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Journal articles on the topic 'Stand your ground law'

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Published: 9 March 2023

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Lee, Marcus. "ORIGINATING STAND YOUR GROUND." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000092.

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AbstractSince the killing of Trayvon Martin, the Stand Your Ground law has come to emblematize contemporary racial injustice. Yet, the legitimacy of the statute endures, as more than thirty-three states maintain and enforce some version of Stand Your Ground. This article probes the legitimacy basis for Stand Your Ground by excavating and reconstructing its formative logic. Drawing on archival records of the Florida state legislature’s 2005 pioneering of the statute, I examine how lawmakers justified its introduction, design, and enactment. I find that proponents of Stand Your Ground framed it as a response to the cost impositions of criminal prosecution and civil action. In introducing Stand Your Ground, they sought to protect self-defensive actors against the burdens of administrative and judicial proceedings by granting them civil immunity. During the mark-up process, legislators held an extensive debate over the intended beneficiaries and victims of Stand Your Ground. Racial codes animated this debate: “drug dealers,” “gangs,” and “cop killers” represented the types of criminal subjects whom the legal protections of Stand Your Ground should exclude, while “violent criminals” in the “bad part of town” represented the intended objects of the statute’s authorization of deadly force. Ultimately, legislators translated the concerns raised during this debate into statutory design choices that baked race into Stand Your Ground.

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2

Degli Esposti, Michelle, Douglas J. Wiebe, Jason Gravel, and David K. Humphreys. "Increasing adolescent firearm homicides and racial disparities following Florida’s ‘Stand Your Ground’ self-defence law." Injury Prevention 26, no. 2 (December 20, 2019): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/injuryprev-2019-043530.

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Establishing whether specific laws impact rates of firearm homicide in adolescents is critical for identifying opportunities to reduce preventable adolescent death. We evaluated Florida’s Stand Your Ground law, enacted October 2005, using an interrupted time series design from 1999 to 2017. We used segmented quasi-Poisson regression to model underlying trends in quarterly rates of adolescent (15–19 years) firearm homicide in Florida and disaggregated by race (Black/White). We used synthetic and negative controls (firearm suicide) to address time-varying confounding. Before Florida’s Stand Your Ground law, the mean quarterly rate was 1.53 firearm homicides per 100 000 adolescents. Black adolescents comprised 63.5% of all adolescent firearm homicides before and 71.8% after the law. After adjusting for trends, the law was associated with a 44.6% increase in adolescent firearm homicide. Our analysis indicates that Florida’s Stand Your Ground is associated with a significant increase in firearm homicide and may also exacerbate racial disparities.

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3

Lewis, Sarah Elizabeth. "Groundwork: Race and Aesthetics in the Era of Stand Your Ground Law." Art Journal 79, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 92–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043249.2020.1779547.

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4

Ukert, Benjamin, Douglas J. Wiebe, and David K. Humphreys. "Regional differences in the impact of the “Stand Your Ground” law in Florida." Preventive Medicine 115 (October 2018): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2018.08.010.

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5

Yu, Yue. "Deterrence Effect of Stand Your Ground Law on Crime in Eastern US States." Atlantic Economic Journal 42, no. 1 (January 5, 2014): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11293-013-9399-6.

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6

Ackermann, Nicole, Melody S. Goodman, Keon Gilbert, Cassandra Arroyo-Johnson, and Marcello Pagano. "Race, law, and health: Examination of ‘Stand Your Ground’ and defendant convictions in Florida." Social Science & Medicine 142 (October 2015): 194–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.08.012.

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7

Liebell, Susan. "Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground." Journal of Politics 82, no. 3 (July 2020): 955–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707461.

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8

Lewis, Sarah Elizabeth. "The Arena of Suspension: Carrie Mae Weems, Bryan Stevenson, and the “Ground” in the Stand Your Ground Law Era." Law & Literature 33, no. 3 (July 12, 2021): 487–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1535685x.2021.1930414.

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9

Chamlin, Mitchell B., and Andrea E. Krajewski. "Use of Force and Home Safety: An Impact Assessment of Oklahoma’s Stand Your Ground Law." Deviant Behavior 37, no. 3 (December 29, 2015): 237–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2015.1012027.

