Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'State broadcasting'
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1
Plchová, Tereza. "State Aid to Public Service Broadcasting." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-73338.
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Kang, Hyung-Cheol. "Public service broadcasting in Korea." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289254.
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Bartley, Allan 1950. "Ottawa ways : the state, bureaucracy and broadcasting, 1955- 1968." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74328.
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The dissertation develops a theory-based, state-centered revisionist explanation of the development of Canadian broadcasting policy during the years 1955 to 1968. The hypothesis contends that state officials seek their own preferred policy outcomes rather than reflecting the preferences of societal actors. The concept of decision points is used to explore the origins of the 1958 Broadcasting Act and the 1968 Broadcasting Act. The evidence suggests the content of these measures was largely determined by bureaucratic actors. Two aspects of the 1968 legislation (the power to approve broadcasting licenses and extension of broadcasting regulatory jurisdiction to cable television) are examined in detail. In both cases, the evidence points to the decisive role of state rather than societal actors in the policy process. Confirmation of the central hypothesis raises questions about society-centered theories of the democratic state.
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Da-Wariboko, Biobele. "Investigating the effects of the proliferation of commercial broadcasting on public service broadcasting: the case of Rivers State of Nigeria Broadcasting Corporation." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002876.
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1992 marked a turning point in Nigeria’s broadcasting history as the country formally deregulated her broadcast space. However, it was not until March 2002 that the first commercial radio station was established in Rivers State, a broadcast environment hitherto monopolised by Radio Rivers. The coming of the first independent radio station in Rivers State in March 2002 was followed by the establishment of two other stations in October 2003 and November 2003 respectively. As important as these events in broadcasting in Rivers State are, however, media scholars have argued that in most societies where such change has taken place, public service broadcasters have tampered with their values of being an open space where individuals and groups can come together to be educated, informed, and entertained. This study investigates the extent to which the proliferation of commercial broadcasting outlets has affected Radio Rivers’ public service programming and scheduling. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods, through in-depth interviews and analysis of the mandate and programme schedules, the study established that while Radio Rivers still maintains some public service values, its current programming policy is driven by the need to compete with the commercial broadcasters. This is evidenced in the decrease in the programme space allocated to current affairs and educational programmes on the schedule, (the genre of public service broadcasting), and the increase in attention to advertisements and entertainment programmes, (the genre of commercial broadcasting). The study also confirms the adverse effects of dwindling financial resources as forcing public service radios to compromise on their public service values, as majority of programmes on Radio Rivers current programme schedules are now geared towards attracting advertisers rather than serving the public good and interests. However, the study proved that it is not in all cases that the entry of commercial broadcasters into Rivers State broadcast space has undermined Radio Rivers public service values. Indeed, in leading to the expansion of interactive, news, and the diversification of entertainment programmes spaces on Radio Rivers’ programming schedules, the proliferation of commercial broadcasters has yielded some positive effects on Radio Rivers public service values and contribution to the public sphere. The study further highlights the need for some policy reforms at Radio Rivers, such as the introduction of licence fees, increased government funding and loosening government’s current control over the station. In addition, there is the need for the edict establishing the station to be amended to reflect the current trends in broadcasting in Rivers State, and above all to reposition Radio Rivers to sustain public good and public interests in its programming.
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Oldham, Joseph Christopher. "Serial narratives of the secret state in British television drama, 1979-2010." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/62031/.
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This thesis analyses multi-episode British drama programmes in the spy and conspiracy genres over a period from 1979 to 2010, investigating televisual issues of form and genre and interrogating a model of how television is considered to 'work through' the concerns and anxieties of the nation. Chapter One provides a literature review of the conventions of the spy and conspiracy genres. Chapter Two looks at a cycle of ‘prestige’ adaptations of spy novels beginning with Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy (BBC2, 1979), considering the new developments they brought to form and genre, particularly in terms of complex serial narratives. Chapter Three analyses a cycle of 'authored' conspiracy serials emerging from traditions of 'radical' television drama across the 1980s, including Edge of Darkness (BBC2, 1985) and A Very British Coup (Channel 4, 1988). Positioning them in relation to the oppositional anxieties of the era, I argue that there emerges a greater tendency for such programming to engage with topical 'headline' issues, thereby playing a greater role in television's 'working through' than the more traditional spy series. Chapter Four takes a more longitudinal approach and examines how the spy series evolved over these decades, from The Professionals (ITV, 1977-83) to Spooks (BBC1, 2002-11), finding that these also display a greater tendency towards topical concerns but that the manner in which this is accomplished is substantially affected by the series form. Finally, Chapter Five analyses a revival of the conspiracy genre in the context of the 'war on terror', considering how programmes such as The State Within (BBC1, 2006) approach the same issues as Spooks but from an alternative perspective. Across the thesis, I explore how over time the formal and generic innovations introduced at the beginning of the period of study are absorbed into and managed by existing traditions and a growing generic self-consciousness, which comes to partially blunt the process of 'working through'.
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Gobetz, Robert H. "An analysis of the perceptions of the state of broadcast deregulation /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1992.
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Gooch, Rebecca L. "Television production, regulation and enforcement reasons for broadcasters' non-compliance and a weakened state of regulatory affairs." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/353/.
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This thesis examines a group of television-makers that aimed to circumvent the regulations affecting standards of content and to reshape the boundaries of permissible violent content. It also examines the regulators who, in a period of significant regulatory restructuring, were required to police those boundaries and protect viewers from ‘harmful’ or ‘offensive’ content, and programme-contributors from ‘unfair’ treatment. In doing so, the aim is to offer a broader, empirically rich understanding of the individual, organisational and external factors that can lead to non-compliance and the relaxation of regulatory affairs over time; and to understand how rules or regulations can get pushed and reshaped. My findings revealed that both regulators and television-makers were confronted by conflicting economic and public interest objectives/responsibilities, and that, due to a variety of individual, organisational and external-level factors, they tended to prioritise their economic obligations, and this led to a loosening of the standards of consumer protection. The factors that influenced television-makers’ and regulators’ decision-making, and thereby this sequence of events, included, but were not limited to, the government’s shift toward deregulation, technological advancements, changing politics, a competitive organisational culture and a lack of sufficient accountability for television-makers.
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Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.
