organizations in China as a source on the Orthodox Church history." Samara Journal of Science 7, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201874217.
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The paper deals with various aspects of the Orthodox Church history in China on the basis of a rich source - materials of white emigrant Church organizations collected in one large file of the Fund 9145 Collections of individual documents of various emigrant organizations of the state archive of the Russian Federation. This file contains correspondence on specific issues as well as various flyers, brochures, newspaper articles, posters, announcements, reports, statements, notes with the characteristics of various aspects of Orthodox history and covers the time period from 1924 to 1936. Articles from the Newspapers Zarya, Gong Bao as well as a spiritual magazine Bread heavenly, etc. deal with the key issues of the transition of the Chinese clergy under the control of the Synod of bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church outside of Russia under the canonical jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate, etc. Unfortunately, despite the considerable interest in the history of Russian emigration in the second quarter of the 20th century in China, as well as in the history of Orthodoxy in the country, the documents of this file have not been widely known, although they are the supplement of the little-known pages of Orthodox history.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "State control; Newspapers"
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Arblaster, Paul. "Current-affairs publishing in the Habsburg Netherlands, 1620-1660, in comparative European perspective." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322671.
Full textBooks on the topic "State control; Newspapers"
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Sang-in, Chŏn, ed. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Kyŏnggi-do Pʻaju-si: Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.
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Smith, Benjamin T. Mexican Press and Civil Society, 1940-1976. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638089.001.0001.
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Mexico today is one of the most dangerous places in the world to report the news, and Mexicans have taken to the street to defend freedom of expression. As Benjamin T. Smith demonstrates in this history of the press and civil society, the cycle of violent repression and protest over journalism is nothing new. He traces it back to the growth in newspaper production and reading publics between 1940 and 1976, when a national thirst for tabloids, crime sheets, and magazines reached far beyond the middle class. As Mexicans began to view local and national events through the prism of journalism, everyday politics changed radically. Even while lauding the liberty of the press, the state developed an arsenal of methods to control what was printed, including sophisticated spin and misdirection techniques, covert financial payments, and campaigns of threats, imprisonment, beatings, and even murder. The press was also pressured by media monopolists tacking between government demands and public expectations to maximize profits, and by coalitions of ordinary citizens demanding that local newspapers publicize stories of corruption, incompetence, and state violence. Since the Cold War, both in Mexico City and in the provinces, a robust radical journalism has posed challenges to government forces.
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Churchill, David. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797845.003.0001.
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The introduction critically interrogates orthodox accounts of crime control and modernization, and outlines the conceptual and methodological basis of an alternative interpretation. In particular, it critiques the state monopolization thesis—the notion that the state assumed full control over the response to crime in the modern era, which it has relinquished only recently, in an age of late modernity. To counter such accounts of crime control and modernity, the introduction advances a multifaceted conceptual framework for understanding the governance of crime, drawing on historical and sociological scholarship on governance and governmentality. Furthermore, it outlines the study’s methodology, which combines qualitative and quantitative analysis of newspaper reports, court depositions, and police records. Finally, it establishes the urban context for the study by synthesizing research on contours of urbanization, social structure, and shifting formations of urban space.
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Sethna, Razeshta. The Cost of Free Speech. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190656546.003.0009.
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This chapter by Razeshta Sethna examines her experiences as a print journalist for the Dawn Media Group, and a presenter for Geo TV and Dawn TV. Sethna reveals professional tensions between levels of editorial control and the failure of newspaper owners and editors to protect journalists, and she illuminates ways that fear works to prevent journalists from protesting against the murder of colleagues. She unravels connections between violent politics, state violence, and the media. These involve the Muttahida Qaumi Movement party (MQM), whose militants have burnt the city’s newspaper offices and threatened journalists—and the military and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agencies who pressure senior editors to censor views considered too liberal, keep silence around the state’s repression of democratic freedoms and human rights, and the ‘disappearances’ of activists in Balochistan. Notwithstanding, the proliferation of Karachi’s television media since 2007 has positioned journalists at the forefront of open criticism against violence.