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10

Yakubovich, Alexa R., Michelle Degli Esposti, Brittany C. L. Lange, G. J. Melendez-Torres, Alpa Parmar, Douglas J. Wiebe, and David K. Humphreys. "Effects of Laws Expanding Civilian Rights to Use Deadly Force in Self-Defense on Violence and Crime: A Systematic Review." American Journal of Public Health 111, no. 4 (April 2021): e1-e14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.306101.

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Background. Since 2005, most US states have expanded civilian rights to use deadly force in self-defense outside the home. In most cases, legislation has included removing the duty to retreat anywhere one may legally be, commonly known as stand-your-ground laws. The extent to which these laws affect public health and safety is widely debated in public and policy discourse. Objectives. To synthesize the available evidence on the impacts and social inequities associated with changing civilian rights to use deadly force in self-defense on violence, injury, crime, and firearm-related outcomes. Search Methods. We searched MEDLINE, Embase, PsycINFO, Scopus, Web of Science, Sociological Abstracts, National Criminal Justice Reference Service Abstracts, Education Resources Information Center, International Bibliography of the Social Sciences, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, Google Scholar, National Bureau of Economic Research working papers, and SocArXiv; harvested references of included studies; and consulted with experts to identify studies until April 2020. Selection Criteria. Eligible studies quantitatively estimated the association between laws that expanded or restricted the right to use deadly force in self-defense and population or subgroup outcomes among civilians with a comparator. Data Collection and Analysis. Two reviewers extracted study data using a common form. We assessed study quality using the Risk of Bias in Nonrandomized Studies of Interventions tools adapted for (controlled) before–after studies. To account for data dependencies, we conducted graphical syntheses (forest plots and harvest plots) to summarize the evidence on impacts and inequities associated with changing self-defense laws. Main Results. We identified 25 studies that estimated population-level impacts of laws expanding civilian rights to use deadly force in self-defense, all of which focused on stand-your-ground or other expansions to self-defense laws in the United States. Studies were scored as having serious or critical risk of bias attributable to confounding. Risk of bias was low across most other domains (i.e., selection, missing data, outcome, and reporting biases). Stand-your-ground laws were associated with no change to small increases in violent crime (total and firearm homicide, aggravated assault, robbery) on average across states. Florida-based studies showed robust increases (24% to 45%) in firearm and total homicide while self-defense claims under stand-your-ground law were more often denied when victims were White, especially when claimants were racial minorities. Author’s Conclusions. The existing evidence contradicts claims that expanding self-defense laws deters violent crime across the United States. In at least some contexts, including Florida, stand-your-ground laws are associated with increases in violence, and there are racial inequities in the application of these laws. Public Health Implications. In some US states, most notably Florida, stand-your-ground laws may have harmed public health and safety and exacerbated social inequities. Our findings highlight the need for scientific evidence on both population and equity impacts of self-defense laws to guide legislative action that promotes public health and safety for all. Trial Registration. Open Science Framework ( https://osf.io/uz68e ).

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11

Humphreys, David K., Antonio Gasparrini, and Douglas J. Wiebe. "Association Between Enactment of a “Stand Your Ground” Self-defense Law and Unlawful Homicides in Florida." JAMA Internal Medicine 177, no. 10 (October 1, 2017): 1523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamainternmed.2017.3433.

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12

Munasib, Abdul, Genti Kostandini, and Jeffrey L. Jordan. "Impact of the Stand Your Ground law on gun deaths: evidence of a rural urban dichotomy." European Journal of Law and Economics 45, no. 3 (May 5, 2018): 527–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10657-018-9581-z.

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13

Humphreys, David K., Antonio Gasparrini, and Douglas J. Wiebe. "Evaluating the Impact of Florida’s “Stand Your Ground” Self-defense Law on Homicide and Suicide by Firearm." JAMA Internal Medicine 177, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamainternmed.2016.6811.