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Woodard, Niki L. "Red state, blue state, red news, blue news." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/3639.
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Mustafa, Balsam Aone Mustafa. "Translating 'Islamic State' : multimodal narratives across national and media boundaries." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8612/.
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This thesis provides an original contribution to ongoing research on so-called Islamic State (‘IS’) by using a multiple case-study approach to offer an in-depth analysis of Arabic and English language narratives related to four atrocities committed by the group: (1) the mass killing of hundreds of Iraqi soldiers, known as the Speicher massacre, (2) the captivity and sexual enslavement of Ezidi girls, known in Arabic as sabi, (3) the executions of a number of western, Arab, and Kurd victims, and (4) the destruction of cultural artefacts in Nineveh province. The analysis engages with the discourses of ‘IS’, western, Arabic, Iranian, and Kurdish media, survivors, ‘IS’s’ religious opponents, and other actors. The dissertation uses a social narrative theory as its conceptual framework that I seek to develop by focusing on the fragmentation in narratives, on one hand, and on the multimodal resources through which narratives circulate, on the other. To this end, I combine the theory with Boje’s (2001) notion of antenarrative and Kress’(2009) understanding of the three resources of discourse, genre, and mode, to investigate ways in which narratives first unfold and how they later change as they are translated. Translation is understood in the thesis as a multi-directional movement that simultaneously takes place across multiple resources without necessarily crossing language boundaries. The findings of this study reveal that the aforementioned resources contribute to transforming narratives. In translation, ‘IS’s’ narratives can be delegitimized and confronted, or the opposite. Examining the changes in these narratives as they are translated in multiple directions is a novel contribution to the field of translation studies in relation to the digital media environment.
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Huda, Zeenat. "Problem of national identity of the middle class in Bangladesh and state-satellite television." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1150/.
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This thesis is about the construction and reconstruction of the national identities in Bangladesh, from the Pakistan era to the birth of Bangladesh, to present time. In the light of this political framework, I am looking at the ways in which the state, through the control of the medium of television sought to shift a more syncretic and secular nationalism to a more Islamicist one called Bangladeshi nationalism. I am also looking at Satellite television and the way in which this ruptures the national identities. The study employs the qualitative method to offer an elaborate description of the problem of this national identity by exploring the role of TV officials as cultural artists and the political brokers, as well as the state, in utilising the medium of television for inculcating the certain kinds of identities. The responses of the various professional groups as the middle class viewers of the state television and satellite television in this context has been examined, regarding the question of national identity. The qualitative method has been employed in this work to obtain an in-depth analysis of the problem of nationalism and its association with the history, culture and religion of the middle class in Bangladesh. Through such a procedure this work contributes in demonstrating the fragmentation, multiplicity and plurality of the national identities of the middle class of Dhaka City who find the narrative of the history of the Liberation War and cultural heritage in anomalous ways in various televised programmes under the different political constituencies of Bangladesh.
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Ahn, Im Joon. "The political economy of digital broadcasting : the case of South Korea." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2006. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7903.
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The main objective of this thesis was to examine three key questions concerning the political economy of digital broadcasting. First, the concept of digital broadcasting and its regulatory issues were investigated. Following the review of the related theories, I proposed a political economy of digital broadcasting framework as a theoretical perspective. Second, the factors influencing global digital broadcasting were examined. This research has investigated the main factors that influenced the regulatory changes and hardware and software markets around digital broadcasting at a global level. Finally, as a case study, I explore why and how the Korean government introduced digital broadcasting, setting this against the wider background of changing state-market relations. Various stakeholders have been involved in the digitisation of broadcasting at the national and global level. This process follows and forms the changing political economic configuration of the broadcasting industry of the nation-state facing neoliberal globalisation. To achieve the aims, the thesis uses archival research, questionnaire surveys and in-depth interviews. I argue that the digitisation of broadcasting in South Korea has reflected the changing power relationships among state, market and. civil society in democratisation and globalisation. The consumer electronics manufacturers, telecommunication companies and the Ministry of Information and Communication have played pivotal roles in the introduction of digital broadcasting. The public broadcasters, press union and some civic organisations have played alternative roles in the process. In so doing, the role of the state has changed from one of authoritarian market formation to non-authoritarian market formation, market adjustment and coordinating different interests. The Korean state has the contradictory features of a neoliberal state, which has deregulated some areas such as broadcasting, telecommunications and financial markets, and played a role of entrepreneurial government at the same time.
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Arjomandi, Gholamreza. "Direct broadcasting satellite (DBS) policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran : popular, religious and state discourse." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30578.
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The new communication technology and its implications on national and international relations has been one of the key debates during the last two decades. This received a new impetus with the emergence of Direct Broadcasting Satellite (DBS) together with the convergence of electronic information processing, data bank and telecommunication networks in a single system known as telematic. The DBS system has received increasing attention since it offers a wide range of choice to people. However, in many countries it is also suspected of ravaging culture and sovereignty, while undermining national broadcasting. This sentiment is not shared by all societies and governments, since some believe it has also enhanced freedom and democracy. The penetration of DBS in Iran began since 1993, when people in the capital and other major cities began to receive images transmitted by dozens of foreign broadcasters. Within a short period of time, satellite became one of the most focal points of interest of the Iranian people and continued alongside the installation of satellite dishes. In April 1994, the state fired the first volley as a warning to the viewers and demonstrated that the period of tolerance was over. This reaction deeply involved government, Majles (Parliament), press and people in an intensive course of satellite discourse followed by fuqaha (pl. Faqih - jurisconsultant in Islamic law) intervention. Here, each group of participants branched out and took different stances; some appeared in favour, while others stood against foreign satellites. Accordingly, the Islamic Republic of Iran passed a bill which prohibited the reception of satellite signals. However, at the same time it put forward a project for developing national radio and television. In this study, the introduction, penetration and the impact of DBS on the Iranian media sphere, particularly on the broadcasting system, within the context of globalisation, will be discussed. It will also focus on the responses of the Islamic Republic to DBS, by looking at their perspectives and the measures they have taken since the popularisation of DBS in Iran from 1993 until 1997.
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Hasselbach, Suzanne. "The regulation of the broadcasting infrastructure in Germany : the state and public service in the twentieth century." Thesis, University of Westminster, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332276.
