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Journal articles on the topic 'Sri lanka, foreign relations'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Chaminda K, Wijekoon Herath Mudiyanselage. "SRI LANKA’S STRATEGIC LOCATION AND FOREIGN POLICY RESPONSE TOWARDS INDIA AND US ON CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA." Jurnal Diplomasi Pertahanan 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2022): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jdp.v8i2.1009.

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Sri Lanka is a small state strategically placed between two powerful States India and China, the island nation is significant for India as its closest maritime neighbor and on the other hand China has become an all-weather friend to Sri Lanka who has not interfered into the internal political issues and a supporting character in international politics. Sri Lanka has been sandwiched between the great power politics of these powerful nations since the U.S. is carrying out its strategy using the strategic alliance of the United States, India, UK, Japan, and Australia to counter the growing influence of China. Most importantly, Sri Lanka being a small state, having balanced relations with the big powers is effective to foster the development goals of the countries. Having understood this paper discusses Sri Lanka’s strategic location and foreign policy response towards India and United States on Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. This paper further discusses external and internal factors, core issues, and intentions of above mentioned powerful nations and Sri Lankan foreign policy towards these powerful nations by fostering closer ties in world politics with two regional giants and the United States.
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Irfan, M. I. M., and M. A. M. Fowsar. "Learning from the Chinese Model of Development and Moulding China - Sri Lanka Relations." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 17, 2020): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p57.

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The Chinese model of development is a grand global strategy for achieving the Chinese dream through existing foreign policy. China - Sri Lanka bilateral relations have proved to be of increasingly prominent regional and global significance. The paper tries to examine the state of the China - Sri Lanka economic relationship in the context of the Chinese model of development. It is a descriptive study based on secondary data gathered from various sources of information. The Chinese model of development holds much appeal to many developing countries. However, this model is facing serious challenges and has become the subject of much debate in the recent past. The China - Sri Lanka relations have existed more than two thousand years because of the Island of Sri Lanka's strategic location on the old shipping lane. Sri Lanka is still considered a vital part of the String of Pearls concept. Hence, China has turned its attention towards Sri Lanka. From the beginning of the 21st century, Sri Lanka and China ratified several agreements on bilateral issues relating to the Belt and Road Initiative and Silk Road project. The recent developments in the China - Sri Lanka relationship have led to the creation of a so-called Chinese Colony in the South Asian region, and it has triggered China - India geopolitical interests in the Indian Ocean region. This paper concludes with the argument that the Sri Lankan Government will have to be receptive and sensitive on these issues, and pay attention to controlling contamination and maintaining diplomatic relations with all for the political stability and economic prosperity of the nation.
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Amarasinghe, Punsara. "Melian dialogue syndrome in the Indian Ocean: A critical appraisal of Sri Lanka’s “small state dilemma” in the context of Indo-Sino rivalry." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0109.

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Abstract Sri Lanka’s foreign secretary’s statement indicating that Colombo would adopt “ India First” foreign policy appears to be a much-consoling phrase for the Indian diplomats. It is a fact beyond any dispute that New Delhi felt anxious about Sri Lanka’s extensive hobnobbing with China for years that has finally seen massive Chinese presence in the island nation. Given Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian ocean as a crucial hub in the Indian ocean governance, Colombo’s relations with Beijing have always created a tense situation in India. However, the newly elected president of Sri Lanka Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his government’s novel approach to profess their foreign policy as India cantered doctrine raises some perplexity with the realpolitik caught by Sri Lanka. This paper seeks to examine the asymmetrical relationship that existed between Indian and Sri Lanka after the independence of both nations, wherein New Delhi used different means to carve Sri Lanka’s external relations for the best interests of India. Furthermore, this paper analyses the unequal position Sri Lanka has been facing as a small nation located near a ricing global power and how Sri Lanka struggles to balance both India and China in their rivalry in the Indian Ocean. The results emerge from this paper will reveal the impossibility of upholding neutrality for a small state before complex geopolitical power struggles.
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Fernando, Sithara N. "China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.