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14

Humphreys, DK, A. Gasparrini, and DJ Wiebe. "OP79 Assessing the impact of Florida’s ‘Stand your ground’ law on patterns of homicide: an interrupted time series study." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 70, Suppl 1 (September 2016): A44.1—A44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2016-208064.79.

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15

Chamlin, Mitchell B., and Andrea E. Krajewski. "Are Alternative Sources of Official Crime Data Interchangeable? A Note on Inter-Agency Consistency." Criminal Justice Policy Review 27, no. 8 (July 25, 2016): 751–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403414553447.

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether the decision to use one source of official data in lieu of another affects the assessment of social policy on crime. Specifically, we examine the effect of the implementation of stand your ground legislation on state and municipal compilations of residential and non-residential burglaries known to the police within a large, Midwestern city. The interrupted time series analyses of the state agency data reveal that the castle doctrine legislation led to a temporary decline in residential burglaries, but had no effect on non-residential burglaries. In contrast, our analyses of the city agency data indicate that this legislative initiative had no effect on residential burglaries, but did generate a permanent, monthly increase in the number of non-residential burglaries. The implications of these findings for the use of official crime statistics are discussed.

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16

Dolliver, Matthew J., Jennifer L. Kenney, Lesley Williams Reid, and Ariane Prohaska. "Examining the Relationship Between Media Consumption, Fear of Crime, and Support for Controversial Criminal Justice Policies Using a Nationally Representative Sample." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 34, no. 4 (August 10, 2018): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986218787734.

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According to cultivation theory, higher levels of crime-based media consumption result in an increased fear of crime. This study extends cultivation theory’s basic assertion by (a) creating a robust measure of media consumption based on three different factors and 38 original questions, (b) examining the direct and indirect effects of media consumption and fear of crime on support of criminal justice policies, and (c) using a nationwide sample. Using a sample of 1,311 participants, a combination of principal components analysis and structural equation modeling was used to examine these relationships. The results support the usefulness of a four-factor measure of media consumption in relationship to fear of crime. Results also reveal that fear of crime amplifies the effect of media consumption in creating support for three-strikes, death penalty, stand your ground, and open carry laws.

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17

DeMora, Stephanie L., Loren Collingwood, and Adriana Ninci. "The role of super interest groups in public policy diffusion." Policy & Politics 47, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 513–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557319x15659214258414.

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In recent years scholarship has drawn attention to the role of large multi-issue interest groups in policy networks and in public policy diffusion. This paper develops this field of study by demonstrating empirically the leverage of the ‘sustained organisational influence’ theory of policy diffusion. Specifically, it focuses on the role of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) in diffusing the Stand Your Ground policy across US state legislatures. By comparing ALEC’s template policy to bills introduced and legislation subsequently enacted within state legislatures, we demonstrate that ALEC has positioned itself as a ‘super interest group’, exerting sustained organisational influence across an expanding number of states. In doing so, this paper moves theory beyond the typical advocacy coalition framework that implicitly assumes policymaking occurs discretely among specialists on an issue-by-issue basis. It also highlights the democratic implications of the role of super interest groups in shaping policy behind the scenes.

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18

Rowell, Geoffrey. "Anglican Identity: Historical, Ecumenical and Contemporary Reflections." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 18 (January 1996): 454–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00002349.

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In the first of the Tracts for the Times John Henry Newman famously posed the question of Anglican Identity, ‘On what ground do you stand, O presbyter of the Church of England?’ He answered his own question in terms of the apostolic commission and succession of the episcopate, and concluded—possibly drawing on what he had learnt from the Evangelical Joseph Milner's Church History, with its high praise of the martyr bishop St. Cyprian as an exemplar for all Christian bishops—that he could wish the episcopate of the Church of England no more ‘blessed termination of their course than the spoliation of their goods and martyrdom’.

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19

Konig, David Thomas. "Arms and the Man: What Did the Right to “Keep” Arms Mean in the Early Republic?" Law and History Review 25, no. 1 (2007): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000001097.