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Masuku, John. "The public broadcaster model and the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) : an analytical study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6527.
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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this analytical study was to establish whether the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) operates as a true public broadcaster or as a state-controlled broadcaster. The performance of the ZBC was analysed through its main 8.00 pm television news bulletins broadcast during the period between the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front, ZANU (PF) and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) political parties in September 2008 and the establishment of the inclusive Government of National Unity (GNU) in February 2009. The study was undertaken from within the paradigms of the Social Responsibility Theory as this was deemed the most applicable in terms of the research subject. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were applied as part of a process of triangulation. The qualitative research method, as the main methodological approach, was applied to solicit views and opinions of participants by use of questionnaires designed to interview specific interviewees, namely the ZBC journalists and spokespersons for the various political parties now in the GNU. The journalists explained how they gathered and packaged news bulletins having to endure some government interference on a regular basis. The MDCs' spokespersons outlined how the ZBC denied them broadcast time for their rallies, press statements and participation in live debates. ZANU (PF) was of the view that the MDC parties only wanted to blame the previous ZANU (PF) government through “unsubstantiated” remarks about bias and the breakdown of the rule of law and absence of democracy and freedom of expression in the country. This, according to ZANU (PF), they did in order to please their alleged Western financiers like Britain and the United States who imposed targeted sanctions on the country. Through the analysis of political parties' accessibility to the main television news bulletins, the research confirmed the assumption that the ZBC is still biased in favour of the former sole ruling ZANU (PF) party which is also in charge of the information ministry in the GNU. The study concluded that since the ZBC, as a public-funded institution, was clearly not accessible to different political parties and civic society groups in order for them to participate in a crucial nation-building process, it failed to fulfil its expected mandate as a public broadcaster. By also negating a social responsibility role that calls for high professional conduct, fairness and objectivity expected of public broadcasters, this study showed that the ZBC was still a state-controlled broadcaster that needs to be reformed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie analitiese studie was om vas te stel of die Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) as 'n ware openbare uitsaaier of as 'n staatsbeheerde uitsaaier funksioneer. Die werkverrigting van die ZBC is geanaliseer deur die 8 nm-TV-bulletin gedurende die periode tussen die ondertekening van die Global Political Agreement (GPA), deur die Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, ZANU (PF) en die twee Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) politieke partye in September 2008 en die totstandkoming van die inklusiewe Government of National Unity (GNU) in Februarie 2009 te bestudeer. Beide kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes is toegepas deur dit met die proses van triangulering te kombineer. Die kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetode, wat die hoof-metodologiese benadering is, is aangewend om perspektiewe en opinies van deelnemers te verkry, deur gebruik te maak van vraelyste wat ontwerp is vir spesifieke deelnemers, naamlik die ZBC joernaliste en woordvoerders van die verskillende politieke partye, tans in die GNU. Die joernaliste verduidelik hoe hulle met die inwin van nuus en samestelling van nuusbulletins inmenging van die staat op 'n gereelde basis moes verduur. Woordvoerders van die MDC het in breë trekke uiteengesit hoe die ZBC hul uitsaaityd geweier het vir hul byeenkomste, persverklarings en deelname aan regstreekse debatte. Die ZANU (PF)-deelnemers is van mening dat die MDC- partye net die vorige regering wou blameer deur "ongesubstansieerde‟ opmerkings te maak oor vooroordeel en die ontbinding van die oppergesag van die gereg, die afwesigheid van demokrasie en vryheid van spraak in die land. Dit sou hulle doen om hul beweerde Westerse finansiers, soos Brittanje en die Verenigde State, wat geteikende sanksies op die partyleierskap opgelê het, insluitende president Robert Mugabe, tevrede te stel. 'n Analise van die politieke partye se toegang tot die hooftelevisie-nuusbulletins bevestig die hipotese dat die ZBC steeds die vorige enkel regerende ZANU (PF)-party wat in beheer van die inligtingsministerie in die GNU is, bevoordeel. Die slotsom is dat, aangesien die ZBC, 'n openbaar-gefinansierde instansie, ontoeganklik vir verskillende politieke partye en burgerlike gemeenskapsgroepe is, hulle van deelname aan 'n belangrike nasiebouproses uitgesluit is. Daarmee faal die ZBC in sy veronderstelde mandaat van 'n ware openbare uitsaaier, asook sy sosiale verantwoordelikheidsrol, wat hoë professionele gedrag, regverdigheid en objektiwiteit van openbare uitsaaiers vereis. Die studie bewys die ZBC is steeds 'n staatsbeheerde uitsaaier wat hervorm moet word.
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Slevin, James Martin. "The normative foundations of television culture : a critical account of the conceptualization of moral responsibility in Dutch and British state broadcasting policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307905.
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Macha, Herbert. "State or public service broadcasting?: an analysis of the coverage of political issues and debates during an election campaign on television news." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006234.
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Public Service Television remains a key institution of democratisation in the context of emerging democracies in Africa, especially with the advent of liberalisation and commercialisation of the media. The democratic changes taking place in Zambia require a genuine public service broadcasting television that will promote pluralism in the public sphere. Among the many available strategies and mechanisms for fostering a sustainable democratic and cultural environment, public service broadcasting is still the best. This study set out to examine representation of political issues and debates during election campaign on ZNBC television news to assess the extent to which it plays a role as a public broadcaster in the mediation of pluralistic politics. Election news on television, in line with the public sphere argument was found to be essential for investigating the nature of public service television from the point of view of impartiality, universality and diversity. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods the study has confirmed the hypothesis that the role of a public service television in the mediation of pluralistic politics is compromised by ZNBC's partial and unbalanced coverage of elections. As a result ZNBC, as a public service broadcaster is undermining the very democracy it is expected to promote. Public service television should take new forms if it is to be recognised and appreciated by the public as a genuine, open and democratic public sphere. I therefore recommend that a system of license fee for viewers be introduced. Secondly, government should increase funding into public service television to supplement revenue from license fee and advertising. Thirdly, I recommend the appointment of an independent board whose members will be appointed for a fixed term, by public nomination and a process of public hearing, according to publicly available criteria, which guarantees diversity of political, ethnic, social and professional background. Fourthly I suggest the formation of an Election News Coverage Committee comprising of journalists, academicians, the church and civic organisation that will formulate and implement editorial policy on election coverage and above all monitor and the coverage of elections on ZNBC television news.