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China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in many ways the preeminent power in South Asia, China’s relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives in the South Asian regional context have been analysed in terms of two ‘strategic triangles’: China–India–Sri Lanka and China–India–Maldives. What emerges from this analysis is that the sustenance of the cooperative momentum in the China-India relationship is crucial to the improvement of China’s relations with South Asia as a whole.
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Jeeva, S., and D. Sivakumar. "Prime Minister Narendra Modi visit to Sri Lanka and its impacts on Indo-Sri Lankan relations." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S2 (November 15, 2021): 1236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns2.1791.

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In Globe, no nation is not an isolate it depends upon one another to fulfill their needs as a result of these multilateral relations build-up. Such a strong relationship we need to maintain means we need strong leadership. Such strong leaders are there before and after independence also. The several party leaders and their alliances are formed and implemented the policies for the development of India at the Internal level as well as external level. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government was formed under two prominent leaders known as Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi. After Vajpayee, the NDA Government under the leadership of Narendra Modi realized the importance of foreign policy and maintaining a good relationship. Sri Lanka is also one of the closest neighboring countries; Prime Minister Narendra Modi from 2014 to 2019 he officially visited Sri Lanka three times within these three visits he used to make several new initiatives in many fields.
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Fisher Williams, Clare. "What can ESL offer to the data collector? Describing, defining, designing and deploying an alternative ESL approach." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 65, no. 3 (February 12, 2019): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v65i3.220.

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For the World Bank, the importance of the legal climate for attracting foreign investment is axiomatic and the legal and political aspects of an investment climate are measured in the World Bank’s ‘good governance’ programme. However, the assumptions underlying this rely on quantitative research setting out correlation and highlighting a narrow range of voices. An ESL-inspired approach to empirical work can question what investors want from a host state legal system while also addressing criticisms of existing literature. As a case study, Sri Lanka is set out as a country actively engaged in attracting foreign investment through the creation of an ideal investment climate. The discussion first describes the empirical by setting out the role of World Bank rationalities in shaping Sri Lanka’s investment climate. It then defines the analytical, locating ESL in the social sciences and outlining the debates surrounding the central concept of embeddedness. It goes on to design an alternative approach by combining elements of three frames, both addressing existing criticisms and avoiding embeddedness. This is then deployed and the applications and implications for framing relations of foreign investors in Sri Lanka are set out.
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Fernando, Hiruni Nathasha. "Impact of the Status of Forces Agreements on Host States in the Indo-Pacific: How Will Sri Lanka Tame the Dragon and Uncle Sam?" South Asian Survey 29, no. 1 (March 2022): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09715231221075089.

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The rise of China and its maritime expansion has threatened the US preponderance in world politics. The Indo-Pacific construct is America’s comeback and its strategy to engage with a rising Asia while countering its adversaries, especially China. Within this larger strategic dynamic, US defence agreements have become a curious subject of scrutiny, especially for small states in South Asia such as Sri Lanka, which is strategically located in the Indo-Pacific region. US defence agreements are manifold and have been signed with many countries in different regions. A vast majority of these, such as the acquisition and cross-services agreements (ACSA) and the status of forces agreements (SOFA), deal with technical matters concerning logistical support, conduct of US troops on foreign soil, and jurisdictional and basing issues. While the SOFA establishes the legal framework under which US armed forces operate in a foreign country, there are certain inherent features that are deemed highly controversial, such as the exercise of criminal jurisdiction, causing chronic and pervasive dangers to human security in host nations. While the United States is a ‘necessary evil’ for strategic hedging to keep Chinese aggressions at bay, the adverse impacts on host states could ultimately hinder US efforts to counter China in the long run. Sri Lanka, in particular, is an aid recipient of both the United States and China. Therefore, Sri Lanka must learn to re-evaluate its international policy carefully to preclude being divested in intense great power rivalry.
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Fathima Washima, M. N. "The Relationship between the Exchange Rate Volatility and Inflation in Sri Lanka." Asian Journal of Managerial Science 11, no. 2 (October 28, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/ajms-2022.11.2.3197.