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Just as Virgil linked “arms and the man” in his epic history of Rome's origins, Americans have linked the bearing of arms with their own national origins. Regardless of other uses to which his image has been put, the Minuteman who stands guard at Concord reminds us that he stood his ground in 1775 to stop British regulars from seizing assembled weapons at Concord and disarming the Middlesex County militia. Robert Churchill provides us with an entertaining anecdote of a young man to illustrate his claim that such men actually believed that they were protecting their personal right to keep and bear arms. Asserting that he had become ill, the militiaman was “skedaddling home” after his company's engagement with British regulars at Concord in 1775. Though his captain's wife told him that “you must not take your gun with you,” he retorted, “Yes, I shall.” His refusal to yield his gun, explains Churchill, “transcended its importance in allowing him to meet his communal obligation. The gun was his, and he believed he had a right to keep it.” But this anecdote, though charming, demands closer examination. Like much in Churchill's essay, it reveals that items or statements taken out of context can be misinterpreted and misleading.

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20

Schell, Terry L., Matthew Cefalu, Beth Ann Griffin, Rosanna Smart, and Andrew R. Morral. "Changes in firearm mortality following the implementation of state laws regulating firearm access and use." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 26 (June 15, 2020): 14906–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1921965117.

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Although 39,000 individuals die annually from gunshots in the US, research examining the effects of laws designed to reduce these deaths has sometimes produced inconclusive or contradictory findings. We evaluated the effects on total firearm-related deaths of three classes of gun laws: child access prevention (CAP), right-to-carry (RTC), and stand your ground (SYG) laws. The analyses exploit changes in these state-level policies from 1970 to 2016, using Bayesian methods and a modeling approach that addresses several methodological limitations of prior gun policy evaluations. CAP laws showed the strongest evidence of an association with firearm-related death rate, with a probability of 0.97 that the death rate declined at 6 y after implementation. In contrast, the probability of being associated with an increase in firearm-related deaths was 0.87 for RTC laws and 0.77 for SYG laws. The joint effects of these laws indicate that the restrictive gun policy regime (having a CAP law without an RTC or SYG law) has a 0.98 probability of being associated with a reduction in firearm-related deaths relative to the permissive policy regime. This estimated effect corresponds to an 11% reduction in firearm-related deaths relative to the permissive legal regime. Our findings suggest that a small but meaningful decrease in firearm-related deaths may be associated with the implementation of more restrictive gun policies.

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21

Crane, Jonathan K. "Torture: Judaic Twists." Journal of Law and Religion 26, no. 2 (2010): 469–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000680.

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Perhaps in part because Jews did not enjoy sovereignty for most of their history and thus rarely organized, much less directed, military institutions, the Jewish textual tradition says relatively little about the exercise of corporal punishment during warfare. This dearth of classical sources, however, does not mean that Judaism has nothing to offer contemporary deliberation about the ethics of torture. On the contrary, modern Jews plumb the textual tradition in search of prooftexts that ground their passionately held positions vis-à-vis torture. And this is precisely one of the methodological conundrums torture poses. In their search for corroborating principles, verses and halakhah (law) for their positions, Jewish scholars often gloss over countervailing values, texts and laws. Some trot out such broad principles as betzelem elohim (the notion that every human is made in the divine image), al tonu (do not oppress the stranger), or lagoyim (a light unto the nations), kavod habriot (respect creatures), chillul hashem (desecrating God's name), or lo ta ’amod al dam re ’echa (do not stand on your neighbor's blood) so as to condemn or condone torture without considering countervailing principles. Others point to certain laws, such as those pertaining to the rodef (stopping a pursuer who has lethal intent against another) or hora’at sha’ah (emergency exigency) to justify their positions on torture—without entertaining other relevant legal precedents. And a few others blandly state Judaism's position vis-à-vis torture without providing much or any evidence supporting those claims.

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22

Geer, Daniel E., and Jerry Archer. "Stand Your Ground." IEEE Security & Privacy 10, no. 4 (July 2012): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/msp.2012.109.

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23

Beaver, Dan. "The Great Deer Massacre: Animals, Honor, and Communication in Early Modern England." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386189.

