Journal articles on the topic 'Stamp, 1706'

AbstrakSistem Pemerintahan Marga di Lubuklinggau berlangsung sejak tahun 1855 pada masa Pemerintahan Hindia Belanda. Tahun 1983 sistem Pemerintahan Marga di Lubuklinggau berakhir berdasarkan Surat Keputusan Gubernur Daerah Tingkat I Sumatera Selatan Nomor: 142 tahun 1983. Pemerintahan Marga pertama kali dikenal dalam wilayah Kesultanan Palembang Tahun 1662-1706. Marga dibentuk pada umumnya di daerah pedalaman, yang berada di hulu sungai. Tujuannya untuk memudahkan pengaturan wilayah kesultanan yang luas. Setiap Marga dipimpin oleh seorang kepala Marga yang disebut Depati/Pesirah. Sistem Pemerintahan Marga berlangsung hingga Masa Kemerdekaan. Sumber informasi mengenai pemerintahan Marga antara lain Piagam dari Sultan Palembang untuk Kiai Ario dari IPIL (Sekayu), stempel cap Marga Suku Tengah Kepungut Moesi Oloe di Lubuk Besar tahun 1856, dan Piagam Moeara Katie Marga Suku Tengah Tiang Poeng-poeng Afdeeling Moesi Oloe tahun 1866. Untuk menjelaskan sistem Pemerintahan Marga yang berlangsung cukup lama di Lubuklinggau kajian ini menggunakan metode sejarah. Interpretasi diperkuat dengan menggunakan konsep dan teori dari ilmu sosiologi, antropologi, dan ilmu politik. Kajian meliputi tiga hal, yaitu lahirnya pemerintahan Marga, hukum dalam pemerintahan Marga, dan pemerintahan Marga di Lubuklinggau. AbstractThe Clan Government administration systemof Lubuklingau had been role since 1855 in the Government of the Netherlands East Indies. It ended in 1983 by the Decree of the Governor of South Sumatra Level Region Number: 142 year 1983. The Clan Government Administration was known firstly in the Sultanate of Palembang Year 1662-1706. Margaor clan was formed generally in rural areas, which was closed to the river. The aim was to facilitate the controlling of the sultanate vast territory. Each of the clan was led by a head of Margawhich was called Depati / Pesirah. This system lasted until the Independence Period. The information sources about the government of clans can be seen from the Charter of the Sultan of Palembang to Kiai Ario of IPIL (Sekayu), stamp of the clans of Middle Kepungut Moesi Oloe in Lubuk Besar in 1856, and the Charter of Moeara Katie Middle Pillar Poeng-Poeng Afdeeling Moesi Oloe clan in 1866 . To explain the government system of Lubuklingau clan in this research,the researcher used the historical method. The Interpretation is reinforced by the use of concepts and theories of sociology, anthropology, and political science. The Studies cover three things; the birth of clan governance, rule of law within the clan, and the clan rule in Lubuklinggau.

In this research work, PS-InSAR approach is envisaged to monitor slope stability of landslides prone areas in Nainital and Tehri region of Uttarakhand, India. For the proposed work, Stanford Method for Persistent Scatterers (StaMPS) based PS-InSAR is used for processing ENVISAT ASAR C-Band data stacks of study area which resulted in a time series 1D-Line of Sight (LOS) map of surface displacement. StaMPS efficiently extracted the PS pixels on the unstable slopes in both areas and the time series 1D-LOS displacement map of PS pixels indicates that those areas in Nainital and Tehri region have measurement pixels with maximum displacement away from the satellite of the order of 22 mm/year and 17.6 mm/year respectively

Abstract The origin of pleonastic that can be traced back to Old English, where it could appear in syntactic constructions consisting of a preposition + a demonstrative pronoun (i.e., for py pat, for pæm pe) or a subordinator (i.e., op pat). The diffusion of this pleonastic form is an Early Middle English development as a result of the standardization of that as the general subordinator in the period, which motivated its use as a pleonastic word in combination with many kinds of conjunctions (i.e., now that, if that, when that, etc.) and prepositions (i.e., before that, save that, in that) (Fischer 1992: 295). The phenomenon increased considerably in Late Middle English, declining rapidly in the 17th century to such an extent that it became virtually obliterated towards the end of that same century (Rissanen 1999: 303-304). The list of subordinating elements includes relativizers (i.e., this that), adverbial relatives (i.e., there that), and a number of subordinators (i.e., after, as, because, before, beside, for, if, since, sith, though, until, when, while, etc.). The present paper examines the status of pleonastic that in the history of English pursuing the following objectives: (a) to analyse its use and distribution in a corpus of early English medical writing (in the period 1375-1700); (b) to classify the construction in terms of genre, i.e., treatises and recipes; and (c) to assess its decline with the different conjunctive words. The data used as source of evidence come from The Corpus of Early English Medical Writing, i.e., Middle English Medical Texts (MEMT for the period 1375-1500) and Early Modern English Medical Texts (EMEMT for the period 1500-1700). The use of pleonastic that in medical writing allows us to reconsider the history of the construction in English, becoming in itself a Late Middle English phenomenon with its progressive decline throughout the 16th and 17th centuries.

Abstract This article seeks to explore the interrelationship of two facets characterising eighteenth-century travel writing – art commentaries and national discourse. It is demonstrated that one of the reasons behind the travellers’ repetitious attempts to fashion themselves as connoisseurs was a need to re-affirm their national identity. To this end it offers an analysis of two travel texts coming from two different political moments – Daniel Defoe’s A Tour thro’ the Whole Island of Great Britain (1724–1726), constituting an attempt to read the British as a “great” and prosperous nation after the union of 1707, and Tobias Smollett’s idiosyncratic Travels through France and Italy (1766), shedding light on the British attitude towards the South in the aftermath of the Seven Years’ War and at the outset of the cult of feeling in Britain. It will also be argued that the numerous art commentaries throughout the narratives had a political agenda and supported the national discourse underpinning the texts.

A partire dagli studi di Bilinski sui Giuochi olimpici in Arcadia, l’articolo si propone di approfondire le prime edizioni della competizione, fondamentali al fine di comprendere la costruzione dell’ideale arcadico di miglioramento del passato, calato nella contemporanea querelle des anciens et des modernes. Attraverso lo studio del materiale manoscritto conservato presso la Biblioteca Angelica, tutt’ora in gran parte inedito, viene ricostruita la prima edizione dei Giuochi, celebrata nel 1697, e poi stampata con significative variazioni all’interno dell’Arcadia crescimbeniana (1708). Successivamente, tramite il confronto con le stampe successive, vengono sottolineati i punti di continuità e di cambiamento, con lo scopo di evidenziare come la competizione costituisca un punto di vista privilegiato al fine dello studio dei rapporti del consesso con il contesto della Roma curiale.

In the collection of the Museum of the Noble Tradition in Waplewo, a branch of the National Museum in Gdańsk, there is an icon of St Mitrofan (Russ. Митрофан; Greek Μητροφάνης), Bishop of Voronezh (1632–1703), of Russian provenance, a quite exotic work in the artistic landscape of Gdansk Pomerania. Images of Saint Mitrofan of Voronezh spread in the first half of the 19th century, undoubtedly in connection with his canonization in 1832. His connection with this event is indicated by the date of the goldsmith’s stamp ‘1835’ under the hallmark ‘НޞД’ (Nikolai Lukič Dubrovin, d. 1862), a Moscow sampling master active in 1822–1855. The contractor was ‘A T’ (Afanasij Tikhonov), a Moscow goldsmith active in 1820–1839. It was marked in Moscow (stamp of St George piercing the dragon), silver test: ‘84’. Mitrofan belonged to a group of monks devoted to a harsh life in isolation, ‘holy elders’ whose lives and instructions were to strengthen the faith of laymen and clergy through asceticism, prayer, fasting, and penance. The icon of St Mitrofan preserved in Waplewo is one of the unique and very early testimonies to the newly canonized monk depicted without a nimbus in the icon. The clergy costume indicates the highest third level of the life of the monk, so - -called the great schimnik, so in an extremely ascetic version, without any signs of episcopal dignity, in which even the cross hung on his neck was obscured by a gesture of his hands folded in prayer. From the information recorded on the back of the icon, corrected on the basis of the oral tradition, it follows that the icon had successively been in possession of the representatives (essentially women) of five generations of Polish families: Branicki, Potocki, and then Ogończyk -Sierakowski, the owners of the Waplewo residence from 1759 to 1933. However, the first owner of the icon seems to have been Aleksandra Wasiliewna Engelhardt (1754–1838), wife of Franciszek Ksawery Branicki (1730–1819), Hetman (Commander) of the Great Crown, and the alleged daughter of tsarina Catherine II, who probably gave it to her daughter Zofia.

According to several earlier studies, the prevalence of Heterobasidion in peat soils is generally lower compared to mineral soils. However, in some Norway spruce (Picea abies (L.) Karst.) stands on drained peat soils in Latvia, serious damage caused by Heterobasidion root rot has been observed. To determine the spread of Heterobasidion spp. on peat soil, we analyzed the structure of Heterobasidion genets in 20 study plots established in disease centres in 11 spruce-dominated peatland forest stands. A total of 381 standing spruce trees and 244 spruce stumps were examined for Heterobasidion infection. The fungus was isolated from 181 spruce trees (47.5%) and 43 stumps (17.6%). In total, 101 different Heterobasidion genotypes (genets) were identified (on average five genotypes per study plot). The average number of trees infected by a single Heterobasidion genotype was 2.2. Most of the genets (68.3%) had infected only one tree or stump while the rest of the genets (31.7%) had infected several trees and stumps. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to investigate the spread of Heterobasidion genotypes in peatland forest stands. To reduce losses caused by Heterobasidion root rot in spruce forests on drained peat soils, it is important to prevent primary spore infections as well as to avoid planting pure spruce stands with high density.

Abstract We present the life, career and memory of Pápai Páriz Ferenc (1649, Dés - 1716, Nagyenyed), professor and rector of the Protestant College of Nagyenyed, the famous Transylvanian humanist, medical doctor, poet, philosopher, church historian, heraldist. He studied in Dés (now Dej, Romania), Gyulafehérvár (now Alba Iulia, Romania), Kolozsvár (now Cluj-Napoca, Romania), Marosvásárhely (now Târgu-Mureş, Romania) and Nagyenyed (now Aiud, Romania). In the spring of 1672 he set off from Nagyenyed for a pedestrian trip abroad. He admired the Treasury in Dresden, and attended medical studies in Leipzig and Heidelberg. He completed his medical studies in Basel. In 1674 he became doctor medicus and was elected member of the board of the medical faculty. He returned to Nagyenyed in 1675. Between 1676 and 1690 he is the physician of the court of the Transylvanian princely couple. In 1678 he got a department in the College of Nagyenyed, extended in 1680 with Greek, physics, natural sciences and medical knowledge departments. Between 1681 and 1715 he was the rector of the College. Above all he cherished peace. He was a versatile writer. His medical book written in Hungarian, the PAX CORPORIS, i.e. “the peace of the body” was printed and published at Kolozsvár in 1690. This was dedicated to the target community: “for the benefit of the stupid poor”, it substituted the physician in the family. The rules of a healthy lifestyle were formulated also. The popularity of the book was proved by those eleven editions we know about. Another great work was the Hungarian-Latin, Latin-Hungarian dictionary (Lőcse, now Levoca, Slovakia, 1708). His memory is kept by a bust and plate in the courtyard of the Protestant College of Nagyenyed. The Hungarian postal service (Magyar Posta) released a stamp on his 350th anniversary. His life, work and importance were appreciated by a number of authors across centuries. An internet search on the terms “Pápai” + “Páriz” + “Ferenc” returns an important number of hits. Many foundations and associations are dedicated to his memory.

Abstract Introduction Congenital factor X deficiency is one of rarest bleeding disorders, occurring in 1 out of 1 million births. Its rarity limits its consideration in newborns presenting with hemodynamic instability. It is autosomal recessive and seen frequently in the consanguineous population. Patients with factor X deficiency are classified into three groups, based on factor X activity level: severe (<1%), moderate (1%-4%), and mild (6%-10%). Severe deficiency presents with bleeding diathesis early in life. Methods A 3-day-old male newborn, delivered at term via spontaneous vaginal delivery, presented in a well-baby clinic for a routine bilirubin check. Family history was negative for bleeding disorder or consanguinity. Nurse noted persistent blood oozing at heel stick site and oral, nasal, and umbilical stump bleeding. The patient immediately developed respiratory distress and shock. Sepsis, vitamin K deficiency, and congenital metabolic syndrome were considered. Liver function, WBC count, and other chemistry were normal, and cultures were negative. Hemoglobin was low and platelet count was elevated. PT (30.3 seconds) and aPTT (53.3 seconds) were both prolonged. Mixing patient’s sample with normal plasma corrected PT (13.1 seconds) and aPTT (25.7 seconds), indicating a factor deficiency. Results Coagulation factor assays revealed normal levels of factors VII, VIII, IX, and II. Factor X activity (12.9%) was low. The patient’s condition improved after multiple pRBC and plasma transfusions. He was placed on a daily 25-mL/kg dose of fresh-frozen plasma, which maintained his PT at 17.6 to 19.1 seconds and aPTT at 34.1 to 48.0 seconds. Factor X level increased to 20% after plasma transfusion. Conclusion Congenital bleeding disorder should be considered for neonates presenting with bleeding and shock. Factor X deficiency is suspected when both PT and aPTT are prolonged and corrected with mixing studies. Although factor levels of 10% to 40% are considered adequate for hemostasis, our patient with 12% factor X activity presented with a life-threatening bleeding event.