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Nadler, Anthony M. The Problem of Making News Popular. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040146.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter examines various models for popularizing and democratizing news that have been influential in the United States over the past several decades. It argues that the U.S. news industry has undergone a philosophical paradigm shift, moving away from an ideal of professional autonomy and into a “postprofessional” period characterized by an affirmation that consumers' preferences should drive news production. The chapter also describes several attempts made by key groups of news producers to shift control over the news agenda away from professional expertise and put it in the hands of ordinary news consumers: the market-centered newspaper movement epitomized by Gannett's USA Today, the creation of a genre of news amid competition among the major U.S. cable news channels, and the growth of online social news sites tapping into collaborative filtering as a mechanism for democratizing the news agenda.
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Schiller, Wendy J., and Charles Stewart III. Electing the Senate. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.001.0001.
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From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.
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Bechtel, Eric Raymond. A comparison of interpretive press coverage of U.S. Forest Service fire management policy in 1920 and 1989 news articles in three Pacific Northwest newspapers. 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "State control; Newspapers"
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Makeenko, Mikhail. "Russia: Subsidies Between Industry Support and State Control." In State Aid for Newspapers, 291–305. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-35691-9_18.
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Smith, Benjamin T. "How to Control the Press (Badly)." In Mexican Press and Civil Society, 1940-1976, 157–87. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638089.003.0005.
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Wang, Di. "Introduction." In The Teahouse under Socialism, 1–30. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501715488.003.0001.
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The Introduction gives an overall picture of Chengdu--the capital of Sichuan province and one of the major cultural, economic, and political centers in West China, its history, and teahouses. It defines the terms of “public life,” “public space,” and “political culture.” It generalizes the major approaches of studying Chinese urban society under the socialist state. It also evaluates sources produced under communist control such as archival materials and newspapers and discusses the methodologies of field investigation.
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Gillingham, Paul. "Talking about a Revolution." In Unrevolutionary Mexico, 219–44. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253122.003.0009.
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This chapter anatomizes the Mexican state’s attempt to foster a nationalist culture and to control a fragmented public sphere. It finds that Mexican politicians invested heavily in both to distinctly mixed outcomes. Governments at all levels spent on schools, rituals and propaganda materials that the ruled consumed, quite often enthusiastically, but with their eyes open and with judgement suspended as to how nationalist stories squared with reality. While acknowledging the power of content management in radio and television broadcasting it revises traditional appreciations of the print press. Mexican newspapers were neither docile nor wholly commercial, and provincial publications in particular could engage in systematic opposition to state, and on occasion national governments. Mexicans were selectively enthusiastic about parts of the state’s nationalist project, at its centre the revolution, but reliably sceptical as to how much of that project their politicians were actually delivering.
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Sarzynski, Sarah. "Masculinity, Barbarism, and Honor." In Revolution in the Terra do Sol. Stanford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503603691.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how masculinity defined political and cultural struggles through the appropriations of the cangaceiro (backlands bandit) as a symbol of Northeastern identity. In speeches, popular poetry, and newspapers, the Ligas positioned the cangaceiro as an autochthonous guerrilla, building support for the movement through appeals to rural men to protect their wives and daughters from the landowners. Landowners and conservatives who opposed agrarian reform relied upon ideas of the cangaceiro as barbaric, excessively violent, and illegal to bolster arguments for greater state control in the countryside. Filmmakers began producing one of the most prolific genres of Brazilian cinema to date, the Nordestern (Brazilian Western), starring cangaceiros as hybrid cowboy/Indian/bandit characters. The competing appropriations of the cangaceiro as a Northeastern symbol reflect how the Cold War context intertwined with regional historical narratives in debates over Northeastern identities and politics, both reshaping and upholding entrenched narratives of o Nordeste.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." In African Studies, 715–32. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch038.
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This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.
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Baptista, António Martinho, and António Pedro Batarda Fernandes. "Rock Art and the Côa Valley Archaeological Park: A Case Study in the Preservation of Portugal’s Prehistoric Rupestral Heritage." In Palaeolithic Cave Art at Creswell Crags in European Context. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199299171.003.0019.