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I need not complain of the times; every traveler tells them; they are as clear to see as an Angel in the sun. (Henry Osborne, October 1642)In early October 1642, a tract of forest and deer chase in the Severn valley, northwest of Gloucester, known as Corse Lawn, became the site of a grisly spectacle. Richard Dowdeswell, a steward of the property, described the scene in a letter to Lionel Cranfield, earl of Middlesex, the absentee owner resident in Great St. Bartholomew in London. Dowdeswell delivered terrifying news of how “a rising of neighbors about Corse Lawn” destroyed more than 600 of Middlesex's deer in a “rebellious, riotous, devilish way,” a hideous consequence of what Dowdeswell termed “this time of liberty.” Dowdeswell rode to the scene from his estate at Pull Court, a few miles from the chase, and “appeased the multitude, yet some scattering companies gave out in alehouses that they would not only destroy the remainder of deer but rifle your Lordship's house at Forthampton and pull it down to the ground and not let a tree or bush stand in all the chase.” The deer massacre became an assault on the chase, the forest, and the manor house of Forthampton, an estate close to the chase but not included in the meets and bounds of the forest. Middlesex's tenant at Forthampton Court, his brother-in-law Henry Osborne, prudently moved his household to Gloucester until Dowdeswell acquired a formal statement of protection from the earl of Essex to defend the forest, the deer left in the chase, and the house in Forthampton.

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24

Groenke, Susan, Judson Laughter, and Andrew Swafford. "Layered Literacies: Stand Our Ground against Stand Your Ground." ALAN Review 42, no. 1 (October 10, 2014): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21061/alan.v42i1.a.9.

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25

Frowe, Helen. "Should you stand your ground?" Philosophers' Magazine, no. 70 (2015): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20157076.

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26

McClellan, Chandler, and Erdal Tekin. "Stand Your Ground Laws, Homicides, and Injuries." Journal of Human Resources 52, no. 3 (August 17, 2016): 621–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/jhr.52.3.0613-5723r2.

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27

Hereth, Blake. "Why It’s Wrong to Stand Your Ground." Philosophy in the Contemporary World 24, no. 1 (2017): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pcw20172414.

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28

Purdie-Vaughns, Valerie, and David R. Williams. "Stand-Your-Ground is losing ground for racial minorities' health." Social Science & Medicine 147 (December 2015): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.10.006.

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29

Engels, Kimberly. "AN EXISTENTIALIST ANALYSIS OF “STAND YOUR GROUND” LAWS." Public Affairs Quarterly 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26909988.

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Abstract Stand your ground laws (SYG) allow an individual to use deadly force against a perceived attacker anywhere that he or she has a legal right to be, without the requirement to attempt retreat before using deadly force. This article offers an analysis of SYG laws through a Sartrean existentialist lens. Drawing off existing empirical research and case examples, I make three claims: First, SYG laws have existential import to the extent that they influence individuals’ beliefs, behavior, and judgments. Second, this existential import makes individuals more likely to perceive situations as threatening and find reasons to be afraid. Third, the phenomenological experience of negative emotions such as fear and anger affects our ability to make careful and reasoned judgments regarding the amount of threat we face. I build my case for these three claims using Sartre’s concept of fundamental project, or the image of self used to organize one’s existential possibilities. I also use Sartre’s phenomenological account of emotion and Robert Solomon’s account of emotion, which has Sartrean roots. I argue that, based on my analysis, the right to use self-defense should include the duty to retreat when possible.

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30

Hoorn, Cindy M., and Rose T. Gillesby. "Response to Protocol Review Scenario: Stand your ground." Lab Animal 34, no. 8 (September 2005): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/laban0905-18.

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31

Guettabi, Mouhcine, and Abdul Munasib. "Stand Your Ground laws, homicides and gun deaths." Regional Studies 52, no. 9 (October 5, 2017): 1250–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2017.1371846.

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32

Light, Caroline. "From a Duty to Retreat to Stand Your Ground." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 15, no. 4 (August 2015): 292–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708615604953.

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33

Hills, Darrius D. "Stand Your Ground: Black Bodies and the Justice of God." Black Theology 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14769948.2015.1131496.