Цель работы: оценить потенциал нового сорта моркови столовой Купец отечественной селекции, отвечающего современным требованиям товарного производства. Исследования проводили в 2019–2021 годах в условиях открытого грунта в селекционном севообороте Агрофирмы «Поиск» (Московская область). Почва опытного участка относится к типу аллювиальных луговых, среднесуглинистая, насыщенная, влагоемкая. Почва отличается высоким содержанием гумуса – 3,5–3,8%, близкой к нейтральной реакцией солевой вытяжки – 5,5–6,1. Содержание общего азота – 0,19–0,24%, нитратного азота – 2,0–2,8 мг/100 г, подвижных форм фосфора – 17,6–19,1 мг/100 г, калия – 7,0–8,2 мг/100 г соответственно. Семена высевали во второй декаде мая на однорядковых делянках площадью 2,1 м2. Сразу после посева проводили обработку селективным почвенным довсходовым гербицидом Стомп в дозе 3 л/га с расходом рабочей жидкости 200 л/га. Во время вегетации проводили междурядную культивацию, учеты дат всходов, пучковой и технической спелости. Биохимические анализы после уборки проводили по следующим методикам: сухое вещество – термостатно-весовым методом (высушивание при 105 °C), сахара – по Бертрану, каротиноиды – спектрофотометрически. Закладку опытов по хранению сортообразцов моркови столовой проводили в холодильной камере овощехранилища при рекомендуемых режимах: температура воздуха 0–1 °C, относительная влажность воздуха – 90–95%. В 2020–2021 годах на 4 госсортучастках РФ урожайность сорта за два года колебалась от 45,7 т/га до 107,5 т/га, что говорит о реакции сорта на разные уровни технологий на сортоучастках. Средняя урожайность по всем участкам за два года составила 79,0 т/га. Наибольшие показатели урожайности сорта Купец (сортотип Курода/Шантенэ) отмечены в Ивановской и Московской областях. Масса корнеплода – 152–201 г. Вкусовые качества хорошие и отличные. Содержание сухого вещества – 10,8%, общего сахара – 7,2%, каротина – до 15,0 мг/100 г сырого вещества. The purpose of the work: to assess the potential of a new variety of carrot table Kupets of domestic selection, meeting the modern requirements of commodity production. The research was carried out in 2019–2021 in open ground conditions in the selection crop rotation of the Poisk Agro Firm (Moscow region). The soil of the experimental site belongs to the type of alluvial meadow, medium loamy, saturated, moisture-intensive. The soil is characterized by a high humus content – 3.5–3.8%, a salt extract reaction close to neutral – 5.5–6.1. The content of total nitrogen is 0.19–0.24%, nitrate nitrogen – 2.0–2.8 mg/100 g, mobile forms of phosphorus – 17.6–19.1 mg/100 g, potassium – 7.0–8.2 mg/100 g, respectively. Sowing was carried out in the second decade of May on single-row plots with an area of 2.1 m2. Immediately after sowing, a selective soil pre-emergence herbicide Stomp was treated at a dose of 3 l/ha with a working fluid flow rate of 200 l/ha. During the growing season, row-to-row cultivation, records of germination dates, bundle and technical ripeness were carried out. Biochemical analyses after harvesting were carried out according to the following methods: dry matter – by the thermostatic-weight method (drying at 105 °C), sugars – by Bertrand, carotenoids – spectrophotometrically. The laying of experiments on the storage of carrot varieties in the dining room was carried out in the refrigerating chamber of the vegetable storage at the recommended modes: air temperature 0–1 °C, relative humidity – 90–95%. In 2020–2021, the yield of the variety for two years ranged from 45.7 t/ha to 107.5 t/ha at 4 state-owned cultivars of the Russian Federation, which indicates the reaction of the variety to different levels of technology at the variety stages. The average yield on all plots for two years was 79.0 t/ha. The highest yield indicators of the Kupets variety (Kuroda/Chantene type) were noted in the Ivanovo and Moscow regions. The weight of the root crop is 152–201 g. The taste qualities are good and excellent. The dry matter content is 10.8%, total sugar – 7.2%, carotene up to 15.0 mg/100 g of raw matter.

Aim. To study the effectiveness of the use of Neovir (sodium oxodihydroacridinyl acetates) as immunomodulatory and antiviral drug in the comprehensive treatment of various grade cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN). Study design: prospective comparative study. Materials and methods. The study included 60 patients (mean age 34.78.2 years) with morphologically verified various grade CIN, who were received comprehensive treatment, including the use of Neovir (sodium oxodihydroacridinyl acetate) as the drug with immunomodulatory and antiviral activity, 250 mg/2 ml intramuscularly every 48 hours, 10 injections before (group 1) or after (group 2) multi-stage radiosurgical diagnostic and treatment procedure or only a similar surgical intervention (group 3). All patients underwent complete clinical, morphological and laboratory examination with monitoring for the presence of high-risk human papillomavirus (HPV) in the cervical scraping and the dynamics of peripheral blood lymphocyte subpopulations. Results. Dynamic follow-up showed that in a month after surgery, patients who were treated with radiosurgical resection as monotherapy (group 3) had the lowest rate of complete epithelialization of the cervical stump 30.0% vs 55.0 and 65,0% in the group 1 and group 2 respectively. In this group, the proportion of patients with persistent viral infection was 1.52 times higher than in the groups where an antiviral drug was used in combination with radiosurgical intervention 35.7% vs 17.6 and 22.2% in the group 1 and group2, respectively. In 6 months, elimination of high-risk HPV in groups with comprehensive treatment reached 94.5 in the group 1 and 94.1% in the group 2 (p0.05) vs 78.6% in the group 3. The lowest number of TNK- and NK-cells was found in the group of patients who received radiosurgical treatment as monotherapy, which correlated with the highest incidence of high-risk HPV persistence after treatment in this group. Conclusions. In patients with various grade CIN, the use of an immunomodulatory drug with antiviral activity in combination with radiosurgical intervention promotes early epithelialization of the cervix and elimination of high-risk HPV, which is confirmed by significant changes in the lymphocyte subpopulations which provide antiviral immunity.

Per Stam om CAROLINE HAUXFRAMKALLNING. SKRIFT, KONSUMTION OCH SEXUALITET I KARIN BOYES ASTARTE OCH HENRY PARLANDS SÖNDERGöteborg/Stockholm: Makadam, 2013, 359 s. (diss. Stockholm) Sofia Pulls om EVA SÖDERBERG, MIA ÖSTERLUND & BODIL FORMARK (RED.)FLICKTION. PERSPEKTIV PÅ FLICKAN I FIKTIONENMalmö: Universus Academic Press, 2013, 328 s. Johan Alfredsson om MARTIN GLAZ SERUPRELATIONEL POESIOdense: Syddansk Universitetsforlag, 2013, 115 s. Lisbeth Stenberg om MARIA M. BERGLUNDVÄRV OCH VERK. FÖRNYELSE OCH TRADITION I NORDISK KVINNOLITTERATURHISTORIA FRÅN TILLKOMST TILL TRYCKT BOKKarlstad University Studies, 2013:21. Karlstad: Institutionen för språk, litteratur och interkultur, Karlstads universitet, 320 s. (diss. Karlstad) Åsa Arping om EIVIND TJØNNELAND (RED.)KRITIKK FØR 1814. 1700-TALLETS POLITISKE OG LITTERÆRE OFFENTLIGHETOslo: Dreyers forlag, 2014, 639 s. Jesper Olsson om MARKUS HUSSMOTSTÅNDETS AKUSTIK. SPRÅK OCH (O)LJUD HOS PETER WEISS 1946–1960Lund: ellerströms, 2014, 297 s. (diss. Södertörn/Stockholm) Frida Beckman om MAGNUS ULLÉN (RED.)VÅLDSAMMA FANTASIER. STUDIER I FIKTIONSVÅLDETS FUNKTION OCH ATTRAKTIONKulturvetenskapliga skriftserien, 2:2014 Karlstad: Karlstads universitet, 2014, 230 s. Per-Olof Mattsson om CHRISTIAN BERRENBERG”ES IST DEINE PFLICHT ZU BENUTZEN, WAS DU WEIßT!” LITERATUR UND LITERARISCHE PRAKTIKEN IN DER NORWEGISCHEN ARBEITERBEWEGUNG 1900–1931Literarische Praktiken in Skandinavien; 3. Würzburg: Ergon, 2014, 476 s. (diss. Köln) Tilda Maria Forselius om EVA HÆTTNER AURELIUS, HEDDA GUNNENG & JON HELGASON (RED.)WOMEN’S LANGUAGE. AN ANALYSIS OF STYLE AND EXPRESSION IN LETTERS BEFORE 1800Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2012, 260 s. Jennie Nell om PETER LIND”STRUNT ALT HVAD DU ORERAR”. CARL MICHAEL BELLMAN, ORDENSRETORIKEN OCH BACCHI ORDENStudia Rhetorica Upsaliensa 4, red. Otto Fischer, Uppsala: Uppsala universitet, 2014, 322 s. (diss. Uppsala) Marianne Sandels om CARIN FRANZÉNJAG GAV HONOM INTE MIN KÄRLEK. OM HÖVISK KÄRLEK SOM KVINNLIG STRATEGIStockholm: Ersatz, 2012, 174 s. Johannes Björk om MAGNUS NILSSONLITERATURE AND CLASS. AESTHETICAL-POLITICAL STRATEGIES IN MODERN SWEDISH WORKING-CLASS LITERATUREBerlin: Berliner Beiträge zur Skandinavistik Band 21, 2014, 172 s. Hilda Jakobsson om KRISTINA FJELKESTAM, HELENA HILL & DAVID TJEDER (RED.)KVINNORNA GÖR MANNEN. MASKULINITETSKONSTRUKTIONER I KVINNORS TEXT OCH BILD 1500–2000,Göteborg/Stockholm: Makadam, 2013, 351 s. Thomas Götselius om KNUT OVE ELIASSEN, ANNE FASTRUP & TUE ANDERSEN NEXØ (RED.)EUROPEISK LITTERATUR 1500–1800. BIND 1. VERDEN: FRA COLUMBUS TILL NAPOLEONAarhus: Aarhus universitetsforlag, 2013, 260 s.

The article is devoted to handwritten documents of the 18th – early 20th century containing Komi-Permyak language material. Although archives and libraries in Russia and abroad hold many well-known, but unstudied manuscripts, and information on previously unknown documents continues to appear, study of the manuscript traditions of various Permyak languages in general, and of the Komi-Permyak in particular, remains lacunar. There is no archaeographic and palaeographic description of documents, which should precede textual and linguistic analysis of the manuscripts and their subsequent publication. The study is to offer a brief overview of the history of the Komi-Permyak language written monuments of the 18th – early 20th century and to develop a concept of their archaeographic description. The first part of the article outlines the main milestones in the history of the Komi-Permyak manuscript tradition, indicating types and authors of the written monuments: (1) the century of travelers and scientific expeditions (N. Witsen 1641–1717, Ph. J. von Strahlenberg 1676–1747, D. G. Messerschmidt 1685–1735, J. E. Fischer 1697–1771, G. F. M?ller 1705–83, I. I. Lepekhin 1740–1802); (2) the era of Catherine II (Nikita Ovchinnikov, A. I. Popov 1748–88); (3) the first half of the 19th century (Georgy Chechulin, F. F. Lyubimov 1779/1780–1851, F. A. Volegov 1790–1856); (4) the time of the first printed books (P. M. Sorokin 1860–95, A. F. Teploukhov 1880–1943). All manuscripts fall into the following genres: (1) dictionaries of the Komi-Permyak language; (2) Permyak dictionaries included in multilingual collections; (3) grammatical essays on the Komi-Permyak language; (4) translations of religious texts (Gospels, prayers) into the Permyak. The second part of the article, taking into account specifics of the Komi-Permyak writing manuscript monuments and time of their creation, proposes to consider the following elements in their archaeographic description: (1) place of storage, code, date; (2) name; (3) volume, format; (4) binding; (5) numbering; (6) filigree, stamps; (7) notebooks; (8) handwriting; (9) records, labels; (10) Russian graphics and spelling; (11) Komi-Permyak graphics and spelling; (12) content; (13) additional information; (14) history of manuscript description and its study; (15) bibliography. In the course of archaeographic description, the history of the Komi-Permyak writing and manuscript tradition is reconstructed; links between various Finno-Ugric manuscripts are established; previously unknown monuments of the Finno-Ugric writing and new facts regarding dating of various papers of the 18th–19th centuries come to light.

BackgroundSystemic sclerosis (SSc) is a systemic autoimmune disease.1 Fatigue has been reported in 75% of SSc patients, and is the most problematic symptom due to impact on quality of life. Despite its high prevalence, origin is unknown.2 Some studies associate it with the degree of disease activity and decreased quality of life. Fatigue is defined as a feeling of exhaustion, also as a reduction in physical and mental capacity,3 scales such as FACIT-F (Functional Assessment of Chronic Illness Therapy-Fatigue) are used, which evaluates the last 7 days, with a score of 0-52. For the severity analysis, 4 grades are used: no or mild fatigue (40-52), moderate (27-39), severe (14-26) and extreme (0-13).4,5ObjectivesTo evaluate the frequency and degree of fatigue in systemic sclerosis.MethodsProspective, longitudinal, observational study of the cohort of patients of the Rheumatology service of the Hospital Docente Padre Billini. Patients were interviewed in November 2021. Inclusion criteria: ≥18 years, diagnosis of SSc according ACR/EULAR 2013 classification criteria. Exclusion criteria: previous diagnosis of fibromyalgia, depression or anxiety, treatment with antidepressants, antihistamines, beta-blockers. Measurement of FACIT-F, HAQ-DI, mRSS scales. Statistical analysis was performed with the Pearson correlation (rp) with p=>0.05. The data was analyzed by SPSS V23.Results54 met inclusion criteria. 100% female, mean age 53.3±15.1 years, mean disease duration 11.3 years, SScd 75.9% (41), SScl 24.1% (13), interstitial pneumonia 33.3% (18), gastrointestinal reflux disease 27.8% (15), HAP 20.37% (11). Frequency of fatigue 100% (54): moderate FACIT-F: 29.6% (16), severe FACIT-F 38.8% (21), extreme 31.5% (17). Correlation FACIT-F with mRSS and HAQ-DI: Moderate FACIT-F: mRSS mild 43.8% (7), moderate 12.5% (2), severe 18.8% (3), terminal 25% (4), HAQ-DI mild 25% (4), moderate 37.5% (6), severe 18.8% (3). Severe FACIT-F: mRSS normal 4.8% (1), mild 19% (4), moderate 91% (4), severe 33.3 % (7), terminal 23.8% (5), HAQ-DI mild 4.8% (1), moderate 19% (4), severe 47.6% (10). FACIT-F extreme: mRSS mild 7.61% (3), moderate 29.4% (5), severe 35.3% (6), terminal 17.6% (3), HAQ-DI moderate 11.8% (2), severe 52.9% (9). rp=. 246 p>0.05ConclusionThe study demonstrated a high frequency of fatigue. The most frequent degree was severe. A statistically significant linear association was observed between skin involvement and the degree of functional limitation.References[1]Basta F, Afeltra A, Margiotta DPE. Fatigue in systemic sclerosis: a systematic review. Clin Exp Rheumatol. 2018.[2]Chernis, J., Buni, M., Kazzaz, S., Ying, J., Lyons, M., Assassi, S. and Mayes, M., 2021. Predictors of Perceived Functional Status in Early Systemic Sclerosis: A Prospective Longitudinal Study of the GENISOS Cohort. Arthritis Care & Research.[3]Stamm, T., Mosor, E., Omara, M., Ritschl, V., & Murphy, S. L. (2020). How can fatigue be addressed in individuals with systemic sclerosis? The Lancet Rheumatology, 2(3), e128-e129.[4]Nakayama, A., Tunnicliffe, D., Thakkar, V., Singh-Grewal, D., O’Neill, S., Craig, J. and Tong, A., 2016. Patients’ Perspectives and Experiences Living with Systemic Sclerosis: A Systematic Review and Thematic Synthesis of Qualitative Studies. The Journal of Rheumatology, 43(7), pp.1363-1375.[5]Acaster, S., Dickerhoof, R., DeBusk, K., Bernard, K., Strauss, W. and Allen, L., 2015. Qualitative and quantitative validation of the FACIT-fatigue scale in iron deficiency anemia. Health and Quality of Life Outcomes, 13(1).Disclosure of InterestsNone declared