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Although Nelson Rebanda—the archaeologist working for the electricity company (EDP) that was building a dam in the Côa river—probably discovered the first Côa Valley engraved surface with Palaeolithic motifs (the now well-known Rock 1 of Canada do Inferno) in November 1991, the find was only revealed to the public in November 1994 (Jorge 1995; Rebanda 1995). Subsequently, the first reports on ‘important archaeological finds in the Côa Valley’ started to appear in the newspapers. The Canada do Inferno engravings were located upstream and very near to the construction site of the Côa dam. The construction work advanced at a good pace and the completion of the dam would irremediably destroy the engravings. The public revelation of the find instantly triggered a huge controversy since the first specialists to visit the site immediately classified the engravings as being of Palaeolithic style. As a result of the media attention on the Côa and right after the broadcast of the first TV reports, a pilgrimage to the Côa Valley rock-art surfaces began. Reacting to the first news on an affair that was starting to be known as ‘the Côa scandal’, IPPAR (the state body that, at the time, was in charge of managing archaeology in Portugal) created, at the end of November 1994, a committee to follow the archaeological rescue work being done in the Côa. Nevertheless, and considering the serious problem created by the construction of the dam (and the construction work continued), it rapidly became evident that IPPAR was gradually losing control over the situation as it shifted to the public domain. In December 1994, IPPAR asked UNESCO for an expert opinion to challenge the efforts of EDP (the Portuguese Power Company responsible for the construction of the dam and at the time totally state owned) to demonstrate that the Côa findings were not of Palaeolithic chronology. Throughout 1995, this would be a crucial issue since some defended the position that, if the engravings were not Palaeolithic, their patrimonial value would not be very important and, therefore, the dam could be built!
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Zogry, Kenneth Joel. "Print News and Raise Hell." In Print News and Raise Hell. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469608297.003.0005.
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This chapter covers the tumultuous 1960s at UNC and beyond, and at the Daily Tar Heel. The 1960 Dixie Classic, UNC’s most infamous sports scandal, is discussed, as is a 1961 speech on campus by President John F. Kennedy. The Civil Rights Movement is covered in detail, as Chapel Hill was a center for protest; the student newspaper took on a new activist role during this time, sending reporters across the South to report on Civil Rights events. The infamous Speaker Ban Law is examined in detail, 1963-1968. In 1963 UNC became completely co-educational, and the changes on campus and the issues facing women students is explored, including the role of the sexual revolution, access to birth control, and the fight over legalizing abortion. The major shift in state politics, away from one-party Democratic rule is discussed, and the rise of conservative politician Jesse Helms, who used UNC and the Daily Tar Heel as examples of extreme liberalism and permissiveness to help build his political base. The Vietnam War, the 1969 UNC Foodworker’s Strike, gay rights, and contributions of later renowned cartoonist Jeff MacNelly on the newspaper are other topics in this chapter
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Cotlar, Seth. "Languages of Democracy in America from the Revolution to the Election of 1800." In Re-imagining Democracy in the Age of Revolutions, 13–27. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199669158.003.0002.
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Before and during the American Revolution, ‘democracy’ was relatively rarely invoked in American political discourse, and when it was, usually had negative weight. By contrast, in 1800, candidates who called themselves Democrats won control of the Federal Government. This chapter charts the emergence of the first advocates of democracy in the United States. During the Constitution debates, attacks on aristocracy were much more common than positive accounts of democracy. After 1790, a group of radical newspaper editors sympathetic to the French Revolution promoted the term as a political slogan. Its entry into mainstream political discourse thereafter was however accompanied by the shearing away of some of its more radical associations.
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Lei, Ya-Wen. "Extending Liberalization from the Press to the Internet." In The Contentious Public Sphere, 104–28. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196145.003.0005.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the connection between the press and the Internet sectors. It discusses how and why the major Internet companies providing news service and social media in China became a thorn in the side of the Chinese state, despite the state's efforts to control them. Existing studies of rising public opinion in China tend to focus on how technological properties of the Internet can empower citizens to bring about social change and how the Chinese state has attempted to forestall such change. Such work tends to pay less attention to the ways in which particular contexts mediate and moderate the technological effects of the Internet. The chapter traces the restructuring of the media field in China, especially the development of the online news market, following the state's decision to connect the country to the Internet. As the chapter demonstrates, preexisting conditions in the newspaper market played a key—but often neglected—role in shaping China's online news market and discursive arena.