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34

Butz, Adam M., Michael P. Fix, and Joshua L. Mitchell. "Policy Learning and the Diffusion of Stand-Your-Ground Laws." Politics & Policy 43, no. 3 (June 2015): 347–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12116.

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35

Broadway, Mikael. "Stand Your Ground: Black Bodies and the Justice of God." Political Theology 18, no. 2 (February 9, 2017): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462317x.2017.1286776.

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Koperski, Jeffrey. "Divine Action, Determinism, and the Laws of Nature." Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith 73, no. 2 (June 2021): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.56315/pscf6-21koperski.

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DIVINE ACTION, DETERMINISM, AND THE LAWS OF NATURE by Jeffrey Koperski. New York: Routledge, 2020. 168 pages. Hardcover; $160.00. ISBN: 9780367139001. Ebook; open access. *When it comes to talking about God's action in the world and laws of nature in the science classes I teach, my students sometimes wonder if God, violating the very laws he created, is a problem. Jeffrey Koperski has written a book for those students and for you, too! You can see that Koperski is a teacher well experienced with explaining philosophical ideas to students majoring in anything but philosophy (who form the bulk of our philosophy teaching). This makes his new book a very accessible and enjoyable read. Moreover, no matter your background, you are likely to learn something new reading this book, perhaps even about your favored approach to divine action in the world. *Koperski is right to point out that philosophy of science--particularly philosophy of physics--is missing from most divine action discussions. If it enters at all, philosophy of science makes only cursory contributions. He is also right to observe that the causal closure of the physical, or of nature as a whole, gets too little attention in the divine action literature despite the outsized role it plays. Koperski ably shows why neither causal closure nor determinism are genuine obstacles to divine action in the world. Philosophy of science allows Koperski to clear a lot of this dead brush from the ground of divine action literature. This is an important contribution to the discussions. *Koperski helps us think more accurately about laws of nature (full disclosure: he and I have talked about these issues and tread a lot of the same ground). The assumption or metaphor of laws as "governing" events in nature has been accepted as largely unanalyzed in the divine action literature. Though he rarely uses this language, Koperski shows why the metaphor of laws "governing" things does not stand up to close analysis. He endorses a view of laws functioning as constraints that enables us to think more clearly about how God can act in the world without violating laws. *Koperski describes his model for divine action as decretalist and nonviolationist. The laws that scientists deal with represent divine decrees--gifts of order and constraint to creation. The regularities of creation genuinely exist and genuinely act. Koperski captures a biblical view of God's relationship to creation; he also considers natural philosophers' critical thinking about laws in the seventeenth century. *As for nonviolationism, Koperski points out that laws--the nomic conditions or features of the world--do not make things go (no "governing" metaphor). Rather, as physicists have recognized, it is forces that make things move. What laws do is provide nomic constraints on the behavior of forces (p. 134). His model is nonviolationist in that these laws are not violated when God acts in nature; rather, when there are nonnomic changes, "the laws adapt to change. This was true when we thought that nature was Newtonian, and it remains true in the age of quantum mechanics and relativity" (p. 135). Koperski's account is consistent with what I think physics reveals to us about the laws of nature--they function as typicality conditions: A law tells us what to expect for the behavior of forces on a system typical for the constraints represented by the law. But when new factors or conditions are introduced, the law does not tell us what to expect. The typicality is shattered, but not the law. Yet, this does not distress physicists; we know how to model and calculate what happens with these additional factors that the original law did not cover. *Consider a simple example: A grandfather clock keeps time well because of the lawlike regularities involved in its functioning. Yet, if I use my finger to keep the minute hand from moving forward, the clock will cease keeping time accurately. No laws have been violated; however, a genuine physical change has taken place regarding the clock's functioning. The regularities are still there--the laws are still operative--but they adapt to the presence of a new effect or force introduced into the clock system. What this means is that "once the laws of nature are distinguished from the behavior that is the result of those laws and nonnomic conditions, we find a vast space of contingency in which God can act" (p.