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Journal articles on the topic 'Stalinism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Milanesi, Franco. "La "leggenda nera" dello stalinismo. Intorno a un dibattito storiografico ed ad alcune rese dei conti." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 2 (November 2009): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2009-002004.

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- In the first part, the article analyzes Domenico Losurdo's book on Stalinism. He characterizes Stalinist repressions as above all a response to internal opposition and attacks from foreign nations. Losurdo points out how, in the 20th century, all kinds of regimes resorted to extreme forms of violence. The author of the present article, even though he recognizes the validity of some of the arguments, criticizes the way Losurdo uses contextualization and comparison as ways of diminishing political and moral responsibilities. In the second part of the article the author analyzes the debate in «Liberazione», the newspaper of the Rifondazione Comunista Party. In reviewing Losurdo's book, the newspaper has stirred up an outcry among some of the editors, generating a debate about some still unresolved crucial questions connected to Stalinism, and above all, questions linked to the cultural and political identity of the party itself.Key words: Stalinism, Domenico Losurdo, Communism, Rifondazione Comunista, «Liberazione »; historical comparison.Parole chiave: stalinismo, Domenico Losurdo, comunismo, Partito della Rifondazione Comunista, «Liberazione», comparazione.

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2

Mervart, Jan, and Jiří Růžička. "Czechoslovak Post-Stalinism: A Distinct Field of Socialist Visions." East Central Europe 48, no. 2-3 (November 26, 2021): 220–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-48020004.

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Abstract Recent historical research has looked at post-Stalinism as a specific and distinct historical era. Whereas Anatoly Pinsky points to the post-Stalinist emphasis on subjectivity, Pavel Kolář writes about post-Stalinist indecisiveness resulting from the tension between its inheritance from the past and an anticipated future. Having both approaches in mind, this article sheds light on the anticipatory character of post-Stalinist thought, which, by critically analyzing its present, aimed to achieve a socialist future. The opening part of the article articulates a theory of modernity, which is applied to the history of thought and is employed as a general framework for defining the post-Stalinist era. Second, the authors introduce the category of post-Stalinist reflexivity and analyze internal differentiation within the thought of the party intelligentsia, which led to the birth of various conceptions of socialism (an “internal plurality”). Third, the article analyzes humanist and techno-optimist thought in Czechoslovakia and demonstrates the future-oriented nature of post-Stalinism.

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3

Yekelchyk, Serhy. "Diktat and Dialogue in Stalinist Culture: Staging Patriotic Historical Opera in Soviet Ukraine, 1936-1954." Slavic Review 59, no. 3 (2008): 597–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697347.

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Decades ago, a highly readable émigré memoir aptly labeled Stalinist cultural policy the “taming of the arts.” Reinforcing the dominant totalitarian paradigm according to which Soviet society was the passive object of an all-powerful state, this catchy image became popular in the Cold War west. During the 1970s, the “revisionist” generation of western scholars began questioning the orthodox view of Stalinist culture. For example, Vera Dunham suggested that the middle-class values apparent in the literature of mature Stalinism might reflect a “Big Deal” between the bureaucracy and the cultural tastes of the new Soviet “middle class,” while Sheila Fitzpatrick maintained that even in the heyday of Stalinism, some prominent intellectuals held positions of “cultural authority,” enabling them to influence the course of cultural life.

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4

Kaganovsky, Lilya. "How the Soviet Man Was (Un)Made." Slavic Review 63, no. 3 (2004): 577–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1520345.

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Drawing on contemporary critical theory as well as postmodern post-Soviet literature and film, Lilya Kaganovsky discusses the ways Stalinist socialist realist fiction, and in particular, Nikolai Ostrovskii's How the Steel WasTempered, articulates the “dominant fiction” of Stalinism: that is, the relationship between heroism, male subjectivity, power, and bodily integrity. Positing two models of exemplary masculinity (the healthy and virile Stalinist subject on the one hand, and the wounded, mutilated, blind, and paralyzed, but nonetheless, celebrated male subject on the other) this essay seeks to understand what purpose bodily mutilation serves in Stalinist texts. By examining Pavka Korchagin's insatiable desire to keep returning to the “ranks” of the party despite the toll each return takes on his body, Kaganovsky points to the mechanisms of power and pleasure at work in socialist realist texts that, in turn, reflect the cultural fantasy of Stalinism— the (un)making of the New Soviet Man.