"La Beatissima Vergine del Carmine ‒ l’icona miracolosa della Chiesa cattolica di pelegrinaggio di Maria-Radna. Il presente articolo rappresenta un intervento scientifico di un’incontro tra la ricerca storico-documentaria, iconologica e iconografica del tema. Lo studio delle “Sacre icone miracolose” della Transilvania, delle regioni di Maramureș, Bihor e Banat hanno fatto, e fanno parte del programma di ricerca dell’autore da più di cinque decenni, aggiungendosi alla richissima bibliografia riguardante le icone miracolose che si trovano nelle chiese della Moldavia e Muntenia, menzionati dal ricercatore di Cluj. Nel preambolo il lettore conoscerà la storia docu¬mentaria ma anche quella legendaria della fondazione del monastero francescano Maria-Radna iniziando dall’anno 1327, nell’epoca del re Carlo Roberto d’Angiò, la vita, i compimenti e le metamorfosi di questo monastero, le costruzioni successive, l’edificazione della capella nell’anno 1520, le distruzioni del periodo ottomano (1551), le ricostruzioni della Chiesa dovuti a fedeli generosi e la sua dotazione con l’icona della Vergine col Bambino, più precisamente, in conformità all’epigrafo dalla parte inferiore, LA BEATISSIMA VERGINE DEL CARMINE, meraviglioso dono dell’ anziano bosniaco Georg Viriĉonosa (Virchonossa) dell’anno 1668. Il momento che segna e nota il miracolo è l’anno 1695, quando la piccola chiesa fu saccheggiata e messa a fuoco, l’unico pezzo salvato dalle rovine e dalla cenere essendo l’icona della Madre di Dio. Questo momento legendario fu seguito da un’altra vicenda miracolosa cioè quella della punizione del visir profanatore della Chiesa quando il suo cavallo fu bloccato mentre un suo zoccolo fu intrappolato in un frammento di pietra (La traccia dello zoccolo). Il terzo atto dello scenario legendario racconta di un nuovo incendio della capella francescana dai turchi e il giudizio divino, quello d’indirizzare le fiammi distruttivi verso l’esercito ottomano oltre il fiume Mureș a Lipova. La notizia di questi fatti miracolosi si è diffusa con rapidità, da allora in poi i fedeli venendo in pelegrrinaggio, non solo dalle vicinanze, ma proprio da lontano per inchino e preghiera di fronte alla icona della Madre di Dio, l’icona miracolosa, responsabile per le guarigioni miracolose di pelegrini malatti, guarigioni che furono inscritti nel registro della chiesa iniziando col 1707. Di seguito la cronaca della chiesa nota lavori di ricostruzione tra (1722-1727), l’inizio della costruzione della nuova chiesa (24 giugno 1734), l’innalzamento dell’ala nordica e di sud-ovest del monastero (1743-1747), la collocazione della prima pietra di una basilica monumentale, il 7 giugno dell’anno 1756 nel giorno di Pentecoste, in presenza del gran Preposto del Capitulo cattedral di Cenad, che aveva la residenza a Timișoara, Clemente Rossi, del Consigliere originario di Banat Iacob Salbek e del superiore del monastero Ieronim Bocsin. Le costruzioni condotte da Karol Vogel saranno concluse nel 1767, anno in cui fu santificata la Chiesa dal Vescovo di Cenad, Anton Engel, in quale occasione fu collocata sull’altare principale l’icona La Beatissima Vergine del Carmine, placcata con ornamenti di argento, oro, perle e pietre preziose grazie al maestro viennese Joseph Moser. La meta del XIX secolo segna la fine del montaggio del mobilio liturgico formato da otto altari dedicati a santi protettori [ Il sacro cuore di Gesù e Il sacro cuore di Maria (1824); San Francesco d’Assisi (1805) e Sant’Ana (1822); Il fidanzamento della Vergine (1781), lavoro del pittore dell’Accademia regale ed Imperiale, Franz Wagenschőn; Sant’ Antonio da Padova (1762), creazione del maestro Ferdinand Schiestl autore anche della fresca del santuario; il Battesimo del Redentore (fine del XVIII secolo) e San Giovanni Nepomuk (1723)]. L’icona miracolosa della chiesa di Radna fu lavorata nell’officina Remondini di Bassano del Grappa, dopo la meta del XVII secolo, facendo parte di un ampia produzione d’incisioni religiose popolari richiesti dal mercato artistico del tempo. Il lavoro su carta delle dimensioni di 477 x 705 mm rappresenta nel campo centrale La Vergine Maria con il Gesù bambino in braccia (Hodighitria), in un’originale riunione iconografica dei modelli Elousa e Glykophilousa. La silografia nota il evidente collegamento del messaggio iconografico e iconologico con la storia del culto dell’abito liturgico (lo scapolare) dei testi liturgici medievali e premoderni come anche con l’immagine con la scena del registro inferiore, una rappresentazione visuale di quello “privilegio Sabatino”, più precisamente la promessa per quelli che indosseranno quello “scapolare” di essere liberati dal Purgatorio nel primo sabato dopo la loro morte (uno dopo l’altro gli angeli salvatori tirano fuori dal luogo avvolto dalle fiamme, le anime e i corpi che indossano lo scapolare). Tra i lavori di riferimento sul tema, per capire, intendere e per la storia dell’immagine, per l’iconografia tradizionale della Madonna “del Carmelo” ( oppure nella lingua spagnola “del Carmine”), per l’origine / la storia della festa, per le commemorazioni solenni, per la festa dell’abito dello “scapolare”, per la festa fuori dell’Ordine carmelitano e la festa nella Chiesa Universale, l’autore presenta in traduzione dalla lingua italiana, un testo inedito nella letteratura rumena specializzata, il libro di P. Albino del Bambino Gesù (OCD), Lo Scapolare della Madonna del Carmine, Ed. Ancora, Milano 1957. Una dettagliata analisi relativa alla composizione, iconografica fu fissata sui 14 ex-voto quali incorniciano l’icona La Beatissima Vergine del Carmine. Grazie alla moderna tecnica fotografica, attraverso l’amplificazione, attraverso l’aumento della loro dimensione, fu “letta” la storia e il racconto di questi miracoli. Sopra la Madre di Dio: 1. Molti dormendo colti sotto alla /ruina della casa nescono viui (Mentre dormivano sono colti sotto la rovina della casa,ma essi rimangono vivi). 2. Sommergendosi la naue, fa voto/ vn pesce ottura e si saluano (Mentre la nave sommerge, fa voto/, un pesce riempie la rottura e la nave si salva). 3. Vn putto stato 3. giorni nel fiume, / fa voto Pad(re) e Mad(re), e la pesca viuo. (Un bambino è rimasto per tre giorni nel fiume, facendo voto il padre e la madre lo pescano vivo). 4. Vno ferito grauemente, getato in/mare fa voto e si libera (Un ferito grave viene gettato nel mare, fa voto e si libera). 5. Vn figliuolo gettato in pozzo, eco/-perto di sassi dopo 8. die caua vivo (Un figlio gettato nel pozzo e coperto di pietre è trovato vivo dopo otto giorni). 6. L’an(no). 1050 (=1500) portandosi quest imag(ine)/. À Roma v(n) strop Risanato la segue (Nell’anno1050 (=1500) portando quest’immagine a Roma uno storpio guarisce). Nella parte destra della Madre di Dio (alla sinistra di chi guarda): 7. Da altiss(ima). Finestra vn fu-/giendo dall incendio d’une casa fa voto alla (Madonna), e si sal(vano). (Dall’altezza della finestra di una casa un fuggente da incendio fa voto alla Madonna e si salva). 8. Cadendo vno da vn altissi-/ ma pianta inuoca la Ma-/donna del Carmine, e non/ riceue male alcuno. (Cadendo uno da un alto albero, invoca la Madonna del Carmine e viene salvato dal male). 9. Vn ferito con 30 ferite a que-/B(eata). V(ergine) del Carmine/ricore e si risana (Un ferito con 30 ferite chiede aiuto alla Santa Vergine del Carmine e si riprende). 10. Essendo sententiato vno al-/la forcha viene dalla Beata/Vergine liberato. (Uno essendo condannato ad essere innalzato sul patibolo viene liberato dalla Santa Vergine). Nella parte sinistra della Madre di Dio (alla destra di chi guarda). 11. Carlo Cassa di Verona/ da Barbare gente in prigiona-/te fa voto e si libera. (Carlo Cassa di Verona fatto prigioniero dai Barbari s’inchina e viene rilasciato). 12. Vn cieco fa voto alla Glo-/riosa Maria del Carmine, e impetra il ve-/dere). (Un cieco s’inchina alla gloriosa Vergine Maria del Carmine e riprende la vista). 13. Vn padre Troua viuo il figlio./ chegli era stato da un nemi(-)co vciso e sepolto. (Un padre trova il suo figlio vivo quale fu ucciso e sepolto da un nemico). 14. Giostrando a vn principe,/ viene passata la coscia fa voto e si sana. (Nella giostra un principe viene traffito alla coscia, fa voto e si riprende.) La nostra ricerca dimostra il fatto che la xilografia della chiesa di Radna è una delle realizzazioni più elaborate della La Stamperia Remondini che produce tra gli anni 1657-1861. L’ affermazione si appoggia sul paragone con altre stampe che hanno rappresentazioni a questo tema, tra i quali una incisione”a bulino” ( 233x167 mm) dove la Madonna del Carmine è inquadrata da dieci scene che illustrano i miracoli di Santa Maria e una seconda variante dovuta alla stamperia Remondini, dell’anno 1830, una xilografia colorata con l’epigrafe” B. V. DEL CARMINE CO’MIRACOLI”, dove in quelli dieci scene che inquadrano il lavoro furono ripresi una parte delle sequenze miracolose dell’icona della Chiesa di Radna. Parole chiave: il monastero Maria-Radna, l’icona miracolosa, La Madonna del Carmine, ex-voto, L’Ordine Francescano, L’Ordine Carmelitano, l’abito liturgico (lo scapolare), La stamperia Remondini, xilogravure religiose popolari. "