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Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.
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The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.KMBT_363
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Ovadia, Micah. "An examination of credibility perceptions among Ball State University undergraduate students of news reports appearing in newspapers, television, and the World Wide Web." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1045624.
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This baseline study sought to evaluate Ball State University (BSU) undergraduate students' credibility perceptions of news reports gleaned from the World Wide Web (WWW). A random selection of 378 BSU undergraduate students were phoned and administered a questionnaire,which included newspaper and television news credibility questions for comparative purposes.Among WWW users and non-WWW users combined, credibility perceptions of newspaper and television news were not found to differ significantly, with the majority of respondents ranking newspapers and television medium in credibility. Television held a statistically significant lead over newspapers as the most believable news source in the event of conflicting reports of the same news story appearing in both media.WWW users rated the WWW medium in credibility and felt television to be more believable than newspapers and the WWW in the event of conflicting reports appearing in all three media.Department of Journalism
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Chanter, Alaine, and alaine chanter@canberra edu au. "Contested Identity: the media and independence in New Caledonia during the 1980s." The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 1996. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040923.133021.
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This thesis analyses the discursive struggle in the New Caledonian media over the question of independence during the period of most acute conflict during the 1980s. It seeks to demonstrate that the discursive struggle was central to the political struggle, particularly in its emphasis on the development of discourses on identity which authorised particular forms of political engagement. Colonial discourses in New Caledonia provided a well tested armory of identifications of the territorys indigenous people which were mobilised in the anti-independence media, particularly the territorys monopoly daily newspaper Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes. The thesis attempts to demonstrate how these identifications connoted, in effect, the non-existence of Kanaks through a denial of a Kanak identity: Melanesians who identified themselves as Kanaks and took a pro-independence stance were not recognised within the colonial identity constructions of Caledonian and Melanesian, and their claims to constitute a people were vociferously denied. They existed within colonial discourses as a human absence, and were therefore considered to have no rightful claim on Caledonian political life. In the face of such identifications, the pro-independence movement articulated in its media notions of Kanakness and the Kanak people which sought to hyper-valorise their identity as human and rightful.¶
It is argued that an analysis of media discourses requires consideration of the type of institutional constraints operating within the media institutions from within which these discourses emerge. The thesis therefore analyses the major constraints operating within Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes and the two major pro-independence media organisations, Kanakys first newspaper Bwenando and Kanakys first radio station Radio Djiido.¶
As an overarching concern, the thesis attempts to work through and apply different theoretical approaches relevant to the analysis of media reporting in situations of heightened political contestation, negotiating through aspects of neo-Marxist and post-structuralist approaches. It assesses the relevance of the notion of ideological effect as an analytical tool in assessing the effects of power produced by particular discourse, concluding that some theoretical notion concerned with elucidating the differential effects of power is required.¶
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Ballou, Nicole Arielle. "Government funded public broadcasting : a United States ethical necessity." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2006. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16254/1/Nicole_Ballou_Thesis.pdf.
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While journalistic ethics exists in the Untied States today, it works primarily to address dilemmas in the profession, as opposed to working to comprehensively understand journalism in relation to its public duties. This role in United States journalism is not only misunderstood by the majority of journalists working in the media industry, it is also misunderstood by the public. This misinterpretation is directly linked to the concepts of cultural separation between the 'natural' laws that run the market place and those things in society that influence everything else. In this sense, journalism has become an industry working in the market place. Essentially, the product of completely corporatising the media industry has created a gap between the role of journalism in a democratic society and the current state of journalism in the United States.
That said, the relationship between the media and democracy can be traced back through the history of United States democracy and the subsequent history of journalism as a profession that was an essential part to keeping the public sphere of democratic debate healthy. A section of journalists, public journalists, currently attempt to heed the public responsibility needed to create this space for democratic debate. However, these journalists, though earnest in their pursuit to rebuild the type of journalism needed to create this democratic sphere, cannot reach the masses effectively without more funding and more autonomy. Likewise, the public broadcast station (PBS) in the United States could be enhanced in many ways with more funding and more autonomy. Such funding and autonomy for media in the United States could come from a tax-payer funded public broadcast station. And though not all media need to bear the responsibility of journalism focused on public life and politics, a section of the mass media should commit itself to creating a sphere to enhance democratic debate.
This thesis explores the necessity of a government funded mass media source in the United States. Given that United States media and democracy are inherently linked, as I will aim to show through the development of democratic history and the development of liberal democracy in the United States today, the ethical need for a media source that can fulfil its democratic duties.
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Ballou, Nicole Arielle. "Government funded public broadcasting : a United States ethical necessity." Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16254/.
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While journalistic ethics exists in the Untied States today, it works primarily to address dilemmas in the profession, as opposed to working to comprehensively understand journalism in relation to its public duties. This role in United States journalism is not only misunderstood by the majority of journalists working in the media industry, it is also misunderstood by the public. This misinterpretation is directly linked to the concepts of cultural separation between the 'natural' laws that run the market place and those things in society that influence everything else. In this sense, journalism has become an industry working in the market place. Essentially, the product of completely corporatising the media industry has created a gap between the role of journalism in a democratic society and the current state of journalism in the United States. That said, the relationship between the media and democracy can be traced back through the history of United States democracy and the subsequent history of journalism as a profession that was an essential part to keeping the public sphere of democratic debate healthy. A section of journalists, public journalists, currently attempt to heed the public responsibility needed to create this space for democratic debate. However, these journalists, though earnest in their pursuit to rebuild the type of journalism needed to create this democratic sphere, cannot reach the masses effectively without more funding and more autonomy. Likewise, the public broadcast station (PBS) in the United States could be enhanced in many ways with more funding and more autonomy. Such funding and autonomy for media in the United States could come from a tax-payer funded public broadcast station. And though not all media need to bear the responsibility of journalism focused on public life and politics, a section of the mass media should commit itself to creating a sphere to enhance democratic debate. This thesis explores the necessity of a government funded mass media source in the United States. Given that United States media and democracy are inherently linked, as I will aim to show through the development of democratic history and the development of liberal democracy in the United States today, the ethical need for a media source that can fulfil its democratic duties.