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5

Sandomirskaja, Irina. "Stalin Era Intellectuals: Culture and Stalinism." Nordisk Østforum 37 (June 26, 2023): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/noros.v37.5701.

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“It is pertinent to ask to what extent certain cultural phenomena and intellectual currents from the Stalin era really were such unique features that can be branded as Stalinist…”. This is the question that motivated the anthology Stalin Era Intellectuals: Culture and Stalinism under review here. »Det är relevant att fråga sig i vilken utsträckning vissa kulturella fenomen och intellektuella strömningar från Stalintiden verkligen var sådana unika särdrag som kan stämplas som stalinistiska... ». Detta är frågan som motiverade antologin Stalin Era Intellectuals: Culture and Stalinism som granskas här.

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6

ROGUSKI, Rafał. "Zbrodnia katyńska i zbrodnie stalinowskie z lat 1939-1941 w polskich podręcznikach historii." Historia i Świat 2 (September 8, 2013): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2013.02.10.

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The theme of following article is presentation of Katyń massacre and Stalinist crimes in polish handbooks for teaching of polish history in high schools. The au-thor showed the way of presentation Stalinist crimes in the early fifties (the period of stalinism) and years, when knowledge about Katyń massacre and Stalinist crimes were banned - up to present when informations about Katyń forest massacre are in every polish handbooks for teaching history.

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7

Kulavig, Erik. "Darker Than Dark." Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 4, no. 1 (2011): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023811x606297.

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This essay focuses on Bloodlands, Timothy Snyder's analysis of Stalinism, Nazism and their consequences for the transnational territory between Berlin and Moscow from 1932 to 1945. The author concludes that Bloodlands does not add anything new to historians’ knowledge of the nature of Stalinism, but it does bring valuable attention to the cruelty of life under Stalin in this area. The author also notes that Snyder leaves out of his book vital areas affected by Stalin's terror

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8

Turcanu, Mihai. "„The khrushchevist thaw”: the coordinates of „de-stalinization”. Part II." Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no. 1-2(129-130) (November 2022): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.129-130.06.

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This is the second part of a study dealing synthetically with the most important aspects of the evolution of the post-Stalinist Soviet Union, such as the economy, the society, the foreign policy, the arts and sciences, and the ethnic/national issues. On one hand, it points out the fact that many of the novel ideas which are generally believed to have emerged during the “thaw” do not, in fact, belong to Khrushchev, but are a product of the Stalinist era, while Stalin’s successor only picked and championed them. On the other hand, the study shows how, despite a significant liberalisation of the public life, the main features of the system, which enabled and made possible Stalinism, were left untouched after the death of the dictator. Thus the “thaw” period was one defined by contradictory tendencies and the potential for positive and meaningful change was fulfilled in none of the public life spheres listed above.

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9

Stegmann, Natali. "Making Sense of the Violent Past: War Veterans’ Organizations in Post-Stalinist Czechoslovakia." Slavic Review 82, no. 1 (2023): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2023.100.

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The article examines the de-Stalinization of war veterans’ organizations in Czechoslovakia. Building on testimonies and journalistic works concerning the victims of Stalinist purges and persecution and the attempts to rehabilitate them, the author elaborates her argument with the case study of the prominent war victims’ organization “Association of Antifascist Fighters”. During Stalinism, all veterans who had not fought side by side with the Soviet Union were treated with suspicion and often expelled from the veterans’ association. In the framework of the reform socialist experiment of the 1960s, the country's Stalinist heritage of violence was largely rejected. What made the Czechoslovak reform socialist approach unique was its distancing from the Soviet influence on Czechoslovak communist tradition. In this way, Stalinism, and the violence that accompanied it, was turned into a Soviet matter, while the national communist tradition was to be cured of the effects of this influence.