¬†135). Koperski calls this a "neoclassical model of special divine action" (p. 135) because God is not manipulating laws to act in the world. If humans can make genuine nonnomic changes to nature without violating laws (e.g., rockets that overcome gravity's pull), clearly God is able to. The question then becomes one of God's relationship to the contingent order he has given creation. *You may be thinking of possible objections to this account of divine action. Koperski discusses several and I recommend you read what he has to say about them. I will briefly discuss what seem to be the most serious--that is, possible violations of energy conservation. There are many reasons to think that conservation laws function as constraints on systems when particular conditions hold. For instance, as Koperski points out, according to general relativity, energy conservation does not apply to an expanding universe. In a dynamic spacetime, the motion of objects does not conserve energy. More generally, any system whose dynamics depend on time will fail to conserve energy, and there are lots of such systems in the actual world. Physicists have precise ways of quantifying how much a system violates energy conservation and describing the resulting order of the system in question. The idea that any system violating energy conservation can always be embedded into a larger system restoring conservation is just that--an idea and nothing more. Physicists do not have any good reasons supporting this idea (though some defend it to maintain their reductionist intuitions). There is plenty of opportunity for divine action in the world and energy conservation is never an issue. *One could sweat some details. For example, Koperski rehearses arguments to the effect that quantum processes suppress chaos, thus undercutting the amplification of small quantum changes to macroworld effects (pp. 52-53). While it is true that quantum mechanics is no friend of chaos, the amplification argument is more along the lines of a chaotic macroscopic system being sensitive to quantum fluctuations; this doesn't depend on the existence of so-called quantum chaos. There always are stringent constraints on such amplification, however; so, Koperski is correct that banking on this as a route for divine action is still a hopeless cause. And I am not convinced that physics and philosophy of science are pointing toward an eventual rejection of ontological randomness in quantum mechanics (pp.¬†60-63). Irreducible randomness is not lawless chaos; it is a form of order that God has given to creation even if it offends the deterministic intuitions of some physicists and philosophers. None of Koperski's account stands or falls with these quibbles. *I would like to see Koperski's account enriched with the doctrine of creation, such as in Understanding Scientific Theories of Origins: Cosmology, Geology and Biology in Christian Perspective, Robert C. Bishop et al. (IVP Academic, 2018). His discussion in sec. 4.2 suggests that seventeenth-century natural philosophers eventually ditched all forms of divine-mediated action for direct or unmediated divine action as embodied in the laws of nature (the discussion is a little oversimplified, but this is a short book). This amounts to treating the laws of nature as the main mediators of all that happens in creation (back to the "governing" metaphor). In contrast, the doctrine of creation's emphasis on multiple forms of divine-mediated action helps to address the divine relationship to creation in which God is working in and through nature, not outside and apart from it. This is exactly what Koperski's account needs for some of the questions he entertains at the end of the book and for some he leaves unanswered (e.g., why one does not have to restrict divine concurrence to Thomist models only). *Reviewed by Robert C. Bishop, Department of Physics and Engineering, Wheaton College, Wheaton, IL 60187.