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Jewett, Lorraine E. "Technological innovations and the evolving role of the television news broadcaster : towards a U.S. history." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63805.
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Mustafá, Izani Pibernaut. "Alô, alô, Joinville! Está no ar a rádio Difusora! A radiodifusão em Joinville/SC (1941-1961)." Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina, 2009. http://tede.udesc.br/handle/handle/1490.
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The dissertation Hello, hello, Joinville! Is in the air at Radio Difusora! - Broadcasting in Joinville / SC (1941-1961) has as main objective the history of broadcasting in Joinville and understand how Wolfgang Brosig, of German origin, to obtain the grant of a radio in the New State (1930-1945), exactly when the campaign of nationalization (1937-1945) was in force in the country, causing much suffering and persecution of immigrants and Brazilians of German origin. The foundation for the first station in Joinville, Radio broadcasters in Joinville, with the prefix ZYA-5, went on air officially on 1st February 1941, after having made several Brosig experience of broadcasts. The time limits described in this work allows the emergence of second and third-emitting Joinville. The first two competitors to broadcasters, the radio Colon (1958) and Culture (in 1959). Observing and analyzing the three stations, it was possible to compare the influences political, economic, social and cultural training of each, relating them to the local context, regional and national levels. The research, based on documentary and oral sources, allowed the identification and characterization of the programming of the three stations. In the first chapter the author describes the history of broadcasting in Brazil, Santa Catarina and in Joinville, the appearance of the broadcasters, the story of its founder, Wolfgang Brosig, activity of women and various speakers. Then is narrated the formation of radio Colon and Culture. The second chapter is dedicated to rebuilding the history of radio joinvilense through the memories of six radio. With these memories was possible to know the ins and outs of broadcasting of Joinville and compare information that existed only in documents and written records
A dissertação Alô, alô, Joinville! Está no ar a Rádio Difusora! A radiodifusão em Joinville/SC (1941-1961) tem como principal objetivo reconstituir a história da radiodifusão em Joinville e compreender como Wolfgang Brosig, de origem alemã, obtem a concessão de uma rádio em pleno Estado Novo (1930-1945), exatamente quando a Campanha de Nacionalização (1937-1945) está em vigor no país, provocando perseguições e muitos sofrimentos aos imigrantes e brasileiros de origem alemã. A Rádio Difusora de Joinville, com o prefixo ZYA-5, entrou no ar oficialmente em 1o de fevereiro de 1941, depois de Brosig ter feito diversas experiências de transmissões radiofônicas. O tempo delimitado neste trabalho permite descrever o surgimento da segunda e terceira emissoras na cidade, que se constituíram nas duas primeiras concorrentes da Difusora: a Rádio Colon (1958) e a Cultura (1959). Observando e analisando as três emissoras, foi possível confrontar as influências política, econômica, social e cultural na formação de cada uma, relacionando-as com o contexto local, regional e nacional. A pesquisa, fundamentada em fontes documentais e orais, permitiu a identificação e a caracterização da programação das três emissoras. No primeiro capítulo, a autora descreve a história da radiodifusão no Brasil, em Santa Catarina e em Joinville, o surgimento da Difusora, a história do seu fundador, Wolfgang Brosig, a atividade das mulheres e de diversos locutores. Em seguida, é narrada a formação das rádios Colon e Cultura. O segundo capítulo é dedicado à reconstituição da história do rádio joinvilense por meio das memórias de seis radialistas. Com essas lembranças foi possível conhecer os meandros da radiodifusão local e confrontar informações que existiam apenas em documentos oficiais e esparsos registros encontrados durante esta pesquisa
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Attallah, Paul Michael 1954. "TV before TV : the emergence of American network broadcast television and its implications for audiences, content, and study." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=73970.
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Harper, Sandra S. "A Content Analysis of Public Broadcasting Service Television Programming." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330669/.
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The problem with which this investigation is concerned is the description of the social map that is presented to the viewers of public television. Using content analysis methodology, the study describes how different genders, racial groups, and age groups are being portrayed on PBS programming. The sample consisted of one week of PBS 1984 fall programming broadcast on KERA-TV, the PBS station in Dallas-Ft. Worth, Texas. Research questions addressing proportions of groups, types of roles, length of scenes, occupational variation, conversational behaviors, conflict management modes, and cultural norms were answered. All coding was accomplished by the principal investigator. Upon completion of the coding sub-totals for the variables under study by program types and a grand total for the entire sample were then tabulated. After this extensive content analysis, the report concludes that females are still extremely underrepresented in PBS programming, accounting for only 32.7% of the total participants. Blacks and Hispanics are also underrepresented except in children's programming. Occupational variation for white males is evident for all types of PBS programming. Occupational variation for white females is evident in children's programming and informational/documentary programming. Minorities with delineated occupations are extremely limited in all types of programming except for children's programming. The exchange of information is the major conversational behavior that occurs on PBS programming with minority characters receiving orders considerably more than their white counterparts. Verbal aggression is the conflict management mode chosen most frequently on PBS programming. Explicit messages regarding racial and sexual equality and prosocial behavior occur on PBS programming. Implicit messages such as frequency of appearances, number of major roles, and prevalence of power cues suggest a white male domination of television programming on PBS. The findings of the study reveal that major inroads have been made by women and minorities in children's programming. This comprehensive analysis confirms, however, the virtual exclusion of minorities in major segments of PBS programming.
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Guo, Miao Albarran Alan B. "The impact of ownership, regulation issues and technology adoption on the introduction of digital terrestrial television a comparison of the United States and Mainland China /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3968.
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Coyer, Kate. "'It's not just radio' : models of community broadcasting in Britain and the United States." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514392.
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Necessary and important focus has been given to the future of digital, satellite and Internet radio as a means of increasing flows of information and culture irrespective of geographic boundaries. At the same time, radio is primarily a local experience. This research examines the phenomenon of community radio through case studies in Britain and the United States. The contested site of audio broadcasting lies beyond the national framework via new technologies and, at the same time, is rooted locally. The political impetus for this project emerges out of the current media reform movements in both countries for the expansion of low power community radio and their connection to broader concerns around media democracy and pluralism. The research seeks to explore the phenomenon of community radio and how its characteristics are challenged in practice; the extent to which there exists both continuity and difference in the development of community radio sectors in both Britain and the United States; how radio is both de-linked from geography and rooted in localities; and whether or not the medium of radio itself embodies potential as a more participatory and democratic means of communication. This research is situated in both radio studies and alternative media studies. In order to investigate these questions, the research considers content production and internal organisational structure among its case studies, representing different models of community radio; examines the impact of technology on radio as a local space; and considers questions of media and democracy raised by community radio projects
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Simard, Marie-Pierre. "Accord sur les aspects des droits de proprieté intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce : la licence obligatoire de câblodistribution canado-américaine y survivra-t-elle?" Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33368.