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10

Dobrenko, Evgeny. "Reading Stalinism: Stalinist Culture as a Field of Research." Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, no. 6 (2022): 104–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53953/08696365_2022_178_6_104.

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11

Szelenyi, Ivan, and Pavel Campeanu. "The Origins of Stalinism: From Leninist Revolution to Stalinist Society." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 5 (September 1987): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069747.

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12

Sampson, S. "The Origins of Stalinism: from Leninist Revolution to Stalinist Society." Telos 1986, no. 70 (January 1, 1986): 193–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1286070193.

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13

Buldakov, Vladimir. "Misunderstood stalinism?" Rossiiskaia istoriia, no. 3 (2019): 187–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086956870005108-9.

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14

Campbell, John C., and Arshi Pipa. "Albanian Stalinism." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 2 (1991): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044784.

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15

Aksenov, Iu S. "Postwar Stalinism." Russian Studies in History 31, no. 4 (April 1993): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsh1061-1983310449.

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16

Weissman, Susan. "On stalinism." Critique 28, no. 1 (January 2000): 197–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017600108413454.

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17

Reichman, Henry. "Reconsidering ?Stalinism?" Theory and Society 17, no. 1 (January 1988): 57–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00163726.

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18

Skotarczak, Dorota. "Kilka uwag na temat stalinizmu w świetle pamiętników Lubow Orłowej." Wrocławskie Studia Wschodnie 23 (September 27, 2019): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1429-4168.23.9.

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Несколько замечаний на тему сталинизма на основе дневников Любови ОрловойСтатья содержит рефлексии на тему эпохи сталинизма на основе материалов недавно открытых и изданных дневников звезды советского кино и любовницы Сталина Любови Орловой. Автор дневников восторгается Сталиным, не видит его преступлений. Кажется, она верит, что Советский Союз под его руководством выглядел так, как в её фильмах «Светлый путь», «Цирк» и «Волга, Волга». Эти фильмы были рассмотрены в контексте того, что написала Орлова. Some remarks on Stalinism in the light of Lyubov Orlova’s memoirsThe article presents reflections on the Stalinist period based on the material provided by the recently discovered and published memoirs of a star of Soviet cinema and Stalin’s mistress, Lyubov Orlova. The actress was full of admiration for Stalin and did not notice his crimes. She seemed to believe that the Soviet Union under his leadership looked like it did in her films: Jolly Fellows, Circus and Volga, Volga. The films are discussed in the context of Orlova’s words.

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19

Kershaw, Ian. "‘Working Towards the Führer.’ Reflections on the Nature of the Hitler Dictatorship." Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (July 1993): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000382.

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The renewed emphasis, already visible in the mid-1980s, on the intertwined fates of the Soviet Union and Germany, especially in the Stalin and Hitler eras, has become greatly intensified in the wake of the upheavals in Eastern Europe. The sharpened focus on the atrocities of Stalinism has prompted attempts to relativise Nazi barbarism – seen as wicked, but on the whole less wicked, than that of Stalinism (and by implication of communism in general).1 The brutal Stalinist modernising experiment is used to remove any normative links with humanising, civilising, emancipatory or democratising development from modernisation concepts and thereby to claim that Hitler's regime, too, was – and intentionally so – a ‘modernising dictatorship’.2 Implicit in all this is a reversion, despite the many refinements and criticisms of the concept since the 1960s, to essentially traditional views on ‘totalitarianism’ and to views of Stalin and Hitler as ‘totalitarian dictators’.

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20

Ficek, Ryszard. "Communist Totalitarian Regime and the Status Quo of the Catholic Church in the Context of Post-War Reality of Poland (1945–1956)." Res Politicae 13 (2021): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rp.2021.13.03.