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Exchange rate volatility is also one of the factors which determine the inflation of a country. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the relationship between the exchange rate volatility and inflation in Sri Lanka over the period 1977-2020. This study has used inflation as the dependent variable. Exchange rate, export, import, money supply and foreign direct investment are used as the independent variable. Augmented Dicky- Fuller test is employed to identify the stationary of the variables. This result indicates that the variables are stationary in order one. Johansen Co-Integration test found that there is a positive and significant relationship between the exchange rate volatility and inflation, money supply and export and a negative correlation between the import. Adjustment toward the long-run equilibrium is ensured from the Vector Error Correction model result. But, there is no significant relationship in the shortrun between the exchange rate volatility and inflation. According to the CUSUM test result, the model is stable. From the Granger Causality test, exchange rate volatility has a one-way causal relationship with inflation. Therefore, this study concluded that exchange rate volatility and inflation have a long-run relation and there is no significant correlation between the variables in the short-run. Hence, this study is recommended that the Sri Lankan government must try to stabilize the exchange rate and monitor the amount of money supply within the country.
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9

Samarakoon, Lalith P. "The relation between trades of domestic and foreign investors and stock returns in Sri Lanka." Journal of International Financial Markets, Institutions and Money 19, no. 5 (December 2009): 850–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intfin.2009.07.001.

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10

Hall, Ian. "Perilous Interventions and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 9, no. 2 (April 18, 2017): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00902005.

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This article analyses Perilous Interventions: The Security Council and the Politics of Chaos by Hardeep Singh Puri, a retired senior diplomat and India’s former Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York. It outlines the structure and argument of the book, which addresses foreign interventions in various conflicts over the past three decades, including those in Libya, Syria, Yemen, Ukraine, and Sri Lanka, and the emergence of the concept of Responsibility to Protect. It argues that Perilous Interventions is a significant, if problematic, book insofar as it signals that deep scepticism about r2p persists in important sections of the policymaking elite in New Delhi, despite India’s rising power, growing capabilities, and changing relationships with major powers, including the United States. It also introduces the remaining three articles in this special section.
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11

Athukorala, Premachandra. "Foreign Direct Investment and Manufacturing for Export in a New Exporting Country: The Case of Sri Lanka." World Economy 18, no. 4 (July 1995): 543–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1995.tb00230.x.

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12

Glasius, Marlies. "The EU Response to the Tsunami and the Need for a Human Security Approach." European Foreign Affairs Review 11, Issue 3 (August 1, 2006): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2006030.

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The European Union has in recent years become more ambitious in terms of its global role. Numerous missions – military, civilian and now also combined – have been and are being carried out under an EU flag. While the European Security Strategy has given the EU a point of departure for a common vision on security policy, the humanitarian and developmental aspects of EU foreign policy have remained somewhat separate from these developments, and many in the development community have viewed the EU’s new ambitions with some suspicion, considering them as ‘interventionist’ and privileging a security over a development agenda. The European response to the tsunami offers interesting new insights in relation to these developments. This paper focuses on the situations in Aceh and Sri Lanka, and concentrates on the policies towards the people affected by disasters rather than on environmental responses or prevention mechanisms. Using the four themes of response and coordination, the impact of the tsunami and the response on the conflicts in Sri Lanka and Aceh, the sustainability of post-tsunami policies, and the effects of the tsunami in terms of European public opinion, this paper argues that the EU should be less focused on building capabilities, and much more on developing a coherent common vision guiding all its external policies.
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13

Welhengama, Gnanapala, and Nirmala Pillay. "Minorities’ Claim to Secession by Virtue of the Right to Self-Determination: Asian Perspectives with Special Reference to Kosovo and Sri Lanka." Nordic Journal of International Law 82, no. 2 (2013): 249–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08202003.

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This study examines the attitudes of the South and South East Asian states to secession in the post-colonial context. The right to self-determination was a key argument in the overthrow of colonial rule, but states that won their independence from foreign rule are unwilling to recognise that ethnic minorities in these former colonial states have a right to make the same argument in their bid for self-government. These states insist on the inviolability of mainly colonial boundaries and reject any notion that the right to self-determination implies the right to secession. This article examines the reasons for this attitude. Also, in the last five years two significant events have occurred: Kosovo has seceded and the Tamil Tigers have been defeated. The article explores the implications of these two extremes.
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Goonatilake, Susantha. "Social construction and deconstruction of a ‘theocracy’." Antiquity 85, no. 329 (August 2011): 1060–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00068496.