The e-mail allegedly attributed to Satoshi Nakamoto (supposedly a pseudonym) was transmitted 14 years ago, describing the development of an electronic currency (Nakamoto, 2008). The design of this electronic currency represented the solution of the general Byzantine problem, a well-known problem in computing, which, in general terms, defines that one of the parts of a system can intentionally fail, and with that, make the entire network unavailable. Therefore, the premise is that part of the system is corrupt (Dolev et al., 1982). In the few lines of the email, Satoshi Nakamoto described such a solution and published an article with the details made available on the same date. The article describes how to transmit information within a chain of blocks that are: synchronized with date and time (time stamp); combined with code that depends on a previous block (hash code); can be validated with public and private key cryptography framework anonymously and decentrally; but highly resilient to any tampering attempt and with public record. The concept of digital currency, in this case Bitcoin, consisted at that time of a code or token resulting from encryption and that could be included in these blocks. Blocks registered definitively in the ledgers distributed along the blockchain network that could be traced. The digital framework developed by Satoshi Nakamoto, although it emerged to make Bitcoin viable as a digital currency, has been separated over the last 14 years. Blockchain can be understood as a decentralized communication technology that gave rise to a family of other technological structures of encrypted communication such as ecosystems, public blockchain, private blockchain and blockchain networks, mainly (Mazumdar Ruj, 2022). Digital currencies, on the other hand, have also developed in variety and quantity, so much so that as we write this editorial there are over 10,000 digital currencies in operation. The total capitalization value of digital currencies rose from USD 18 billion at the beginning of 2017, surpassing USD 1.4 trillion by mid-2021 (Su et al., 2022). Currently, there is no technological impediment for companies to create their own digital currencies using a Bitcoin network or an Etherium network, for example, as well as many other networks available.Obviously, even today, there are technical challenges related, mainly, to the scalability of these networks and currencies. Bitcoin, when created, had a capacity of 7 transactions per second, currently, as we write this editorial, the transaction capacity of the Bitcoin network (BTS) is 14 transactions per second. The Etherium (ETH) network was born with a capacity of 20 transactions per second and currently has a capacity of 35 transactions per second. For comparison purposes, the VISA network has a capacity of 1700 transactions per second, which shows that there is still some way to make blockchain networks the new communication backbone, scalable for more mass uses (Chauhan Patel, 2022). There are implementations of the Solana network, for example, which promises to reach 50,000 transactions per second, still in the confirmation phase from a practical point of view, which could allow running Internet of Things (IoT) applications on this blockchain network (Duffy et al., 2021).At the same time, since 2013, the reorganization of the TCP IP structure from IPv4 (4.2 billion IP addresses) to IPv6 (79 octillion IP addresses or 7.9 x ) more than the total number of IPv4 addresses) has been implemented. Such implementation made it possible to expand connectivity to a level sufficient for the world demand, which is 56 octillion (56 x ) addresses per human being on earth. In terms of addressing, the possibilities of connecting new and future elements on the internet/blockchain communication network are guaranteed, making the IoT (Internet of Things) a real possibility.In addition to the traditional applications dedicated to making digital currency viable, especially in the last 5 years, certain works resulting from the combination of information technology and human creativity (also known as creative economy) brought NFT (Non-Fungible Token) to the management field. NFT are tokens (produced through encrypted code, subscribed in some blockchain network) that express the ownership of their author. Whoever acquires an NFT, has his/her record recorded in a ledger and, therefore, can exercise the rights or benefits related to the possession of that NFT. There are two main origins of an NFT, digital games and works of art or graphic expressions (Vasan et al., 2022). In the case of digital games, NFT can be used to record permanently and nominally the “achievements achieved” within a given game. Its owner now takes possession of a certain item that, previously, would only exist within the game itself, a virtual (digital) environment. In the case of graphic, artistic expressions, and other works of art, it is possible to make your possession digital. Works from the natural environment (physical), the result of expressions of human creativity, are now registered in an NFT-type token, coming to exist in the virtual world (digital). In this way, the works, and the data of their authorship and ownership, are permanently registered in the ledger of a blockchain network specialized in transacting NFT. As in the game, the possession of an NFT of a work of art allows the author to trade or use the benefits related to the possession of this NFT.From the convergence of connectivity technologies such as cloud computing, the advent of IPV6 and technologies based on tokens (blockchain, crypto assets and NFT not exhaustively) the concept of Web 3.0 becomes viable. Web 3.0 can be understood as a network of people and physical objects, making the integration between the natural world and the virtual world more intense (augmented, virtual and mixed reality). The idea of a Metaverse (Web 3.0 Application) depends on the technological availability that we describe here very succinctly and on the realization of new social behaviors that are underway (Korkmaz et al., 2022).The context described is not new to most practitioners and academics involved with innovation. However, by describing it in general terms, we can identify different research objects that may be of interest to the community working in the field of innovation management. Evidently, within the research perspectives, especially in innovation management, parallel logics can be established with the more established theories or concepts, which allow an approximation with the new technological objects available to people and companies. Such technologies have permeated traditional companies and startups that have a specific focus on these connectivity technologies described as core business or as business support.The idea of this editorial comment is to recognize the possibility of receiving more technological articles or scientific articles, perspectives and book reviews that consider connectivity and tokenization technologies as research objects. Such technologies can be positioned in research both as objects of analysis and as contextual and organizational objects. Whether contextual and organizational can bring research involving routines, capabilities, competencies and business models, whose core business process is innovation at different scales, natures, degrees of novelty, stages of diffusion or adoption. To cite just one possibility, as an example, the model by Tidd and Bessant from 2009, which describes the construct of orientation to innovation strategy, used in several research in the field of innovation since then, can be revised in the new contexts or in the face of new technologies (Ferreira et al., 2015). If such technologies are positioned as objects of analysis, research can involve every part of the innovation management process such as searching for innovations, selecting innovations, implementing innovations, generating value with innovations, and capturing value with innovations in analysis of single level or multilevel. In addition to the direct positioning of token and blockchain-based technologies, as an object or as a contextual aspect, adjacent effects are expected, for instance, involving intellectual property, environmental and social sustainability, technological governance, people management and other consequences that may be the focus of research, considering the emerging technologies mentioned above. There is also the field of research that is dedicated to the development of new products, both defining new models of digital product development and methods derived from these models, without forgetting all the implications related to the issues of information security management involved in these contexts of token transactions (Baudier et al., 2022). Although the possibilities for theoretical and managerial development for the area of innovation research, involving technologies based on tokens and blockchain, are broad, there is research that can be very relevant, but that would be better received in journals in mathematics, computer science or even software engineering and not in journals dedicated to innovation. Research that develops a new way of doing encryption, or even a more efficient algorithm that allows increasing the capacity of transactions per second, the design of a new network or a new ecosystem based on blockchain or even research that develops improvements in consensus protocols of blockchain undoubtedly has great value but would be expected in engineering or math journals. On the other hand, there are studies that bring reports of implementations of a business application on a blockchain basis, either as a business support application, or in the form of designing a blockchain-based product that will be taken to the market (Wan et al., 2022). In these cases, applied research, from the point of view of innovation research, what is expected to be found in the article is the development of knowledge that demonstrates how, why or to what extent the innovation processes were sensitized, or in what way the process of innovation contributed or presented limitations to support the reported implementation. In this way, such research can be received as technological articles, since the theoretical elements that relate the innovation process, or the management of the innovation process with the implementation based on token or blockchain, will be present, which are the bases of analysis used to support the expansion of innovation theories, innovation management or management practices in innovation contexts.Finally, we invite the entire community to submit papers with theoretical discussions related to paradigm shifts, involving the dematerialized nature of new products and their tendency towards a service-oriented view (Jain et al., 2022).As it should be clear, this editorial comment did not explore all the possibilities of research in innovation management involving technologies based on tokens and blockchain, but only a few examples that can help to obtain insights. We intend, in some way, to encourage the innovation community to develop studies considering new technologies, developing, or expanding theories and knowledge of innovation.

A 55-year-old male, smoker, with no other comorbidities, was referred to our hospital with signs and symptoms of acute left lower limb ischemia, which was not salvageable. He underwent an Above Knee Amputation [AKA] to avoid sepsis and relieve pain. He was discharged on therapeutic dose of Rivaroxaban as he had a past history of unprovoked venous thromboembolism. Post AKA, his stump wound was healthy. Two weeks post-op he reported to the emergency with history of swelling and pain on the stump edge. Upon examination, there was 2 by 2 cm collection on the lateral edge of his stump wound. Under local anesthesia, the collection was drained. This was thought to be an infected hematoma. He started regular physiotherapy once the incision site healed.

The koprulu era (1656- 1703) was a period in which the Ottoman Empire’s politics were frequently dominated by a series of grand viziers from the koprulu family. The koprulu era is sometimes more narrowly defined as the period from 1653- 1683, as it was during those years that members of the family held the office of grand vizier uninterruptedly, while for the remainder of the period they occupied it only sporadically. The koprulu household, the most powerful vizierial household in the seventieth century, this article sheds light on the efficiency of the koprulu households. Thanks to their long-lasting incumbency. The koprulu grand viziers managed to establish a large network stretching from the provinces to the central bureaucracy. The koprulu were generally skilled administrators, and are credited with reviving the empire’s fortunes after a period of military defeat and economic instability. Numerous reforms were instituted under their rule, which enabled the empire to resolve its budget crises and stamp out factional conflict in the empire.

Nel 1707, in seguito alla promulgazione dell’Act of Union, l’Inghilterra dovette confrontarsi con l’esistenza di un’altra distinta identità socioculturale. Come far rientrare la Scozia all’interno di un comune contenitore chiamato Gran Bretagna, e nel quale l’ideologia predominante era quella inglese? La non assimilazione della Scozia all’interno della cultura della Anglo-Britishness è, ad oggi, un argomento della storiografia britannica in corso di discussione. Lo scopo di questo lavoro sarà di porsi su questa scia e indagare, tramite l’ausilio della stampa periodica londinese, la percezione che gli inglesi avevano della Scozia e le principali interpretazioni storiografiche dell’assimilazione del paese all’interno del neonato impero britannico. In particolare, verrà mostrata la forte correlazione tra Scottishness e stampa periodica nella seconda metà del secolo XVIII, sottolineando come il problema dell’integrazione scozzese, e la resistenza che la Scozia stessa oppose a quest’assimilazione, fu in primo luogo un fatto culturale prima che politico e come, in secondo luogo, esso sia stato esplorato nello Universal Magazine. Per fare ciò, saranno analizzati quattro brevi articoli che la redazione dello Universal dedicò alla questione scozzese, tra il 1747 e il 1778. Le conclusioni illustrate al termine di questa riflessione saranno principalmente due: in primo luogo, sarà mostrato come nello Universal Magazine convivessero sia un filone di riflessione marcato da un profondo sentimento anti-scozzese sia uno maggiormente propenso a difendere l’alterità culturale della Scozia. In secondo luogo, sarà illustrato come l’assimilazione culturale della Scozia non fu un processo fluido, ma soggetto a numerose resistenze durante tutto il percorso.

Abstract Objective The aim of the study was to assess the safety and efficacy of endovascular management for postpancreaticoduodenectomy hemorrhage. Materials and Methods A retrospective analysis of patients who underwent endovascular management for hemorrhage after pancreatic surgery between January 2015 to December 2020 was performed. Patient demographics, clinical presentation, angiography findings, endovascular procedure, technical success, clinical success, and complications were assessed. Results Seventeen patients, comprising 14 (82.4%) males and 3 (17.6%) females, aged 37 to 68 years underwent endovascular management for postpancreatectomy hemorrhage. Patients presented with hemorrhage on their postoperative days 4 to 22 (mean: 9.8th day; median: 8th day); the presentation was with extraluminal hemorrhage in 11 patients (64.7%) and intraluminal hemorrhage in 6 patients (35.2%). The gastroduodenal artery (GDA) stump (10 patients, 58.8%) was the most commonly involved artery. The majority of cases were treated using coils as embolizing agents (13/17 patients, 76.5%). The technical and clinical success rates were 100%. The complication rate was 5.9% (1/17) and the mortality rate was 11.8% (2/17). The relaparotomy rate was 23.5% (4/17); however, none of the relaparotomy was for hemorrhage. Conclusion Endovascular treatment provides a minimally invasive, safe, and effective method for the management of pancreaticoduodenectomy hemorrhage.

Aims: To analyze the histomorphology of leiomyoma in specimens received in Pathology. Methods: This is a retrospective descriptive study of histopathology database of histomorphologic spectrum of leiomyoma at Pathology Laboratory of Nobel Medical College Teaching Hospital, Biratnagar, Nepal from April 2020 to April 2021. Data for the leiomyoma were analyzed descriptively. Ethical approval was obtained from the Institutional review committee. Results: A total of 1705 histopathology specimens were received in one year from April 2020 to April 2021 out of which 620 (37%) were from the Department of Gynecology and Obstetrics for histopathological analysis of various specimens. Total of 106 specimens of hysterectomy and myomectomy were included. Maximum number of leiomyoma was seen in the body 48 (45%) followed by fundus 34 (32%) and one from the lateral wall of the vagina 1 (0.9%). Mean age was 42 (24-70) years. Maximum size was 35 cm and minimum was 0.5 cm in diameter. Out of the rare ones one case of STUMP, Lipoleiomyoma and Mitotically active leiomyoma each were seen. Degenerative change was in 40 cases with hyaline type as the commonest one (33%); 61% were intramural; and 12% were multiple. Presentation was lower abdominal pain and abnormal uterine bleeding in 39.6%. Conclusions: Cases of leiomyoma may present with abdominal mass, pain and bleeding but the degenerative changes and malignant transformation can't be identified without histopathological examination.

Abstract Background Digestive tract reconstruction in totally laparoscopic total gastrectomy can be divided into two types: instrument anastomosis and hand-sewn anastomosis. This study explored the feasibility and safety of hand-sewn sutures in esophagojejunostomy of totally laparoscopic total gastrectomy, compared with instrument anastomosis using an overlap linear cutter. Methods This retrospective cohort study was conducted from January 2017 to January 2020 at one institution. The clinical data of 50 patients who underwent totally laparoscopic total gastrectomy, with an average follow-up time of 12 months, were collected. The clinicopathologic data, short-term survival prognosis, and results of patients in the hand-sewn anastomosis (n=20) and the overlap anastomosis (n=30) groups were analyzed. Results There were no significant differences between the groups in sex, age, body mass index, American Society of Anesthesiologists score, tumor location, preoperative complications, abdominal operation history, tumor size, pTNM stage, blood loss, first postoperative liquid diet, exhaust time, or postoperative length of hospital stay. The hand-sewn anastomosis group had a significantly prolonged operation time (204±26.72min versus 190±20.90min, p=0.04) and anastomosis time (58±22.0min versus 46±15.97min, p=0.029), and a decreased operation cost (CNY 77,100±1700 versus CNY 71,900±1300, p<0.0001). Postoperative complications (dynamic ileus, abdominal infection, and pancreatic leakage) occurred in three patients (15%) in the hand-sewn anastomosis group and in four patients (13.3%) in the overlap anastomosis group (anastomotic leakage, anastomotic bleeding, dynamic ileus, and duodenal stump leakage). Conclusion The hand-sewn anastomosis method of esophagojejunostomy under totally laparoscopic total gastrectomy is safe and feasible and is an important supplement to linear and circular stapler anastomosis. It may be more convenient regarding obesity, a relatively high position of the anastomosis, edema of the esophageal wall, and short jejunal mesentery.

Objectives: To identify the preoperative risk factors for revision ACL surgery within the first two years after BEAR ACL repair procedure. Methods: Data from the prospective BEAR I, II, and III trials were used to determine preoperative risk factors for ACL revision surgery. All subjects with a complete ACL tear (ages between 13-47 years, depending on the trial), who passed all other inclusion/exclusion trial criteria, and underwent a primary BEAR procedure within 30-50 days from injury (dependent on trial) were included. Demographic data (age, sex, BMI), baseline patient-reported outcomes (IKDC Subjective Score, Marx Activity score), pre-operative imaging characteristics (ACL stump length, notch size, tibial slopes), and intraoperative findings (knee hyperextension, meniscal tear status) were evaluated to determine their contribution to ipsilateral revision ACL surgery risk. Results: 123 subjects, median age 17.6 years (IQR 16-23), including 67 (54%) females, met study criteria. 18 (15%) patients required revision ACL surgery in the first two years following the BEAR procedure. In bivariate analyses, younger age (p=.011), having a contact injury at the time of the initial tear (p=.048), and increased medial tibial slope (p=.029) were associated with a higher risk of ipsilateral revision surgery. Multivariable logistic regression analyses identified two independent predictors of revision: patient age and medial tibial slope. The odds of an ipsilateral revision surgery were decreased by 32% for each one-year increase in age (OR=0.684, 95% CI = 0.517 to 0.905, p=.008), and increased by 28% per each degree of increase in medial tibial slope (OR=1.280, 95% CI =1.024 to 1.601, p=.030). Sex, baseline IKDC or Marx score, knee hyperextension, or meniscus status were not significant predictors of revision. Conclusions: Younger age and higher medial tibial slope were predictors of increased odds of ipsilateral ACL revision surgery after the BEAR procedure. Younger patients with higher tibial slopes should be aware of the increased risk for revision surgery when deciding to undergo ACL restoration surgery.