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In 1988, The Canada and the United States of America signed the Free-trade Agreement of North America. They wrote in a compulsory licence of cablodistribution: cablodistributors could, without consent, intercept the broadcasting waves but would also have to give them a financial compensation.In 1995, the WTO2 elaborated the Trade related intellectual property agreement (TRIPS). The latter grants the broadcastors a right to authorize or to prevent the communication of their waves to the public.
Is the existence of the compulsory licence compromised by this agreement? We believe not. Indeed, justifications to the compulsory licence are found in the TRIPS: the general derogation of section 13 and the insertion of the Berne Convention through section 9 allow such licence. We also establish that the national treatment and the most-favoured nation clauses do not apply to the compulsory licence.
2World Trade Organization
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Noble, Andrew V. "Bullets and broadcasting : methods of subversion and subterfuge in the CIA war against the Iron Curtain /." abstract and full text PDF (UNR users only), 2008. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1459468.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Nevada, Reno, 2008."August, 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-143). Library also has microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [2009]. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. Online version available on the World Wide Web.
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Park, Chun Il. "A comparative analysis of the selection process and content of television international news in the United States and Korea a case study of the U.S. CNN PrimeNews, Korean KBS 9 o'clock news and SBS 8 o'clock news programs." Ohio : Ohio University, 1994. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1173981693.
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Shelton, Stephen Arthur. "Bias in the network nightly news coverage of the 2004 presidential election." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3037.
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Examines the issue of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party during the 2004 Presidential Election. To examine the most far reaching form of media in the United States, this study consisted of the three major television networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) and their weekday nightly newscasts during the entire month of October 2004. Emerging themes and strategies were compared to a study conducted at Sonoma State University of the year's most underreported yet newsworthy events. Results of the study indicate that no evidence exists to support the notion of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party in the media coverage leading up to the 2004 Presidential Election.
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Muhsin, Hamid Jaid. "Arab mass media planning : specialized mass media agencies within the Arab League with special reference to the Arab States Broadcasting Union." Thesis, Keele University, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.279805.
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Lee, Amy, and 李凱華. "Translocal readings: Hong Kong television serials in US Chinatowns." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37339436.
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Goldman, Marni Lisa. ""Oh say can you see, eh?" : the Canadian identity debate and its relation to television." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26118.
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There exists an embedded assumption that broadcasting must be employed to strengthen the Canadian national identity. Despite efforts to Canadianize our broadcasting system, however, Canadians are watching more and more American television and have more choice of American programming. This has led to a fear of American television as a threat to Canada's continuance as a separate and independent country. By studying the contemporary Canadian context with respect to Canadian drama, the following questions will be addressed: Are Canadian interests dependent on communication policy? Is Canadian dramatic programming essential to the maintenance and enhancement of national identity and cultural sovereignty? Can the illusive quality "Canadian" be defined? Do television dramas made in Canada have distinctively Canadian characteristics and if so, how are these characteristics perceived by audiences? What are the options and alternatives that Canadian policy makers and programmers must face in the midst of the massive internationalization of culture and the onset of the 500 channel universe? In answering these questions, this study sets out to demonstrate how Canadian dramatic programming can be distinctive and unique in a way which still maintains an audience loyalty and a relevance to the Canadian way of life.
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Loomis, Kenneth D. (Kenneth Dwight). "Job Rating and Satisfaction of Radio Station General Managers in the Institutional Climate of Deregulation." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc503918/.
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This study tested the job satisfaction of major market radio station general managers in the aftermath of deregulation. The study consisted of two phases, a quantitative, anonymous, mail survey utilizing the nationally recognized Job Descriptive Index (JDI); and a qualitative follow-up telephone interview. Of 246 general managers solicited, 144 returned usable JDI surveys. The JDI consisted of six separate scales, each measuring satisfaction on a different aspect of the job. The followup telephone interview comprised seven questions designed specifically to explore the effects of broadcast deregulation on the respondents. Two hypotheses were tested. The hypotheses tested for differences in job satisfaction scores between radio station general managers and the normative scores of individuals of similar education and job tenure in other industries. In most of the subscales tested there was no significant difference between the two groups. The qualitative telephone survey found widespread dissatisfaction with the effects of deregulation on the broadcast medium.
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Perry, Sherry E. "Acquisition of geographic information from television news maps." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51908.
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University students were shown simulated television newscasts and then tested on the news material to see if maps within the newscast aided learning world geographic information. Students were shown one of eight simulated newscasts, of three news stories, Each newscast contained maps, varying in complexity. There were five levels of complexity. One group viewed a simulated newscast with no maps, while other groups viewed simulated newscasts containing maps with 6, 10, or 14 variables per map. A control group saw no newscasts. The order of news story presentation was varied.
Students who viewed one of the newscasts did better than students who did not see one, and the average number of correct answers increased as the maps in the news programs increased in map complexity. However, the group viewing the most complex maps--the 14 variable maps, did not perform better than those who saw the 10-variable maps.Master of Science
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Rotimi, Adewale R. (Adewale Rufus). "Perceptions of the Seriousness of Crime and Attitudes Regarding Criminal Justice Issues: An Analysis of the 1982 American Broadcasting Corporation's News Poll of Public Opinion on Crime." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331054/.
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This study deals with the analysis of public opinion about crime and attitudes regarding criminal justice issues along two major dimensions. The first part concerns how respondents rank crime among a list of nine social problems (unemployment, high interest rates, inflation, crime, the high cost of living, moral decline, taxes, dissatisfaction with the government, and Reagan). The second dimension examines some research questions. These are whether there was any association between the respondents' perception of crime trends and each of the following: demographic background, neighborhood safety, the death penalty, gun ownership, frequency of locking doors, avoidance of teenagers, and the evaluation of police job performance; and also whether there was any association between the respondents' victimization experience and seriousness of crime and police job performance. The data were obtained from the archives of the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research in Michigan.