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This article presents the specificity of the totalitarian communist regime and the status quo of the Catholic Church operating in the Polish People’s Republic in the early post-war period (1945–1956). The analysis of the discussed topics allows one to expose the nature of the Stalinist system of repression described as the “dictatorship of the proletariat”, taking into account the tough and challenging situation of the Catholic Church, forced not only to fight for her survival but – above all – to preserve the Christian identity of the Polish nation. The reinterpretation of the Stalinist totalitarian system from the standpoint of Christian personalistic praxeology discloses its unprecedentedly outrageous nature. Moreover, the presentation of the fundamental issues of the totalitarian, anti-human, and anti-Christian paradigm that characterizes the “dictatorship of the proletariat” makes it possible to interpret Stalinism in terms of not only defining but also legitimizing and even authenticating one of the most terrifying and degenerate forms of totalitarian systems of the 20th century. However, this is of crucial importance, specifically today, when many emerging ideological trends often downplay the excessively iniquitous nature of Stalinism and even treat the “totalitarian model” – particularly communism – as a “specific historical phenomenon” attempting to resolve many complex and diverse socio-political, cultural and economic issues.

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21

Kiss, Ádám László. "The Stalinist Soviet Union in the Disney Animated Cartoon Tale Spin." Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies 29, no. 2 (November 1, 2023): 430–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30608/hjeas/2023/29/2/12.

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Abstract The Disney animated cartoon television series TaleSpin was released in 1990, at the end of a decade that started with an escalation of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, and ended in the abolition of nuclear weapons, which foreshadowed the eventual downfall of the USSR in 1991. This “adventure-plus comedy” American series successfully combines sources not only from within the studio (the 1967 Disney animated version of The Jungle Book), but also from adventure films outside the studio (Casablanca, Indiana Jones movies), and most interestingly, it weaves in a harsh parody of Stalinist Soviet Union. TaleSpin effectively captures the complex political climate of the 1980s–1990s by presenting the conditions of high Stalinism (mass repressions, executions, and show trials) in the military state Thembria with her Thembrian inhabitants, the anthropomorphic warthogs. The essay explores the characteristic topoi of Stalin’s Soviet Union in the series with an overview of US–Soviet relationship and the general perception of the USSR in the United States in the 1980s. The essay argues that the American image of the USSR established in the 1930s–1950s was extrapolated to post-Stalinist periods of Soviet history and was still prevalent in the 1980s, thus shaping the conception of Thembria and the Thembrians. (ÁLK)

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22

Ziolkowski, Margaret. "A Modern Demonology: Some Literary Statins." Slavic Review 50, no. 1 (1991): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500599.

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The publication of Anatolii Rybakov's Deti Arbata (1987) was heralded with much fanfare both in the Soviet Union and abroad. In the novel Rybakov seeks to capture the essence of Stalinism as it affected the day-to-day existence of Soviet citizens, a theme that commands intense interest in the Soviet Union today. Yet it seems unlikely that Deti Arbata would have attracted the attention it has were it not for its lengthy passages devoted to the actions and thoughts of Stalin. The novel's protagonist Sasha Pankratov remains curiously flat, too reminiscent of socialist realist paragons; it is instead Rybakov's Stalin who holds the reader's attention.Few reliable Soviet histories of the Stalinist period or biographies of Stalin exist. Dmitrii Volkogonov and others are trying to rectify this situation, but literature has attempted to fill the gap and to respond to the national desire for some insight into the mysteries of Stalinism and its creator.

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23

Ficek, Ryszard. "Communist Totalitarian Regime and the Status quo of the Catholic Church in the Context of Post-War Reality of Poland (1945−1956)." Roczniki Teologiczne 69, no. 4 (June 2, 2022): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rt22694.5.

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The fundamental purpose of this article is to present the specificity of the totalitarian communist regime to the status quo of the Catholic Church functioning in the Polish People's Republic in the early post-war period (1945−1956). Therefore, the analysis of the discussed issues allows one to expose the nature of the Stalinist system of repression described as the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” taking into account the tough and challenging situation of the Catholic Church, forced not only to fight for her survival but above all to preserve the Christian identity of the Polish nation. The reinterpretation of the Stalinist totalitarian system from the perspective of Christian personalistic praxeology discloses its unprecedentedly criminal nature. Moreover, the presentation of the fundamental assumptions of the totally anti-human and anti-Christian paradigm that characterizes the “dictatorship of the proletariat” makes it possible to interpret Stalinism in terms of not only defining but also legitimizing and even authenticating one of the most terrifying and degenerate forms of totalitarian systems of the 20th century. However, this is of crucial importance, specifically today when many emerging ideological trends often downplay the criminal nature of Stalinism and even treat the “totalitarian model” — particularly communism — as a “specific historical phenomenon” attempting to resolve many complex and multifarious socio-political, cultural and economic issues.