Purpose: To test the association of autonomic nervous system (ANS) dysregulation symptoms and diabetes distress (DD) in type 1 diabetes (T1D) adults. 556 US adults with self-identified T1D completed a web-based survey in May 2023, including demographics, ANS reactivity symptoms (Body Perception Questionnaire; BPQ, validated against physiologic measures), diabetes-related distress (Diabetes Distress Scale-28 T1D; DDS), depressive symptoms (PHQ-8) and anxiety (GAD-7). Mean age was 45.1 years (S.D. = 15.7), 73.2% female, 95.3% White, with a median annual household income of $60,000-100,000. Mean self-reported A1c was 6.7% (S.D. 1.0%). 72.5% reported using an insulin pump. Mean hypoglycemic episodes per week was 5.7 (9.9). Mean age at diabetes diagnosis was 20.6 years (S.D. 14.7) and mean duration of diabetes was 25.4 (S.D. 17.6) years. The sample reported high levels of comorbid hypertension (33.0%), dyslipidemia (28.6%), thyroid disorder (34.5%) and depression (28.8%). Mean total item DDS score was 2.3 (S.D. 0.8; moderate severity). The highest scores were observed in the powerlessness (mean = 3.2; S.D. 1.3), hypoglycemia distress (mean = 2.7, S.D. 1.3) and physician distress (mean = 2.4; S.D. 1.2) subscales. Mean PHQ-8 score was 6.8 (S.D. = 5.5; mild) and the mean GAD-7 score was 5.9 (S.D. 5.3, mild). BPQ mean T scores were 48.9 (S.D. 8.4) for Supradiaphragmatic and 50.6 (S.D. 8.9) for Subdiaphragmatic Reactivity subscales. Controlling for covariates, clinical categories of the DDS predicted significant differences in BPQ subscale T scores. Greatest differences in BPQ scores were observed between ‘no/little/low’ and ‘high’ distress DDS categories on all subscales (p’s &lt;= 0.001), with ‘high’ DDS having the highest BPQ scores. Findings confirm a relationship between ANS reactivity symptoms and diabetes-related distress in adults with T1D, consistent with the Polyvagal Theory. Development of interventions that target ANS regulation to treat DD for T1D adults are needed. Disclosure M. de Groot: None. B.A. Myers: None. T. Stump: None. D. Dana: None. J. Kolacz: None. S.W. Porges: None. Funding Indiana University School of Medicine

Background: Anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) revision surgery is challenging for both patients and surgeons. Understanding the risk factors for failure after bridge-enhanced ACL restoration (BEAR) may help with patient selection for ACL restoration versus ACL reconstruction. Purpose: To identify the preoperative risk factors for ACL revision surgery within the first 2 years after BEAR. Study Design: Case-control study; Level of evidence, 3. Methods: Data from the prospective BEAR I, II, and III trials were used to determine the preoperative risk factors for ACL revision surgery. All patients with a complete ACL tear (aged 13-47 years, depending on the trial), who met all other inclusion/exclusion criteria and underwent a primary BEAR procedure within 30 to 50 days from the injury (dependent on the trial), were included. Demographic data (age, sex, body mass index), baseline patient-reported outcomes (International Knee Documentation Committee [IKDC] subjective score, Marx activity score), preoperative imaging results (ACL stump length, notch size, tibial slope), and intraoperative findings (knee hyperextension, meniscal status) were evaluated to determine their contribution to the risk of ipsilateral ACL revision surgery. Results: A total of 123 patients, with a median age of 17.6 years (interquartile range, 16-23 years), including 67 (54%) female patients, met study criteria. Overall, 18 (15%) patients required ACL revision surgery in the first 2 years after the BEAR procedure. On bivariate analyses, younger age ( P = .011), having a contact injury at the time of the initial tear ( P = .048), and increased medial tibial slope (MTS; P = .029) were associated with a higher risk of ipsilateral revision surgery. Multivariable logistic regression analyses identified 2 independent predictors of revision: patient age and MTS. The odds of ipsilateral revision surgery were decreased by 32% for each 1-year increase in age (odds ratio, 0.684 [95% CI, 0.517-0.905]; P = .008) and increased by 28% for each 1° increase in MTS (odds ratio, 1.280 [95% CI, 1.024-1.601]; P = .030). Sex, baseline IKDC or Marx score, knee hyperextension, and meniscal status were not significant predictors of revision. Conclusion: Younger age and higher MTS were predictors of ipsilateral ACL revision surgery after the BEAR procedure. Younger patients with higher tibial slopes should be aware of the increased risk for revision surgery when deciding to undergo ACL restoration.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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Pitte, Jean-Robert. “The Rise of the Restaurant.” Food: A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present. Eds. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. New York: Columbia UP, 1999. 471–80. Rooney, Brendan, ed. A Time and a Place: Two Centuries of Irish Social Life. Dublin: National Gallery of Ireland, 2006. Tannahill, Reay. Food in History. St Albans, Herts.: Paladin, 1975. Taylor, Laurence. “Coffee: The Bottomless Cup.” The American Dimension: Cultural Myths and Social Realities. Eds. W. Arens and Susan P. Montague. Port Washington, N.Y.: Alfred Publishing, 1976. 14–48. Vickery, Amanda. Behind Closed Doors: At Home in Georgian England. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009. Wheaton, Barbara Ketcham. Savouring the Past: The French Kitchen and Table from 1300-1789. London: Chatto & Windus, Hogarth P, 1983. Williams, Anne. “Historical Attitudes to Women Eating in Restaurants.” Public Eating: Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery 1991. Ed. Harlan Walker. Totnes: Prospect Books, 1992. 311–14. World Barista, Championship. “History–World Barista Championship”. 2012. 02 Apr. 2012 ‹http://worldbaristachampionship.com2012›.AcknowledgementA warm thank you to Dr. Kevin Griffin for producing the map of Dublin for this article.