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Guo, Miao. "The Impact of Ownership, Regulation Issues and Technology Adoption on the Introduction of Digital Terrestrial Television: A Comparison of the United States and Mainland China." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3968/.
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This study compares the impact of media ownership, regulation and policy, and technology adoption on the introduction of digital terrestrial television in the United States and Mainland China. Through the use of a case study approach, a qualitative and quantitative examination is given. The results indicate that private group ownership throughout the U.S. digital terrestrial television industry and state ownership in China's television industry lead to the different paths to digital transition. Both governments, however, are deeply involved in respective digital initiatives and play an important role in the implementation from analog to digital. The technical standard adoption in the two countries places the underpinning for the future development of digital television (DTV), which also results in China lagging behind the United States by almost ten years. The differences of technological environments in households and income among consumers in the two countries further predict the intention to DTV adoption.
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Hunt, Randall M. "Tinkering with Taste: NBC's Prime Time Television Programming 1978-1986." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278292/.
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The thesis explores how Grant Tinker's philosophy of quality programming grew into a working ideology which would serve as the basis for its rise from last place to first place in ratings and profits from 1978 to 1986. This thesis paper explores the prime time history of NBC from 1978 to 1986. The network is examined in terms of its programming history, its economic situation, and the men who presided over the entity, all within the time frame listed above. The thesis focuses on the strategies and philosophies of the three men crucial to the direction the network took during the above time frame: Fred Silverman, President of the network from 1978 to 1981, Grant Tinker, Chairman from 1981 to 1986, and Brandon Tartikoff, Programming Chief from 1980 to 1991.
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Mott, W. E. Albarran Alan B. "Political agenda-setting in cable news as a possible technique for securing an audience niche." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3935.
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Townsend, Larry A. (Larry Allan). "The Reverend Carl D. McIntire v. the Fairness Doctrine." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500361/.
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This study explored the development of the Federal Communications Commission's Fairness Doctrine policy from its beginnings in the 1920's until the FCC eliminated most of its requirements in 1987. The chapters discuss the Reverend Carl D. McIntire's battle with the FCC concerning the policy's impact on free speech in broadcasting. McIntire lost his battle with the FCC and became the first broadcaster to lose his license for Fairness Doctrine violations. The problem in this study focused on the difficulty of reconciling government regulation of broadcasting with the rights of licensees to speak freely and be heard by their listeners. The study concluded that today the FCC advocates First Amendment protection for broadcasters but it remains questionable whether present policy will continue.
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Mott, IV W. E. "Political Agenda-Setting in Cable News as a Possible Technique for Securing an Audience Niche." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3935/.
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In an effort to better understand the motivations behind perceived biases in the US cable news industry, 72 hours of CNN, FOX, and MSNBC during the week preceding the 2006 congressional election were analyzed. First- and second-level agenda-setting theories are used to examine how long and in what way federal politicians are portrayed. The results indicate distinct differences in political presentations between the three networks.
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Eckert, Kristin D. "Use of the Internet for International News: A Comparative Content Analysis of the Television Evening Newscasts and Web Videos of the U.S. Stations PBS and NBC and the German Stations ARD and RTL." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1251323201.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Ohio University, August, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. Release of full electronic text on OhioLINK has been delayed until September 1, 2011. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-102)
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McDonnell, Rafael C. (Rafael Charles). "A Survey on Student Uses of and Attitudes Toward Broadcast Television News and "Tabloid" Television." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504429/.
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A survey testing student uses of and attitudes towards traditional broadcast television news and eleven "tabloid" programs was conducted using 300 students enrolled at the University of North Texas. The 10:00 p.m. newscast was most watched by the students. The most watched weekly news magazine was "60 Minutes." The Oprah Winfrey Show" was the daily "tabloid" leader. "America's Most Wanted" led the weekly "tabloid" shows. Students perceived daily newscasts as important sources of information. "USA Today," the weekly news magazines "60 Minutes" and "20/20,1" and "America's Most Wanted" were also cited by students as being "important" information programming. However, the survey showed "tabloid television" was not a major source of informational programming for college students.
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Hirsch, Dov Zacharia. "Public service gone private purpose: How public broadcasting's selective service for a few adults in the United States alienated the youth, and turned its back on democracy." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1435231.
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Myronchuk, O. Y. "Two-stage optimal algorithm of joint estimation of information symbols and channel frequency response in OFDM systems." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/50639.
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1. Rohling H. (2011). OFDM Concepts of Future Communication Systems. Springer. doi: 10.1007/978-3-642-17496-42.
2. Chiueh Tzi-Dar. Baseband Receiver Design for Wireless MIMO-OFDM Communications / Tzi-Dar Chiueh, Pei-Yun Tsai, I-Wei Lai 2nd ed. John Wiley & Sons Singapore Pte. Ltd., 2012.
3. Myronchuk, O., Shpylka, O., & Zhuk, S. (2020). Two-stage Channel Frequency Response Estimation in OFDM Systems. Path of Science, 6(2), 1001-1007. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.22178/pos.55-1
4. Myronchuk O. Algorithm Of Channel Frequency Response Estimation In Orthogonal Frequency Division Multiplexing Systems Based On Kalman Filter / O. Myronchuk, O. Shpylka, S. Zhuk // 2020 IEEE 15th International Conference on Advanced Trends in Radioelectronics, Telecommunications and Computer Engineering (TCSET), Lviv-Slavske, Ukraine, 2020, pp. 31-34, doi: 10.1109/TCSET49122.2020.235385.
5. Мирончук А. Ю. Метод оценивания частотной характеристики канала в OFDM системах на основе фильтрации и экстраполяции пилот-сигналов / А.Ю. Мирончук, А.А. Шпилька, С.Я. Жук // Вестник НТУУ "КПИ". Серия Радиотехника. Радиоаппаратостроение. – 2019. №78. – С. 36 42. doi: 10.20535/RADAP.2019.78.36-42.