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24

Cole, Edward Alan, and Sheila Fitzpatrick. "Stalinism: New Directions." History Teacher 34, no. 2 (February 2001): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3054290.

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25

Nove, Alec. "Stalinism: Revisionism Reconsidered." Russian Review 46, no. 4 (October 1987): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130296.

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26

Moine, Nathalie, and Sheila Fitzpatrick. "Stalinism: New Directions." Le Mouvement social, no. 196 (July 2001): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779645.

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27

Musiał, Filip. "Stalinism in Poland." Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 9, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.3446.

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28

Poghosyan, Will. "The Shy Stalinism." WISDOM 1, no. 6 (July 1, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v1i6.68.

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The current mode of life in Russia combines the features of desperately daring steps in geopolitical domain with an amazing shyness of thought when facing the tiniest changes in theoretical constructs.Today, crowds of laymen, officials and many “learned” dignitaries in the West and in the East face the need to reject the prejudices concocted using dirty data techniques. The time has come to release Stalin from the Nazi captivity and to reinstate his Membership within the Great Triplett of Roosevelt – Stalin – Churchill. The call for serious changes in the theoretical constructs has become a vital demand for the survival of mankind. Both the West and Russia have to act urgently. Periculum in mora.As of today, having been brought to bay, the correct estimation of the genuinely large merits by Stalin before Motherland and Humanity is popping up irresistibly, as if it were a moth piercing through the pupa, dumping as a useless shell the prejudices like “Stalin equals Hitler”. This concerns primarily the evolution of the shy Stalinism by Putin. The time has come to update the judgments on Stalin at the governmental level. The bigotry by Brzezinski is to be terminated. The Destiny of Russia is at stake.

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29

Markwick, Roger D. "Stalinism at War." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 3, no. 3 (2002): 509–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2002.0042.

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30

Weeks, Theodore R. "Stalinism and Nationality." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 6, no. 3 (2005): 567–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2005.0045.

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31

Austrin, Terry. "Fabianism and stalinism." Critique 27, no. 1 (January 1999): 21–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017609908413429.

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32

Smith, Kathleen E. "Whither Anti-Stalinism?" Ab Imperio 2004, no. 4 (2004): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2004.0099.

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33

Ishmuratov, B. M. "STALINISM AND GEOGRAPHY." Soviet Geography 32, no. 8 (October 1991): 551–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00385417.1991.10640877.

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34

Malinin, V. I. "Makarenko and Stalinism." Russian Education & Society 36, no. 8 (August 1994): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/res1060-9393360861.

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35

Larsen, Knud S. "Stalinism or conformity?" Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 33, no. 7 (July 1988): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/030559.

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36

Hall, Derek R. "Stalinism and tourism." Annals of Tourism Research 17, no. 1 (January 1990): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(90)90113-6.

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37

Kislitsyn, Sergey. "Reflecting on Stalinism." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 2-1 (February 1, 2023): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202302statyi13.

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38

Jones, Polly. "From stalinism to post-stalinism: De-mythologising stalin, 1953-56." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 4, no. 1 (June 2003): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760412331326108.

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39

Gill, Graeme. "Stalinism and Executive Power: Formal and Informal Contours of Stalinism." Europe-Asia Studies 71, no. 6 (July 3, 2019): 994–1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1628180.

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40

KUROMIYA, HIROAKI. "STALIN AND HIS ERA." Historical Journal 50, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 711–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006322.