Introduction In March 2020, many societal functions came to a standstill due to the worldwide spread of Covid-19. Due to the rules set by public healthcare authorities that aimed at “social distancing” to prevent the spread of the virus, the emphasis on domesticity was heightened during the pandemic. As people were forced to spend more time in the home environment, more time was allowed for household pursuits and local activities, such as crafts and home repair (Morse, Fine, and Friedlander). While there has been a rising interest in craft-making as the medium of expression for the past few decades (e.g., Peach), crafts seem to have undergone a serious breakthrough during the global pandemic crisis. In recent studies, crafting has been noted for its usefulness in providing a dimension of comfort and security in a time of instability and isolation (Rixhon), eventually becoming a much-needed conceptual shelter from the threat of the virus (Martin). Sewing seems to have assumed a significant role early in the pandemic, when craft-makers began to mitigate the spread of the virus by using their own sewing machines and material stashes to make masks for their families and friends; some also donated masks to hospital workers and others in need (Martindale, Armstead, and McKinney). While other forms of crafts were also widely practiced (e.g., Jones; Stalp, Covid-19 Global Quilt; Wenzel), face-mask sewing has been at the core of pandemic craft research, highlighting the role of home-based hobby crafting as a means of social survival that contributed to people's agency and feelings of productivity and usefulness during the outbreak of coronavirus (Hahn and Bhaduri; Hustvedt and Liang; Martindale, Armstead, and McKinney; Richards and Perreault; Schnittka). This article analyses two craft hashtags on Instagram from March 2020 to December 2021, which offer a perspective on shifts in pandemic crafts in a linguistically localised crafting community. The hashtags crop up in the Finnish-speaking craft culture, defining pandemic crafts as “Covid craft”, #koronakäsityö, and “Covid crafts”, #koronakäsityöt. By definition, the Finnish word “käsityö” (which derives from the words “käsi”, hand, and “työ”, work) is a broad concept for all handiwork: it is not tied to any specific craft technique, but rather affirms work made by hand, or with tools that are held in hands. In addition, the concept of “käsityö” has no intended emphasis in regard of the phase of the project, or craft techniques or materials being used: it translates as an entity including both the idea of the product that is going to be made during the process of crafting, the embodied craft know-how of the making of the product, and the product itself (Kojonkoski-Rännäli 31; also Ihatsu). However, as is also disclosed in this study, the “käsityö” seems to have a connotation of craft work traditionally made by the persons assumed female by society or other people, and thus, findings may build on domesticity related to textile crafting (see Kouhia, Unraveling, 8, 17). The research questions driving this research are: (1) what kind of crafts were made, and how were these crafts contextualised during the pandemic; and (2) how was domesticity reflected in the pandemic crafting? The analysis explains how hobby crafts appeared as reactive pastimes, and how pandemic crafting set a debate on the implementation of alternative futures, interlinked with postfeminist forms of domesticity. As a result, it is shown that home-based hobby crafting was not only capable of upholding a sense of response and recovery for the makers during the pandemic, but also developing and bringing forth new trends within the maker culture. Domestic Crafting in the Digital Age In the Western narrative, crafts have been traditionally considered as generative quotidian activities positioned in the domestic space (Hardy; Thompson). In its history, domestic crafting has been practiced within a range of morals spanning from early conceptions of conspicuous leisure as an “unproductive expenditure of time” (Veblen 45) and 1950s feminine virtues like “thrift, practical creativity, and attention to appearance” (McLean 259) to today’s subversive, expressive Do-It-Yourself (DIY) along with the emergence of Third Wave Feminism that has powers to “resist capitalist materialism tendencies” (Stalp, Girls, 264). Often discussed in relation to femininity and unpaid labour—that include nuanced arguments of female subordination, sexuality, and housewifery (MacDonald 47; Parker 2–3; Turney 9)—contemporary crafting is seen not only to fall in the habitual expectations of domesticity, but also to have the capability to subvert and resist them. Indeed, while crafts such as knitting, sewing, and crocheting claimed their status as recreational leisure activities already in the late twentieth century with the changes related to construction of contemporary femininity (Groeneveld 264; Turney 2), there are still many issues and inequalities related to home-based hobby crafting. Predominantly, contemporary home crafts seem to be somewhat challenged by the lack of alternatives to the gendering of the domestic sphere (see Ceuterick). While home crafts are no longer social or economic domestic necessities and not practised by all or exclusively by women, home crafts still “continue to be perceived as a middle-class activity, a distraction and leisure pursuit for ‘ladies’ with time and means” (Hackney 170). While home-based hobby crafts cover many forms of making, ethical and social concerns that offer alternative and countercultural ways of living and consuming have become increasingly visible in contemporary crafting. Today’s hobby crafts operate within structures of everyday life and underpin plurality, complexity, and richness of amateur experience (Knott 124). Contemporary hobby crafting is also boosted by the revitalisation of old skills and the entrenchment of a home culture that utilises "retro cultures" (Hunt and Phillipov), and the increased interest of young adults in DIY culture (Kouhia, Unraveling; Stannard and Sanders). Almost a decade ago, Hunt and Phillipov put forward a discussion of the regained popularity of old-fashioned “Nanna Style” home practices. They noticed that young, activist makers praised these grandmotherly practices as “simultaneously nostalgic and politically progressive choices”, calling in countercultural politics of gender and consumption, and confusing the seemingly conservative lines “between imagined utopias of domesticity and the economic and environmental realities of contemporary consumer culture” (Hunt and Phillipov). Paired with ethical consumption, this promoted liberated postfeminist domesticity, a refusal of the capitalist structures of consumption, and a move away from binaries between the masculine and the feminine. Again, a return to domestic activities such as cooking, cleaning, and crafting was witnessed during the Covid-19 pandemic, with people inscribing the domestic chores as postfeminist choices rather than oppression (Ceuterick) and participating in the production of meaning as a “redomesticated woman” (Negra 16, cited in Palomeque Recio). Methodology Today, social media resources provide a fundamental theoretical lens used by the researchers with powers to function both as an enabler and a driver of innovation (Bhimani, Mention, and Barlatier). Social media channels allow people to derive value from self-generated content, promoting interpersonal connectedness with the sharing of details of the daily lives of the individuals (Nabity-Grover, Cheung, and Thatcher) with social support, referability, and potential correspondence enclosed from around cyberspace (Hajli). The article is based on qualitative social media research on Instagram, with aims to study the perpetual interest in hobby crafts during the pandemic. The study leans on the research paradigm known as ‘netnography’, which is a qualitative research methodology based on collecting, adapting, reflecting, and interacting with online traces with “a cultural focus on understanding the data derived from social media data” (Kozinets 6). Social media data consisting of 361 posts have been derived from Instagram’s #koronakäsityö and #koronakäsityöt hashtag feeds, and interpreted from the viewpoint of the content of the images and the context of their production (see Yang 17). The data collection took place from March 2020 to December 2021. I have followed the stream of posts using Instagram’s follow function from the position of a craft researcher and serious hobbyist (see Stebbins; Kouhia, Unraveling) from spring 2020, when the first Covid craft publications were published. Since then, the posts have been visible in the image stream of my own Instagram account, which has given me a preliminary view of the content of the publications. The data collection was ceased in December 2021 due to the decrease of posted content. All posts are connected to the Finnish craft culture through the hashtags used as descriptions of “käsityö”, and they are approached as forms of self-disclosure of Covid-era hobby crafting (see Nabity-Grover, Cheung, and Thatcher). The posts were collected at several points during the research period and were manually extracted to Excel tables with the post content data (date and week of publication, account name of the publisher, number of images, captions and hashtags). The data were analysed using qualitative approaches to Instagram data (Yang 19), with main emphasis on the posts’ visual material (Rose) analysed with a qualitative content analysis approach (see Hsieh and Shannon). The data were first charted and thematised by 1) the type and technique of craft presented (e.g., knitting, macramé, yarn balls, etc.), and 2) the display of the craft maker (age, gender, presentation in the post in relation or with the craft), and subsequently, evaluated by 3) looking at the production of domesticity in the posts (presentation and description of the domestic space). I have tried to ensure the validity of research with consistency and trust value (see Noble and Smith), making my research decisions clear and transparent, and viewing the experiences that may have resulted in methodological bias. However, given the multiple realities of qualitative research ontology, research validity needs to be framed within complex social and cultural rationales, and paired with the aim of “maintaining cohesion between the study’s aim, design and methods” (Noble and Smith 35). Considering the ethics of using social media data, all posts considered as the data of this study have been published on public Instagram accounts, and their reporting adheres to anonymous indirect quoting and image manipulation. Pandemic Domestic Crafting on Instagram Pandemic crafting consisted of many kinds of crafts. During the long review period, Covid crafts centred strikingly around textile-making: the most outstanding crafting techniques were knitting, crocheting, and sewing (table 1). Other kinds of textile crafts, like macramé, weaving, fabric printing and painting, embroidery, and clothing repair, were also displayed, yet with minor emphasis in comparison to yarn craft techniques and sewing. Some images presented textile handicraft tools, materials and machines, such as balls of yarn, beads, needles, and sewing machines. Only a few images contained artisanship with hard materials, with these few photos including multimaterial jewellery, boat carving, repairing a terrace, and building a wooden wall behind an outdoor mailbox. Table 1. The kinds of crafts posted on Instagram during the pandemic: a summary based on #koronakäsityö and #koronakäsityöt. Regarding the phase of the crafting project, most images concentrated on depicting completed, finished craft products. In addition to woollen socks, knitwear, macrame works, and clothes, everyday handicrafts endemic to the period, such as sewn masks and crocheted mask holders, were also portrayed as Corona crafts. Besides the kinds of crafts made, it is also important to look at the shifts in Covid-related craft content. Indeed, mask sewing posts and links to news on the positive role of crafting in times of crisis started to crop up in social media platforms already in the early phase of the pandemic (Kouhia, Online); in parallel, related social media hashtags emerged to identify the content. The first images of Covid crafts were posted on Instagram in late March 2020. These images were captioned with momentary descriptions of the disruption the habituated everyday routines, but also granted more time to crafts. As social-distancing weeks passed, Covid crafting quickly evolved in accordance with the first wave of the virus infection, eventually rising to its peak in April 2020. In parallel to the easing of the Covid outbreak in the summer of 2020, Covid crafting and posts diminished. As the situation became worse again in the autumn with the rise of the second wave of the virus, Covid crafting increased, and recurred until the spring of 2021. Towards the end of 2021, spontaneous Corona craft publications became irregular. Pandemic crafts seemed to be recurrently contextualised with the continual transformation of materiality within the domestic space. Craft-makers described having drawn inspiration from their old craft material stashes and returned to projects that had been left untouched and unfinished for one reason or another for months, years, and sometimes even decades. Makers—most of them likely falling, based on popularity of textile hobby crafts in Finland (see Pöllänen) and the interviews conducted among the publishers of the Covid craft-related posts, in the social categories of white, middle-aged, mostly urban able-bodied anticipated women—described having felt there was more time for crafting, and due to the restricted domestic space, an embodied and infinite push of being ecological and using the resources that they had at hand. In this sense, craft-makers not only showed abilities and resilience to react to the changing situation, but also unfolded crafting as an expression and a form of self-disclosure, with powers to make visible the value of care of the environment as a contribution to societal wellbeing. All in all, experiences of crafting as a self-chosen, self-maintained privilege seemed to afford a sense of flexibility. Further, this facilitated the reframing of the increased domestic activities as postfeminist choices and crafting as care for the home and family, as discussed in the following data excerpt: Thanks to Covid, I’ve had an excuse to take up the sewing machine and play with fabrics. I had completely forgotten how fun it is to design clothes, the process has really taken me out. Especially, if one wants more special children’s clothes, they will cost you like several bags of toilet paper = which is as much as hell, if you don’t make the clothes yourself. Also works as a pretty good motivator though 😂💪 (#koronakäsityöt Instagram post from April 2020) As the posts mainly cover textile crafting, feminine domesticity with the symbolised oppressive feminine social ideals of good mothering and housewifery are embedded in the narrative through at-home managerialism, like taking care of the household and maintaining children’s clothing. Indeed, the care of the family was repeatedly addressed in craft posts, with descriptions of mothers making clothes for their children—sometimes at the request of the kids, and but most often as daily chores of wearing and caring. For some craft-makers, textile crafting seemed to offer a passage to continue the mundane, domesticated policies that were already established at home; in other words, those who had been already keen on textile hobby crafting were suddenly offered more time for their beloved leisure practice. In addition, there were also new makers entering the field of crafting, who started practicing leisure crafts for the first time, or those who returned to their once-lost hobby. However, argumentation that framed Covid crafting tended to embrace craft-making as a conscious decision to live up to the images of femininity it may entail, and not particularly having the resources to transform the entrenched roles and figures it might provoke. Also, Covid crafting managed to also disclose a view of the intimate, framing the at-home private space and decorating it with the feminised imperatives of thriftiness, laboriousness, and austerity (see Bramall). Indeed, crafts seemed to be confined to the household space, which itself has been inherently political during the pandemic (e.g., Martin), and framed as distinctively individual choices to demonstrate the morale of staying at home and taking active ownership of the domestic space. Sometimes crafts were lined up in a space of their usage, like hanging macramé baskets and shawls placed on a sofa (fig. 1), though occupying the domestic space conveniently and adaptively, but without a deep questioning or consideration of the traditional binary oppositions between private and public spaces or home labour subscribing to anticipated masculinity or femininity. Rather, crafts seemed to be taken up as individual affirmative choices—not as household necessities, but as activities promoting the self-worth and personage of the makers and nurturing a sense of purpose and care in the lockdown homes. Fig. 1. Square crochet blanket occupying the domestic space. The image is manipulated by the author for the purposes of publication. Although crafts were purposefully placed on display in the posts, the main point was not in aesthetics based on strong image manipulation or the use of heavy filters, but rather showing off the permeability of the domestic space with the experiences of craft-makers living with a strong sense of satisfaction gained from crafting. Indeed, crafting itself can be interpreted as a resource contributing to the sense of perseverance and tenacity, giving a purpose for social survival in times of crisis: crafting was not cancelled, while almost everything else was paused. Discussion The pandemic had profound implications for the lives of millions of people, not only by compromising healthcare and economies, but also by reframing and revolutionising the meanings and values of moment-to-moment lifestyle choices and activities taking place at home. People were forced to re-engage in the practices of home and household during the pandemic, which changed their daily rhythm and transformed practices of the domestic space, further offering to revolutionise notions of domestic labour and care (Ceuterick). During the pandemic, domestic hobby crafting seemed to emerge as a phenomenon to influence social and cultural change, also providing makers with the experiences of usefulness to mitigate the changing circumstances. In line with the previous studies, this study implied that when contextualised within the frame of postmodern freedom, hobby crafts result in unique expressions that can sustain reflexivity, self-maintenance, and resilience (Kenning; Pöllänen), and reclaim a status as a public and social activity (Turney; Mayne). Within a study of 27 older adults practicing mask-sewing during the pandemic, Schnittka identified crafting to help other people to manage chaotic times, also contributing to makers' feelings of value, worthiness and purpose and their sense of control (225). Hahn and Bhaduri recognise similar habits in their study of mask-making behaviour, detailing that self-fulfilment and wellbeing as the most important reason for making masks, and financial motivation leaving behind other morals (307). Similar results can be also drawn based on this study; most importantly, the value of crafting as a flexible, self-sustained performance in the boundaries between the intimate and the shared. In this study, attention was drawn to hobby crafting intended for sharing online and situated in a linguistically localised cultural niche in a particular time frame. Thus, the study witnessed the rise and fall of “Covid-crafts” on Instagram through the analysis of two coronavirus-related craft hashtags that emerged in the Finnish-speaking crafting community. Although using linguistically and culturally situated data may limit the study, it also offers a view of crafting as a social and cultural phenomenon. In the future, more research needs to be undertaken on crafting regarding various geographic, political, cultural, and socio-economic venues, so that the nuanced and complex negotiations of domesticity could be examined and understood more thoroughly. Nevertheless, like the study by Martindale, Armstead, and McKinney, which reviewed publicly displayed face-mask sewing posts hashtagged with #sewingmasks and #sewingfacemask posted on Instagram in March 2020 (205), this study revealed that craft-makers were keen to share and exchange ideas and information online. In this study, Covid crafting seemed to be undertaken far from a complex choice—it was rather taken as a self-sustained, satisfactory leisure activity that aimed to maintain a sense of purpose rather than critique. Still, even the seemingly uncritical craft practice set to operate an inherently political act that made use of the changed resources in the family and household. Indeed, it can be concluded that in this time of crisis, crafting offered to raise a sense of wellbeing and individual identity of the maker, providing people with a means of reacting and being responsive to the changes of the world. 