6. Шпилька, А. А., & Жук, С. Я. (2010). Совместная интерполяция данных и фильтрация параметров многолучевого канала связи. Известия высших учебных заведений. Радиоэлектроника, 53(1), 26–30. https://doi.org/10.20535/S0021347010010048
7. Shpylka, A.A., Zhuk, S.Y. Decoding of convolutional codes on a sliding window during signal propagation in a multipath communications channel. Radioelectron.Commun.Syst. 53, 497–501 (2010). https://doi.org/10.3103/S0735272710090086
8. Myronchuk O. Yu. Two-Stage Method for Joint Estimation of Information Symbols and Channel Frequency Response in OFDM Communication Systems / O. Yu. Myronchuk, A. A. Shpylka, S. Ya. Zhuk // Radioelectronics and Communications Systems. – 2020. Vol. 63. – No. 8, pp. 418 429. doi: 10.3103/S073527272008004X 9.Луцький М.Г., Корченко О.Г., Горніцька Д.А., Ярмошевич І.М. Модель оцінки якості експерта для підвищення об’єктивності експертиз у сфері інформаційної безпеки. Захист інформації. 2011. Том 13. Вип. 2(51).
DOI: 10.18372/2410-7840.13.2022Orthogonal frequency division multiplexing (OFDM) is widely used in modern digital communication systems such as digital video and audio broadcasting (ISDB-T, DVB-T, DVB-T2, DRM, DAB), wireless broadband networks (IEEE 802.16), local area networks (IEEE 802.11a, g, n), mobile communication systems (LTE, LTE Advanced) and other. The main advantages of OFDM are high spectrum efficiency and possibility to provide high data transmitting speeds.
Мультиплексування з ортогональним частотним поділом (OFDM) широко використовується в сучасних цифрових системах зв'язку, таких як цифрове відео- та аудіомовлення (ISDB-T, DVB-T, DVB-T2, DRM, DAB), бездротових широкосмугових мережах (IEEE 802.16), локальній мережі мережі (IEEE 802.11a, g, n), системи мобільного зв'язку (LTE, LTE Advanced) та інші. Основними перевагами OFDM є висока ефективність спектру та можливість забезпечити високі швидкості передачі даних.
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Higgins-Dobney, Carey Lynne. "News Work: the Impact of Corporate Newsroom Culture on News Workers & Community Reporting." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4410.
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By virtue of their broadcast licenses, local television stations in the United States are bound to serve in the public interest of their community audiences. As federal regulations of those stations loosen and fewer owners increase their holdings across the country, however, local community needs are subjugated by corporate fiduciary responsibilities. Business practices reveal rampant consolidation of ownership, newsroom job description convergence, skilled human labor replaced by computer automation, and economically-driven downsizings, all in the name of profit. Even so, the people laboring under these conditions are expected to keep their communities informed with democracy- and citizenship-enhancing information.
This study uses a critical political economy framework to focus on the labor aspects of working in commercially-run local television newsrooms in the United States. Surveys and interviews with news workers from the 25 largest local television markets highlight the daily challenges of navigating the dichotomy of labor in the space between corporate profiteering and public enlightenment. In addition to their more well-known and well-studied on-air reporter and anchor peers, "behind the scenes" workers and those with newly converged job descriptions also share their news work stories, thus filling a gap in the literature. Corporate capital incentives affect all who gather and disseminate the news.
While all of these workers generally strive for high journalistic quality, the pressures of increased workloads and constant deadlines imposed by shrinking news staffs and growing digital media expectations mean journalists have to make craft work compromises in the race to report news faster and first. Owners push experienced news veterans with deep community connections out in favor of younger, cheaper, more tech-savvy workers. Financially beneficial content trumps deep policy investigations. These outcomes not only worry those in the journalistic trenches of local television news, but also potentially deprive the public of the information they seek from these outlets. As local television newsrooms remain the most popular sources of information for Americans, particularly in times of crisis, such outcomes are not in the community's best interest.
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Cruikshank, Sally Ann. "U.S. Presidential Election Coverage on the Global Stage: A Content Analysis of 2008 Election Coverage on Al Jazeera, the BBC, and Russia Today." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257343199.
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Constantini, Sunthai. "The political communication of Hugo Chávez : the evolution of Aló Presidente." Thesis, University of Kent, 2014. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/48023/.
Full textAbstract:
Aló Presidente was a weekly television programme anchored and produced by Hugo Chávez during his presidency in Venezuela. The show, a version of a phone-in, was broadcast live on national television at 11am on Sundays and lasted on average six hours. It followed the presidential agenda to a new location every week, where Hugo Chávez would inaugurate factories, read Latin American poetry, interview Fidel Castro, and sing llanero songs. This thesis investigates the role that Aló Presidente played in the making of the “Bolivarian Revolution”, Hugo Chávez’s political project. Through a critical reading of the transcripts of the show, it explores the 378 episodes, or 1656 hours, that aired between 1999 and 2012. Aló Presidente was the cornerstone of Chávez’s political communication, replacing press conferences and interviews. Chávez was known for his continuous presence on radio and television and his daily presidential addresses. However, only on the Sunday show could the audience phone the president and share their ideas, emotions and everyday life concerns. This thesis reviews the narratives that underlined the relationship between the audience/electorate and the host/president on Aló Presidente. It is argued that Aló Presidente played a fundamental role in articulating the identity of a public that shared the values and ideas of Chávez’s hegemonic project. Moreover, it is argued that the show Aló Presidente and the ideological process called the “Bolivarian Revolution” can be read as two co-related arms of a same project, and that they informed and defined each other throughout Chávez’s presidency. In this context, this thesis assesses the evolution of the programme in light of the political events taking place in Venezuela during that time. Aló Presidente is thus seen as a repository, or “black box”, of the discourses that articulated the Bolivarian identity and constructed the legitimacy of Hugo Chávez as the leader of a populist movement in Venezuela. Finally, the core of this thesis is that the co-relation between the show and the hegemonic project evolved over time to strengthen the authoritarian tendencies of Hugo Chávez’s regime. Following the activities of Aló Presidente over 13 years, the investigation charts that evolution in three different stages: 1) participation, 2) education, and 3) obedience, arguing that what started as a seemingly participatory space, progressively became a platform that presented Hugo Chávez’s figure as the ideologue of a populist movement, and ultimately secured his position as the indisputable leader and sole authority of Venezuela’s “Bolivarian Revolution”.