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ABSTRACTThe partial opening up of the formerly closed Soviet archives has had an enormous impact on the amount of new historical material available for research. Recent developments in research on Stalin and the Soviet Union are remarkable. The present article examines these developments with respect to three particular topics: ‘Stalin and Terror’, ‘Stalin and ideology’, and ‘Stalin and society’. It argues that whereas in certain areas new information has led to a greater consensus among historians, in others, such as Stalin's Great Terror, it has led to heated controversy. The article asks why, and suggests that the problem lies both in conceptualization and in the use of historical sources. More generally, the article discusses the present state of knowledge in the field. Because the study of Stalinism is often assessed in the light of the study of Nazism, it includes brief comparisons of Stalin and Hitler and Stalinism and Nazism where appropriate.

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41

Biareishyk, Siarhei. "Five-year plan of philosophy: Stalinism after Kojève, Hegel after Stalinism." Studies in East European Thought 65, no. 3-4 (December 2013): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11212-014-9192-3.

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42

CORTHORN, PAUL. "LABOUR, THE LEFT, AND THE STALINIST PURGES OF THE LATE 1930s." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004261.

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It is clear that a strand of anti-Stalinism had firmly entered the political discourse of British Labour and the Left by the late 1940s. This was largely a response to mounting Cold War tension and is rightly seen to contrast with their earlier broad support for the Soviet experiment. This article adds to this picture by arguing that anti-Stalinism was first adumbrated in the late 1930s in reaction to the Stalinist purges. Whereas previous accounts have given the impression that the Labour party and the wider Left were largely uninterested in the purges, this article shows instead that they provoked sharp criticisms of Stalin from across the range of Labour and Left opinion. Moreover, it also demonstrates that while certain figures and groupings did choose not to discuss the purges publicly, this was not necessarily because of a lack of interest or knowledge. For the Left the domestic political necessities of supporting the united front meant that, at least temporarily, their real views had to be concealed. More generally, the international pressure of endorsing the Soviet Union as an ally against international fascism inhibited an even more forthright condemnation of Stalin.

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43

He, Yanli. "Boris Groys and the total art of Stalinism." Thesis Eleven 152, no. 1 (May 19, 2019): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619849651.

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This paper’s core concern is Boris Groys’ theory of the total art of Stalinism, which is devoted to rewriting Soviet art history and reinterpreting Socialist Realism from the perspective of the equal rights between political and artistic Art Power. The aim of this article is to decode Groys and the total art of Stalinism, based on answering the following three questions: 1) why did Groys want to rewrite Soviet art history? 2) How did Groys re-narrate Soviet art history? 3) What are the pros and cons of his reordering of the total art of Stalinism? Groys offers an effective paradigm that could rethink two theoretical genres: a) other Socialist Realisms inside or outside the Soviet bloc, during or after the Soviet era; b) the aesthetical rights of political artworks before, during and after the Cold War, and the historical debates about art, especially about art for art’s sake, or art for political propaganda. However, Groys’ total art of Stalinism and its core theory of the Socialist Realism frame hides some dangers of aestheticizing Stalin and Stalinism.

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Bystrov, Vladimir Y., and Vladimir M. Kamnev. "G. Lukács, “Techeniye” and Stalinism." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 62, no. 7 (October 10, 2019): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2019-62-7-110-123.

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Abstract:

The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.

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Tsipko, A. "The Sources of Stalinism." Soviet Studies in Philosophy 29, no. 2 (October 1990): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsp1061-196729026.

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Kuromiya, Hiroaki. "Stalinism and Historical Research." Russian Review 46, no. 4 (October 1987): 404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130294.

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Fitzpatrick, Sheila. "New Perspectives on Stalinism." Russian Review 45, no. 4 (October 1986): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130466.

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Kenez, Peter. "Stalinism As Humdrum Politics." Russian Review 45, no. 4 (October 1986): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130469.

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Campbell, John C., and Pavel Campeanu. "Exit: Toward Post-Stalinism." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 3 (1991): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044870.

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Tsipko, A. "The Sources of Stalinism." Soviet Law and Government 29, no. 1 (July 1990): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-194029015.

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