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Brownridge, Walter. "Book Review: Stand Your Ground: Black Bodies and the Justice of God." Anglican Theological Review 100, no. 4 (September 2018): 819–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861810000424.

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Shani, Amir, and Natan Uriely. "Stand your ground: The case for publishing in hospitality and tourism journals." International Journal of Hospitality Management 67 (October 2017): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijhm.2017.08.007.

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Powell, Burnele V. "A Reaction: "Stand up, Your Father [A Lawyer] Is Passing"." Michigan Law Review 97, no. 6 (May 1999): 1373. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290208.

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Burris, Scott. "Civilian Use of Deadly Force in Self-Defense: Public Health, Stand Your Ground." American Journal of Public Health 111, no. 4 (April 2021): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2021.306173.

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Ferraro, Vincent, and Saran Ghatak. "Expanding the Castle: Explaining Stand Your Ground Legislation in American States, 2005–2012." Sociological Perspectives 62, no. 6 (May 8, 2019): 907–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419845877.

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Although studies have analyzed the effects of “stand your ground” (SYG) laws on violent crime, the question of why states are more likely to take measures to allow gun violence (albeit in self-defense) in the public sphere remains understudied in the literature. Using a fixed-effects event-history analysis of a panel of longitudinal state-level data for the period 2005–2012, we expand upon recent research by testing three competing perspectives on the adoption of SYG laws: group threat, political partisanship, and crime. Despite rhetorical framing of SYG laws as a means of self-defense from predatory criminals by gun-rights organizations, we find no effect of crime on the passage of SYG laws. Nor do we find evidence for group threat. Implications of these findings and directions for future research are discussed. Instead, results support the political partisanship view, providing further evidence of the politicization of gun policy in the contemporary United States.

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Gius, Mark. "The relationship between stand-your-ground laws and crime: A state-level analysis." Social Science Journal 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2016.01.001.

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Marsden, Philip, and Simon Bishop. "Intellectual Leaders Still Need Ground to Stand On." European Competition Journal 3, no. 2 (December 2007): 315–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/ecj.v3n2.315.

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Day, Keri. "Stand Your Ground: Black Bodies and the Justice of God by Kelly Brown Douglas." Theology Today 73, no. 2 (May 26, 2016): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573616642348.

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Levy, Marc S., Wilmer Alvarez, Lauren Vagelakos, and Michelle Yore. "Stand Your Ground: The Impact of Policy on Justifiable Homicide in the United States." Journal of the American College of Surgeons 229, no. 4 (October 2019): e30-e31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jamcollsurg.2019.08.832.

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Benz, Terressa A. "Black Femininity and Stand Your Ground: Controlling Images and the Elusive Defense of Self-Defense." Critical Sociology 46, no. 7-8 (July 1, 2020): 1093–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920520932980.

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Stand Your Ground (SYG) laws are color-blind and gender neutral in language, providing all citizens the right to use deadly force with no obligation to retreat when they experience a “reasonable” threat. However, SYG protections depend on implicit racial and gender biases. Using the case of Siwatu-Salama Ra, the elusive nature of SYG protections is explored as it relates to dominant stereotypes regarding Black femininity. The argument is made that this othering of Black women as aggressive, fearless, and in need of discipline is a miscarriage of justice and provides the ideological groundwork for the exclusion of Black women from self-defense protections.

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Grimes, Jennifer N. "Hate, Conflict, and Public Space: Stand Your Ground Laws and Potential Immunity for Hate Crimes." Journal of Hate Studies 15, no. 1 (September 25, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33972/jhs.163.

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Constable, Marianne. "The Facts of Law." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, no. 5 (October 2019): 1121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.5.1121.

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In Crippled America: How to make America great again (2015), Donald J. Trump writes, “The most important lesson is this—Stand behind your word, and make sure your word stands up'” His next paragraph begins, “I don't make promises I can't keep.” Trump seems to align his word with his promises here, but he immediately follows “I don't make promises I can't keep” with “I don't make threats without following through. Don't ever make the mistake of thinking you can bully me. My business partners and employees know that my word is as good as any contract—and that better go for the other side's word as well” (138). The “word” that “stands up” and “behind” which Trump stands is a weapon of defense against bullying. It is a threat by “me” (Trump) against “you” should your word turn out not to be, like Trump's word, “as good as any contract.” Even if Trump does not explicitly invoke the slang usage of “contract” (i.e., hiring an assassin to kill someone), he “follow[s] through” on his threats against “the other side,” whose word had “better” be as good as his.

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Degli Esposti, Michelle, Douglas J. Wiebe, Antonio Gasparrini, and David K. Humphreys. "Analysis of “Stand Your Ground” Self-defense Laws and Statewide Rates of Homicides and Firearm Homicides." JAMA Network Open 5, no. 2 (February 21, 2022): e220077. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.0077.

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Levy, Marc, Wilmer Alvarez, Lauren Vagelakos, Michelle Yore, and Bertha Ben Khallouq. "Stand Your Ground: Policy and Trends in Firearm-Related Justifiable Homicide and Homicide in the US." Journal of the American College of Surgeons 230, no. 1 (January 2020): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jamcollsurg.2019.11.003.

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