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There is a disparity between expectations that the members of a community will work together for the common good — and the stark reality that human beings form into groups, or parties, to engage in conflict with each other. This is particularly the case in so-called popular governments that include some wider political involvement by the people. In ancient Greece stasis, or endemic conflict between the democratic and oligarchic elements of a city was very common. Likewise, the late Roman Republic maintained a division between the populares and the optimates. In both cases there was violence as both sides battled for dominance. For example, in late republican Rome street gangs formed that employed intimidation and violence for political ends.In seventeenth century England there was conflict between those who favoured royal authority and those who wished to see more power devolved to parliament, which led to Civil War in the 1640s. Yet the English ideal, as expressed by The Book of Common Prayer (1549; and other editions) was that the country be quietly governed. It seemed perverse that the members of the body politic should be in conflict with each other. By the late seventeenth century England was still riven by conflict between two groups which became designated as the Whigs and the Tories. The divisions were both political and religious. Most importantly, these divisions were expressed at the local level, in such things as the struggle for the control of local corporations. They were not just political but could also be personal and often turned nasty as families contended for local control. The mid seventeenth century had been a time of considerable violence and warfare, not only in Europe and England but across Eurasia, including the fall of the Ming dynasty in China (Parker). This violence occurred in the wake of a cooler climate change, bringing in its wake crop failure followed by scarcity, hunger, disease and vicious warfare. Millions of people died.Conditions improved in the second half of the seventeenth century and countries slowly found their way to a new relative stability. The Qing created a new imperial order in China. In France, Louis XIV survived the Fronde and his answer to the rage and divisions of that time was the imposition of an autocratic and despotic state that simply prohibited the existence of divisions. Censorship and the inquisition flourished in Catholic Europe ensuring that dissidence would not evolve into violence fuelled by rage. In 1685, Louis expelled large numbers of Protestants from France.Divisions did not disappear in England at the end of the Civil War and the Restoration of Charles II. Initially, it appears that Charles sought to go down the French route. There was a regulation of ideas as new laws meant that the state licensed all printed works. There was an attempt to impose a bureaucratic authoritarian state, culminating in the short reign of James II (Pincus, Ertman). But its major effect, since the heightened fear of James’ Catholicism in Protestant England, was to stoke the ‘rage of party’ between those who supported this hierarchical model of social order and those who wanted political power less concentrated (Knights Representation, Plumb).The issue was presumed to be settled in 1688 when James was chased from the throne, and replaced by the Dutchman William and his wife Mary. In the official language of the day, liberty had triumphed over despotism and the ‘ancient constitution’ of the English had been restored to guarantee that liberty.However, three major developments were going on in England by the late seventeenth century: The first is the creation of a more bureaucratic centralised state along the lines of the France of Louis XIV. This state apparatus was needed to collect the taxes required to finance and administer the English war machine (Pincus). The second is the creation of a genuinely popular form of government in the wake of the expulsion of James and his replacement by William of Orange (Ertman). This means regular parliaments that are elected every three years, and also a free press to scrutinise political activities. The third is the development of financial institutions to enable the war to be conducted against France, which only comes to an end in 1713 (Pincus). Here, England followed the example of the Netherlands. There is the establishment of the bank of England in 1694 and the creation of a national debt. This meant that those involved in finance could make big profits out of financing a war, so a new moneyed class developed. England's TransformationIn the 1690s as England is transformed politically, religiously and economically, this develops a new type of society that unifies strong government with new financial institutions and arrangements. In this new political configuration, the big winners are the new financial elites and the large (usually Whig) aristocratic landlords, who had the financial resources to benefit from it. The losers were the smaller landed gentry who were taxed to pay for the war. They increasingly support the Tories (Plumb) who opposed both the war and the new financial elites it helped to create; leading to the 1710 election that overwhelmingly elected a Tory government led by Harley and Bolingbroke. This government then negotiated the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, with the Whigs retaining a small minority.History indicates that the post-1688 developments do not so much quell the ‘rage of party’ as encourage it and fan the fires of conflict and discontent. Parliamentary elections were held every three years and could involve costly, and potentially financially ruinous, contests between families competing for parliamentary representation. As these elections involved open voting and attempts to buy votes through such means as wining and dining, they could be occasions for riotous behaviour. Regular electoral contests, held in an electorate that was much larger than it would be one hundred years later, greatly heightened the conflicts and kept the political temperature at a high.Fig. 1: "To Him Pudel, Bite Him Peper"Moreover, there was much to fuel this conflict and to ‘maintain the rage’: First, the remodelling of the English financial system combined with the high level of taxation imposed largely on the gentry fuelled a rage amongst this group. This new world of financial investments was not part of their world. They were extremely suspicious of wealth not derived from landed property and sought to limit the power of those who held such wealth. Secondly, the events of 1688 split the Anglican Church in two (Pincus). The opponents of the new finance regimes tended also to be traditional High Church Anglicans who feared the newer, more tolerant government policy towards religion. Finally, the lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1695 meant that the English state was no longer willing to control the flow of information to the public (Kemp). The end result was that England in the 1690s became something akin to a modern public culture in which there was a relatively free flow of political information, constant elections held with a limited, but often substantial franchise, that was operating out of a very new commercial and financial environment. These political divisions were now deeply entrenched and very real passion animated each side of the political divide (Knights Devil).Under these circumstances, it was not possible simply to stamp out ‘the rage’ by the government repressing the voices of dissent. The authoritarian model for creating public conformity was not an option. A mechanism for lowering the political and religious temperature needed to arise in this new society where power and knowledge were diffused rather than centrally concentrated. Also, the English were aided by the return to a more benign physical environment. In economic terms it led to what Fischer terms the equilibrium of the Enlightenment. The wars of Louis XIV were a hangover from the earlier more desperate age; they prolonged the crisis of that age. Nevertheless, the misery of the earlier seventeenth century had passed. The grim visions of Calvinism (and Jansenism) had lost their plausibility. So the excessive violence of the 1640s was replaced by a more tepid form of political resistance, developing into the first modern expression of populism. So, the English achieved what Plumb calls ‘political stability’ were complex (1976), but relied on two things. The first was limiting the opportunity for political activity and the second was labelling political passion as a form of irrational behaviour – as an unsatisfactory or improper way of conducting oneself in the world. Emotions became an indulgence of the ignorant, the superstitious and the fanatical. This new species of humanity was the gentleman, who behaved in a reasonable and measured way, would express a person commensurate with the Enlightenment.This view would find its classic expression over a century later in Macaulay’s History of England, where the pre-1688 English squires are now portrayed in all their semi-civilised glory, “his ignorance and uncouthness, his low tastes and gross phrases, would, in our time, be considered as indicating a nature and a breeding thoroughly plebeian” (Macaulay 244). While the Revolution of 1688 is usually portrayed as a triumph of liberty, as stated, recent scholarship (Pincus, Ertman) emphasises how the attempts by both Charles and James to build a more bureaucratic state were crucial to the development of eighteenth century England. England was not really a land of liberty that kept state growth in check, but the English state development took a different path to statehood from countries such as France, because it involved popular institutions and managed to eliminate many of the corrupt practices endemic to a patrimonial regime.The English were as interested in ‘good police’, meaning the regulation of moral behaviour, as any state on the European continent, but their method of achievement was different. In the place of bureaucratic regulation, the English followed another route, later be termed in the 1760s as ‘civilisation’ (Melleuish). So, the Whigs became the party of rationality and reasonableness, and the Whig regime was Low Church, which was latitudinarian and amenable to rationalist Christianity. Also, the addition of the virtue and value of politeness and gentlemanly behaviour became the antidote to the “rage of party’”(Knights Devil 163—4) . The Whigs were also the party of science and therefore, followed Lockean philosophy. They viewed themselves as ‘reasonable men’ in opposition to their more fanatically inclined opponents. It is noted that any oligarchy, can attempt to justify itself as an ‘aristocracy’, in the sense of representing the ‘morally’ best people. The Whig aristocracy was more cosmopolitan, because its aristocrats had often served the rulers of countries other than England. In fact, the values of the Whig elite were the first expression of the liberal cosmopolitan values which are now central to the ideology of contemporary elites. One dimension of the Whig/Tory split is that while the Whig aristocracy had a cosmopolitan outlook as more proto-globalist, the Tories remained proto-nationalists. The Whigs became simultaneously the party of liberty, Enlightenment, cosmopolitanism, commerce and civilised behaviour. This is why liberty, the desire for peace and ‘sweet commerce’ came to be identified together. The Tories, on the other hand, were the party of real property (that is to say land) so their national interest could easily be construed by their opponents as the party of obscurantism and rage. One major incident illustrates how this evolved.The Trial of the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell In 1709, the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell preached a fiery sermon attacking the Whig revolutionary principles of resistance, and advocated obedience and unlimited submission to authority. Afterwards, for his trouble he was impeached before the House of Lords by the Whigs for high crimes and misdemeanours (Tryal 1710). As Mark Knights (6) has put it, one of his major failings was his breaching of the “Whig culture of politeness and moderation”. The Whigs also disliked Sacheverell for his charismatic appeal to women (Nicholson). He was found guilty and his sermons ordered to be burned by the hangman. But Sacheverell became simultaneously a martyr and a political celebrity leading to a mass outpouring of printed material (Knights Devil 166—186). Riots broke out in London in the wake of the trial’s verdict. For the Whigs, this stood as proof of the ‘rage’ that lurked in the irrational world of Toryism. However, as Geoffrey Holmes has demonstrated, these riots were not aimless acts of mob violence but were directed towards specific targets, in particular the meeting houses of Dissenters. History reveals that the Sacheverell riots were the last major riots in England for almost seventy years until the Lord Gordon anti-Catholic riots of 1780. In the short term they led to an overwhelming Tory victory at the 1710 elections, but that victory was pyrrhic. With the death of Queen Anne, followed by the accession of the Hanoverians to the throne, the Whigs became the party of government. Some Tories, such as Bolingbroke, panicked, and fled to France and the Court of the Pretender. The other key factor was the Treaty of Utrecht, brokered on England’s behalf by the Tory government of Harley and Bolingbroke that brought the Civil war to an end in 1713. England now entered an era of peace; there remained no longer the need to raise funds to conduct a war. The war had forced the English state to both to consolidate and to innovate.This can be viewed as the victory of the party of ‘politeness and moderation’ and the Enlightenment and hence the effective end of the ‘rage of party’. Threats did remain by the Pretender’s (James III) attempt to retake the English throne, as happened in 1715 and 1745, when was backed by the barbaric Scots.The Whig ascendancy, the ascendancy of a minority, was to last for decades but remnants of the Tory Party remained, and England became a “one-and one-half” party regime (Ertman 222). Once in power, however, the Whigs utilised a number of mechanisms to ensure that the age of the ‘rage of party’ had come to an end and would be replaced by one of politeness and moderation. As Plumb states, they gained control of the “means of patronage” (Plumb 161—88), while maintaining the ongoing trend, from the 1680s of restricting those eligible to vote in local corporations, and the Whigs supported the “narrowing of the franchise” (Plumb 102—3). Finally, the Septennial Act of 1717 changed the time between elections from three years to seven years.This lowered the political temperature but it did not eliminate the Tories or complaints about the political, social and economic path that England had taken. Rage may have declined but there was still a lot of dissent in the newspapers, in particular in the late 1720s in the Craftsman paper controlled by Viscount Bolingbroke. The Craftsman denounced the corrupt practices of the government of Sir Robert Walpole, the ‘robinocracy’, and played to the prejudices of the landed gentry. Further, the Bolingbroke circle contained some major literary figures of the age; but not a group of violent revolutionaries (Kramnick). It was true populism, from ideals of the Enlightenment and a more benign environment.The new ideal of ‘politeness and moderation’ had conquered English political culture in an era of Whig dominance. This is exemplified in the philosophy of David Hume and his disparagement of enthusiasm and superstition, and the English elite were also not fond of emotional Methodists, and Charles Wesley’s father had been a Sacheverell supporter (Cowan 43). A moderate man is rational and measured; the hoi polloi is emotional, faintly disgusting, and prone to rage.In the End: A Reduction of Rage Nevertheless, one of the great achievements of this new ideal of civility was to tame the conflict between political parties by recognising political division as a natural part of the political process, one that did not involve ‘rage’. This was the great achievement of Edmund Burke who, arguing against Bolingbroke’s position that 1688 had restored a unified political order, and hence abolished political divisions, legitimated such party divisions as an element of a civilised political process involving gentlemen (Mansfield 3). The lower orders, lacking the capacity to live up to this ideal, were prone to accede to forces other than reason, and needed to be kept in their place. This was achieved through a draconian legal code that punished crimes against property very severely (Hoppit). If ‘progress’ as later described by Macaulay leads to a polite and cultivated elite who are capable of conquering their rage – so the lower orders need to be repressed because they are still essentially barbarians. This was echoed in Macaulay’s contemporary, John Stuart Mill (192) who promulgated Orientals similarly “lacked the virtues” of an educated Briton.In contrast, the French attempt to impose order and stability through an authoritarian state fared no better in the long run. After 1789 it was the ‘rage’ of the ‘mob’ that helped to bring down the French Monarchy. At least, that is how the new cadre of the ‘polite and moderate’ came to view things.ReferencesBolingbroke, Lord. Contributions to the Craftsman. Ed. Simon Varney. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1982.Cowan, Brian. “The Spin Doctor: Sacheverell’s Trial Speech and Political Performance in the Divided Society.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 28-46.Ertman, Thomas. Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997.Fischer, David Hackett. The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History, New York: Oxford UP, 1996.Holmes, Geoffrey. “The Sacheverell Riots: The Crowd and the Church in Early Eighteenth-Century London.” Past and Present 72 (Aug. 1976): 55-85.Hume, David. “Of Superstition and Enthusiasm.” Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1985. 73-9. Hoppit, Julian. A Land of Liberty? England 1689—1727, Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000.Kemp, Geoff. “The ‘End of Censorship’ and the Politics of Toleration, from Locke to Sacheverell.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 47-68.Knights, Mark. Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005.———. The Devil in Disguise: Deception, Delusion, and Fanaticism in the Early English Enlightenment. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011.———. “Introduction: The View from 1710.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 1-15.Kramnick, Isaac. Bolingbroke & His Circle: The Politics of Nostalgia in the Age of Walpole. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1992.Macaulay, Thomas Babington. The History of England from the Accession of James II. London: Folio Society, 2009.Mansfield, Harvey. Statesmanship and Party Government: A Study of Burke and Bolingbroke. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1965.Melleuish, Greg. “Civilisation, Culture and Police.” Arts 20 (1998): 7-25.Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty, Representative Government, the Subjection of Women. London: Oxford UP, 1971.Nicholson, Eirwen. “Sacheverell’s Harlot’s: Non-Resistance on Paper and in Practice.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 69-79.Parker, Geoffrey. Global Crisis: War, Climate Change & Catastrophe in the Seventeenth Century. New Haven: Yale UP, 2013.Pincus, Steve. 1688: The First Modern Revolution. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009.Plumb, John H. The Growth of Political Stability in England 1675–1725. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973.The Tryal of Dr Henry Sacheverell before the House of Peers, 1st edition. London: Jacob Tonson, 1710.