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Archaeology aims at imagining past societies, using physical data together with, if available, historical documentation. But this imaginative process is bound by factors widely discussed in social epistemology, including unequal social relations among researchers. Such unequal geopolitics in knowledge has been explored by the present author and others (Goonatilake 1982, 1984, 1999, 2001; Clough 2001). The present exercise aims to investigate and question the social and intellectual context in which Anuradhapura, the first capital in Sri Lanka, has been interpreted as belonging to a ‘theocracy’ (Coningham et al. 2007). Prehistoric archaeology has dated the site to around the ninth century BC at which time it was one of the largest cities in South Asia. A continuous set of chronicles, authenticated by physical remains, document the continuation of the city from at least the fourth/third century BC up to the eleventh century AD, when it was sacked by south Indian invaders. The written evidence includes Sinhalese chronicles (written in Pali), descriptions of the city by foreign travellers and a large number of inscriptions dating back to the third century BC.
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Kamran, Muhammad Rizwan, Zainab Haroon Haroon, Aisha Saleem, and Farooq Rehan. "Perceptive FDI in Relation to Ease of Business: An empirical Analysis of Asian Countries." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 5, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 499–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v5i4.267.

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This study examines the FDI perceptive in relation to ease of doing business an empirical analysis of Asian countries. This study was applied the economic integration and foreign direct investment theory in formulating hypotheses that guide the results analysis. In this study the independent variable is Foreign Direct Investment which is measured by GDP which are measured by sub variables. The present study has been used the econometrics analysis, to find the empirical relationships and key regions for trying to attract FDI net inflows, use the liner regression method. For the years 2010 through 2019, this study includes examines 34 Asian economies, including Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and many others. The main takeaway from this is that a better-rated business environment is much more likely to draw larger inflows of FDI. All indexes have inverse connections, according to the regression estimation, with the exception of trading across borders, receiving credit, and registering properties. Furthermore, all factors—aside from paying taxes, dealing with insolvency, or shutting down operations in the region—are most likely to have an impact on FDI inflows.
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Missbach, Antje, and Frieda Sinanu. "“The Scum of the Earth”? Foreign People Smugglers and Their Local Counterparts in Indonesia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 4 (December 2011): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000403.

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Since 2008, the number of asylum seekers and refugees trying to reach Australia from Indonesia by boat has increased. With many of them hailing from conflict-ridden countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Sri Lanka, most entered Indonesia with short-term tourist visas or fraudulent papers or no documents at all. It is widely known that a significant number of these ‘irregular’ migrants pay various types of brokers (often labelled, accurately or otherwise, ‘human smugglers’) at least at one stage – either to enter the country or to escape it. As a non-signatory to the UN Refugee Convention, Indonesia does not permit local integration. While a substantial part of these migrants are detained in the 13 immigration detention centres scattered around the archipelago, many roam freely, looking for opportunities for onward migration. Due to the restrictive border protection arrangements between Australia and Indonesia and a number of bilateral intelligence measures for deterring ‘unwanted’ migrants, human smugglers have been gradually forced to adapt strategies, routes and prices. According to much of the available data, most human smugglers are not Indonesians but foreigners who have been lingering in Indonesia for many years. This article demonstrates, moreover, that these foreigners depend upon local contacts to successfully carry out their risky business. Most often, the Indonesian counterparts are solely facilitators or handymen, but in a number of cases Indonesian authorities have also been involved in this highly lucrative business.
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Gautam, Subas. "Prospects of Cross Border Energy Trade in South Asia." Academia Research Journal 1, no. 1 (November 8, 2022): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/academia.v1i1.48774.

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The majority of South Asian nations use a combination of renewable energy sources like hydro, solar, and wind power together with nonrenewable energy sources like nuclear, coal, and natural gas to generate their electricity. Both of these sources are indigenous to some degree. Every nation in the area benefits from one type of resource or another. In India, coal is available. Natural gas is also abundant in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal, and Bhutan, as well as hydropower. Using panel data from 2001 to 2015, this study examines the relationship between electricity consumption and changes in income, population, and foreign direct investment in Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal, five South Asian nations. Additionally, the demand for electricity can be satisfied by imports or electrical production. The OLS results confirm that there is significant relationship between electricity consumption and GDP in South Asia. The OLS result further suggests that there is significant positive relation between GDP and electricity imports for India and Pakistan where as Nepal and Bangladesh have significant positive relation between GDP and electricity production. It is therefore concluded that there is a huge potential of cross border energy trade in South Asia and enhance economic growth in the region.
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Wad, Peter. "Solidarity Action in Global Labor Networks. Four Cases of Workplace Organizing at Foreign Affiliates in the Global South." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i1.3548.