IntroductionBallarat’s Theatre Royal was the first permanent theatre built in inland Australia. Upon opening in 1858, it was acclaimed as having “the handsomest theatrical exterior in the colony” (Star, “Editorial” 7 Dec. 1889) and later acknowledged as “the grandest playhouse in all Australia” (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 1 160). Born of Gold Rush optimism, the Royal was loved by many, yet the over-arching story of its ill-fated existence has failed to surface, in any coherent fashion, in official history. This article takes some first steps toward retrieving lost knowledge from fragmented archival records, and piecing together the story of why this purpose-built theatre ceased operation within a twenty-year period. A short history of the venue will be provided, to develop context. It will be argued that while a combination of factors, most of which were symptomatic of unfortunate timing, destroyed the longevity of the Royal, the principal problem was one of stigmatisation. This was an era in which the societal pressure to visibly conform to conservative values was intense and competition in the pursuit of profits was fierce.The cultural silence that befell the story of the Royal, after its demise, is explicable in relation to history being written by the victors and a loss of spokespeople since that time. As theatre arts historiographer McConachie (131) highlights, “Theatres, like places for worship and spectator sports, hold memories of the past in addition to providing a practical and cognitive framework for performance events in the present.” When that place, “a bounded area denoted by human agency and memory” (131), is lost in time, so too may be the socio-cultural lessons from the period, if not actively recalled and reconsidered. The purpose of this article is to present the beginning of an investigation into the disjointed narrative of Ballarat’s Theatre Royal. Its ultimate failure demonstrates how dominant community based entertainment became in Ballarat from the 1860s onwards, effectively crushing prospects for mid-range professional theatre. There is value in considering the evolution of the theatre’s lifespan and its possible legacy effects. The connection between historical consciousness and the performing arts culture of by-gone days offers potential to reveal specks of cross-relevance for regional Australian theatrical offerings today.In the BeginningThe proliferation of entertainment venues in Ballarat East during the 1850s was a consequence of the initial discovery of surface alluvial gold and the ongoing success of deep-lead mining activities in the immediate area. This attracted extraordinary numbers of people from all over the world who hoped to strike it rich. Given the tough nature of life on the early gold diggings, most disposable income was spent on evening entertainment. As a result, numerous venues sprang into operation to cater for demand. All were either canvas tents or makeshift wooden structures: vibrant in socio-cultural activity, however humble the presentation values. It is widely agreed (Withers, Bate and Brereton) that noteworthy improvements occurred from 1856 onwards in the artistry of the performers, audience tastes, the quality of theatrical structures and living standards in general. Residents began to make their exit from flood and fire prone Ballarat East, moving to Ballarat West. The Royal was the first substantial entertainment venture to be established in this new, affluent, government surveyed township area. Although the initial idea was to draw in some of the patronage which had flourished in Ballarat East, Brereton (14) believed “There can be no doubt that it was [primarily] intended to attract those with good taste and culture”. This article will contend that how society defined ‘good taste’ turned out to be problematic for the Royal.The tumultuous mid-1850s have attracted extensive academic and popular attention, primarily because they were colourful and politically significant times. The period thereafter has attracted little scholarly interest, unless tied to the history of surviving organisations. Four significant structures designed to incorporate theatrical entertainment were erected and opened in Ballarat from 1858 onwards: The Royal was swiftly followed by the Mechanics Institute 1859, Alfred Hall 1867 and Academy of Music 1874-75. As philosopher Albert Borgmann (41) highlighted, the erection of “magnificent settings in which the public could gather and enjoy itself” was the dominant urban aspiration for cultural consumption in the nineteenth century. Men of influence in Victorian cities believed strongly in progress and grand investments as a conscious demonstration of power, combined with Puritan vales, teetotalism and aggressive self-assertiveness (Briggs 287-88). At the ceremonial laying of the foundation stone for the Royal on 20 January 1858, eminent tragedian, Gustavos Brooke, announced “… may there be raised a superstructure perfect in all its parts, and honourable to the builder.” He proclaimed the memorial bottle to be “a lasting memento of the greatness of Ballarat in erecting such a theatre” and philosophised that “the stage not only refines the manners, but it is the best teacher of morals, for it is the truest and most intelligible picture of life. It stamps the image of virtue on the mind …” (Star, “Laying” 21 Jan. 1858). These initial aspirations seem somewhat ambitious when viewed with the benefit of hindsight. Ballarat’s Theatre Royal opened in December 1858, ironically with Jerrold’s comedy ‘Time Works Wonders’. The large auditorium holding around 1500 people “was crowded to overflowing and was considered altogether brilliant in its newness and beauty” by all in attendance (Star, “Local and General” 30 Dec. 1858). Generous descriptions abound of how splendid it was, in architectural terms, but also in relation to scenery, decorations and all appointments. Underneath the theatre were two shops, four bars, elegant dining rooms, a kitchen and 24 bedrooms. A large saloon was planned to be attached soon-after. The overall cost of the build was estimated at a substantial 10,000 pounds.The First Act: 1858-1864In the early years, the Royal was deemed a success. The pleasure-seeking public of Ballarat came en masse and the glory days seemed like they might continue unabated. By the early 1860s, Ballarat was known as a great theatrical centre for performing arts, its population was famous both nationally and internationally for an appreciation of good acting, and the Royal was considered the home of the best dramatic art in Ballarat (Withers 260). Like other theatres of the 1850s diggings, it had its own resident company of actors, musicians, scenic artists and backstage crew. Numerous acclaimed performers came to visit and these were prosperous and happy times for the Royal’s lively theatrical community. As early as 1859, however, there was evident rivalry between the Royal and the Mechanics Institute, as suggested on numerous occasions in the Ballarat Star. As a multi-purpose venue for education and the betterment of the working classes, the latter venue had the distinct advantage of holding the moral high ground. Over time this competition increased as audiences decreased. As people shifted to family-focussed entertainments, these absorbed their time and attention. The transformation of a transient population into a township of families ultimately suffocated prospects for professional entertainment in Ballarat. Consumer interest turned to the growth of strong amateur societies with the establishment of the Welsh Eisteddfod 1863; Harmonic Society 1864; Bell Ringers’ Club 1866 and Glee and Madrigal Union 1867 (Brereton 38). By 1863, the Royal was reported to have “scanty patronage” and Proprietor Symonds was in financial trouble (Star, “News and Notes” 15 Sep. 1864). It was announced that the theatre would open for the last time on Saturday, 29 October 1864 (Australasian). On that same date, the Royal was purchased by Rowlands & Lewis, the cordial makers. They promptly on-sold it to the Ballarat Temperance League, who soon discovered that there was a contract in place with Bouchier, the previous owner, who still held the hotel next door, stating that “all proprietors … were bound to keep it open as a theatre” (Withers 260-61). Having invested immense energy into the quest to purchase it, the Temperance League backed out of the deal. Prominent Hotelier Walter Craig bought it for less than 3,000 pounds. It is possible that this stymied effort to quell the distribution of liquor in the heart of the city evoked the ire of the Protestant community, who were on a dedicated mission “to attack widespread drunkenness, profligacy, licentiousness and agnosticism,” and forming an interdenominational Bible and Tract Society in 1866 (Bate 176). This caused a segment of the population to consider the Royal a ‘lost cause’ and steer clear of it, advising ‘respectable’ families to do the same, and so the stigma grew. Social solidarity of this type had significant impact in an era in which people openly demonstrated their morality by way of unified public actions.The Second Act: 1865-1868The Royal closed for renovations until May 1865. Of the various alterations made to the interior and its fittings, the most telling was the effort to separate the ladies from the ‘town women’, presumably to reassure ‘respectable’ female patrons. To this end, a ladies’ retiring room was added, in a position convenient to the dress circle. The architectural rejuvenation of the Royal was cited as an illustration of great progress in Sturt Street (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 27 May 1865). Soon after, the Royal hosted the Italian Opera Company.However, by 1866 there was speculation that the Royal may be converted into a dry goods store. References to what sort of impression the failing of theatre would convey to the “old folks at home” in relation to “progress in civilisation'' and "social habits" indicated the distress of loyal theatre-goers. Impassioned pleas were written to the press to help preserve the “Temple of Thespus” for the legitimate use for which it was intended (Ballarat Star, “Messenger” and “Letters to the Editor” 30 Aug. 1866). By late 1867, a third venue materialised. The Alfred Hall was built for the reception of Ballarat’s first Royal visitor, the Duke of Edinburgh. On the night prior to the grand day at the Alfred, following a private dinner at Craig’s Hotel, Prince Alfred was led by an escorted torchlight procession to a gala performance at Craig’s very own Theatre Royal. The Prince’s arrival caused a sensation that completely disrupted the show (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 1 165). While visiting Ballarat, the Prince laid the stone for the new Temperance Hall (Bate 159). This would not have been required had the League secured the Royal for their use three years earlier.Thereafter, the Royal was unable to reach the heights of what Brereton (15) calls the “Golden Age of Ballarat Theatre” from 1855 to 1865. Notably, the Mechanics Institute also experienced financial constraints during the 1860s and these challenges were magnified during the 1870s (Hazelwood 89). The late sixties saw the Royal reduced to the ‘ordinary’ in terms of the calibre of productions (Brereton 15). Having done his best to improve the physical attributes and prestige of the venue, Craig may have realised he was up against a growing stigma and considerable competition. He sold the Royal to R.S. Mitchell for 5,500 pounds in 1868.Another New Owner: 1869-1873For the Saturday performance of Richard III in 1869, under the new Proprietor, it was reported that “From pit to gallery every seat was full” and for many it was standing room only (Ballarat Star, “Theatre Royal” 1 Feb. 1869). Later that year, Othello attracted people with “a critical appreciation of histrionic matters” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 19 July 1869). The situation appeared briefly promising. Unfortunately, larger economic factors were soon at play. During 1869, Ballarat went ‘mad’ with mine share gambling. In 1870 the economic bubble burst, and hundreds of people in Ballarat were financially ruined. Over the next ten years the population fell from 60,000 to less than 40,000 (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 3 39). The last surviving theatre in Ballarat East, the much-loved Charles Napier, put on its final show in September 1869 (Brereton 15). By 1870 the Royal was referred to as a “second-class theatre” and was said to be such bad repute that “it would be most difficult to draw respectable classes” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 17 Jan. 1870). It seems the remaining theatre patrons from the East swung over to support the Royal, which wasn’t necessarily in the best interests of its reputation. During this same period, family-oriented crowds of “the pleasure-seeking public of Ballarat” were attending events at the newly fashionable Alfred Hall (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” June 1870). There were occasional high points still to come for the Royal. In 1872, opera drew a crowded house “even to the last night of the season” which according to the press, “gave proof, if proof were wanting, that the people of Ballarat not only appreciate, but are willing to patronise to the full any high-class entertainment” (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” 26 Aug. 1872). The difficulty, however, lay in the deterioration of the Royal’s reputation. It had developed negative connotations among local temperance and morality movements, along with their extensive family, friendship and business networks. Regarding collective consumption, sociologist John Urry wrote “for those engaged in the collective tourist gaze … congregation is paramount” (140). Applying this socio-cultural principle to the behaviour of Victorian theatre-going audiences of the 1870s, it was compelling for audiences to move with the masses and support popular events at the fresh Alfred Hall rather than the fading Royal. Large crowds jostling for elbow room was perceived as the hallmark of a successful event back then, as is most often the case now.The Third Act: 1874-1878An additional complication faced by the Royal was the long-term effect of the application of straw across the ceiling. Acoustics were initially poor, and straw was intended to rectify the problem. This caused the venue to develop a reputation for being stuffy and led to the further indignity of the Royal suffering an infestation of fleas (Jenkins 22); a misfortune which caused some to label it “The Royal Bug House” (Reid 117). Considering how much food was thrown at the stage in this era, it is not surprising that rotten debris attracted insects. In 1873, the Royal closed for another round of renovations. The interior was redesigned, and the front demolished and rebuilt. This was primarily to create retail store frontage to supplement income (Reid 117). It was reported that the best theatrical frontage in Australasia was lost, and in its place was “a modestly handsome elevation” for which all play-goers of Ballarat should be thankful, as the miracle required of the rebuild was that of “exorcising the foul smells from the old theatre and making it bright and pretty and sweet” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 26 Jan. 1874). The effort at rejuvenation seemed effective for a period. A “large and respectable audience” turned out to see the Fakir of Oolu, master of the weird, mystical, and strange. The magician’s show “was received with cheers from all parts of the house, and is certainly a very attractive novelty” (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” 29 Mar. 1875). That same day, the Combination Star Company gave a concert at the Mechanics Institute. Indicating the competitive tussle, the press stated: “The attendance, however, doubtless owing to attractions elsewhere, was only moderately large” (Courier, “Concert at the Mechanics’” 29 Mar. 1875). In the early 1870s, there had been calls from sectors of society for a new venue to be built in Ballarat, consistent with its status. The developer and proprietor, Sir William Clarke, intended to offer a “higher class” of entertainment for up to 1700 people, superior to the “broad farces” at the Royal (Freund n.p.) In 1875, the Academy of Music opened, at a cost of twelve thousand pounds, just one block away from the Royal.As the decade of decreasing population wore on, it is intriguing to consider an unprecedented “riotous” incident in 1877. Levity's Original Royal Marionettes opened at the Royal with ‘Beauty and the Beast’ to calamitous response. The Company Managers, Wittington & Lovell made clear that the performance had scarcely commenced when the “storm” arose and they believed “the assault to be premeditated” (Wittington and Lovell in Argus, “The Riot” 6 Apr. 1877). Paid thuggery, with the intent of spooking regular patrons, was the implication. They pointed out that “It is evident that the ringleaders of the riot came into the theatre ready armed with every variety of missiles calculated to get a good hit at the figures and scenery, and thereby create a disturbance.” The mob assaulted the stage with “head-breaking” lemonade bottles, causing costly damage, then chased the frightened puppeteers down Sturt Street (Mount Alexander Mail, “Items of News” 4 Apr. 1877). The following night’s performance, by contrast, was perfectly calm (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 7 Apr. 1877). Just three months later, Webb’s Royal Marionette pantomimes appeared at the Mechanics’ Institute. The press wrote “this is not to be confounded, with the exhibition which created something like a riot at the Theatre Royal last Easter” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 5 July 1877).The final performance at the Royal was the American Rockerfellers’ Minstrel Company. The last newspaper references to the Royal were placed in the context of other “treats in store” at The Academy of Music, and forthcoming offerings at the Mechanics Institute (Star, “Advertising” 3 July 1878). The Royal had experienced three re-openings and a series of short-term managements, often ending in loss or even bankruptcy. When it wound up, investors were left to cover the losses, while the owner was forced to find more profitable uses for the building (Freund n.p.). At face value, it seemed that four performing arts venues was one too many for Ballarat audiences to support. By August 1878 the Royal’s two shop fronts were up for lease. Thereafter, the building was given over entirely to retail drapery sales (Withers 260). ReflectionsThe Royal was erected, at enormous expense, in a moment of unbridled optimism, after several popular theatres in Ballarat East had burned to the ground. Ultimately the timing for such a lavish investment was poor. It suffered an inflexible old-fashioned structure, high overheads, ongoing staffing costs, changing demographics, economic crisis, increased competition, decreased population, the growth of local community-based theatre, temperance agitation and the impact of negative rumour and hear-say.The struggles endured by the various owners and managers of, and investors in, the Royal reflected broader changes within the larger community. The tension between the fixed nature of the place and the fluid needs of the public was problematic. Shifting demographics meant the Royal was negatively affected by conservative values, altered tastes and competing entertainment options. Built in the 1850s, it was sound, but structurally rigid, dated and polluted with the bacterial irritations of the times. “Resident professional companies could not compete with those touring from Melbourne” by whom it was considered “… hard to use and did not satisfy the needs of touring companies who required facilities equivalent to those in the metropolitan theatres” (Freund n.p.). Meanwhile, the prevalence of fund-raising concerts, created by charitable groups and member based community organisations, detracted from people’s interest in supporting professional performances. After-all, amateur concerts enabled families to “embrace the values of British middle class morality” (Doggett 295) at a safe distance from grog shops and saloons. Children aged 5-14 constituted only ten percent of the Ballarat population in 1857, but by 1871 settler families had created a population in which school aged children comprised twenty-five of the whole (Bate 146). This had significant ramifications for the type of theatrical entertainments required. By the late sixties, as many as 2000 children would perform at a time, and therefore entrance fees were able to be kept at affordable levels for extended family members. Just one year after the demise of the Royal, a new secular improvement society became active, holding amateur events and expanding over time to become what we now know as the Royal South Street Society. This showed that the appetite for home-grown entertainment was indeed sizeable. It was a function that the Royal was unable to service, despite several ardent attempts. Conclusion The greatest misfortune of the Royal was that it became stigmatised, from the mid 1860s onwards. In an era when people were either attempting to be pure of manners or were considered socially undesirable, it was hard for a cultural venue to survive which occupied the commercial middle ground, as the Royal did. It is also conceivable that the Royal was ‘framed’, by one or two of its competitor venues, or their allies, just one year before its closure. The Theatre Royal’s negative stigma as a venue for rough and intemperate human remnants of early Ballarat East had proven insurmountable. The Royal’s awkward position between high-class entrepreneurial culture and wholesome family-based community values, both of which were considered tasteful, left it out-of-step with the times and vulnerable to the judgement of those with either vested interests or social commitments elsewhere. This had long-term resonance for the subsequent development of entertainment options within Ballarat, placing the pendulum of favour either on elite theatre or accessible community based entertainments. The cultural middle-ground was sparse. The eventual loss of the building, the physical place of so much dramatic energy and emotion, as fondly recalled by Withers (260), inevitably contributed to the Royal fading from intergenerational memory. The telling of the ‘real story’ behind the rise and fall of the Ballarat Theatre Royal requires further exploration. If contemporary cultural industries are genuinely concerned “with the re-presentation of the supposed history and culture of a place”, as Urry believed (154), then untold stories such as that of Ballarat’s Theatre Royal require scholarly attention. This article represents the first attempt to examine its troubled history in a holistic fashion and locate it within a context ripe for cultural analysis.ReferencesBate, Weston. Lucky City: The First Generation at Ballarat 1851–1901. Carlton South: Melbourne UP, 1978.Brereton, Roslyn. Entertainment and Recreation on the Victorian Goldfields in the 1850s. BA (Honours) Thesis. 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