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Globalization transforms workforces of transnational corporation from predominantly home countrydominated workforces into foreign-dominated, multinational workforces. Thus, the national grounding of trade unions as the key form of labor organizing is challenged by new multinational compositions and cross-border relocations of corporate employment affecting working conditions of employees and trade unions in local places. We assume that economic globalization is characterized by expanding global corporate network of vertically and horizontally integrated (equity-based) and disintegrated (nonequity-based) value chains. We also assume that globalization can both impede and enable labor empowerment. Based on these premises the key question is, how can labor leverage effective power against management in global corporate networks? This question is split into two subquestions: a) How can labor theoretically reorganize from national unions and industrial relations institutions into global labor networks that allow prolabor improvement in global workplaces? b) How and why has labor in a globalized economy secured the core International Labor Organization (ILO) international labor right to organize companies and conduct collective bargaining? The Global Labor Network perspective is adopted as an analytical framework. Empirically, a comparative case methodology is applied comprising four more or less successful industrial disputes where labor achieved the right to organize and undertake collective bargaining. The disputes took place in affiliated factories of foreign transnational corporations located in Malaysia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Turkey. The conclusion is that the combination of global labor capabilities and global labor strategizing must generate strategic labor power that adequately matches the weaknesses of the counterpart’s global corporate network in order to achieve prolabor outcomes. The most efficient solidarity action was leveraged by a cross-border alliance of workplace collectives, national industrial unions, and a global union federation using global framework agreements (GFAs) with key customers of the employer. The least efficient campaign relied primarily on domestic developing country state institutions supported by a foreign labor nongovernmental organization (NGO).
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Thomas, Caroline. "Challenges of Nation-Building: Uganda—A Case Study." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 41, no. 3-4 (July 1985): 320–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100302.

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The success or failure of nation-building in the new states has far-reaching implications for domestic, regional and international stability and security. This is aptly illustrated in South Asia today, where differences of language, culture and religion forge great obstacles to the creation of single nation states in both India and Sri Lanka. However, of all the regions of the developing world, it is sub-Saharan Africa that perhaps presents the greatest challenge to the idea of a nation-state. Colonial boundaries cut through ethnic groups and led to the creation of post-colonial states that were in no sense nations. These states contained several nations (or tribes) or part of nations within them. Unity that had been forged to rid colonies of foreign rule collapsed when independence was won and tribal loyalties resurfaced. Some states, such as Tanzania, have fared better than others since then in their efforts to create domestic unity, harmony and a nation-state. Others, such as Uganda, have sunk into anarchy. This paper looks at the example of Uganda in some detail. Particular attention is paid to the decade of the 1970's when Idi Amin was in power, and Uganda hit the international headlines on account of his reign of terror. Trends and events, both before and after Amin, are examined in an effort to establish whether the 1970's were an aberration or part of a continuing tradition of represssion in the name of state security. The Tanzanian action of intervening in Uganda, whatever the motive, had the effect of ridding Uganda of Amin. This action is analyzed in terms of its legitimacy and its consequences. The idea that nation-building is something which has to be generated from within, and cannot be imposed from without, is raised.
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L.E. Asuelime, Legend, and Raquel A. Asuelime. "Media Jihad Conundrum in Nigeria: A Review of Military-Media Relations vis-à-vis Boko Haram." Journal of African Films & Diaspora Studies 4, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-2713/2021/4n2a1.

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The purpose of this paper is to explore the conundrum in military-media relations in Nigeria with regards to access and dissemination of strategic and tactical information that impacts counterterrorism efforts. Is there a line between media responsibility to report and the gathering and dissemination of strategic and tactical military information not meant for public consumption but filters to terrorists who are also members of the 'public'? Most times, such publications potentially afford Boko Haram terrorists prior notice of military plans, giving them early warnings that compromise military counter offensive. The paper is based on a study of academic and grey literature, official documents and journalistic coverage. The paper concludes that the Nigerian security forces have tried and failed to clamp down on tactical and strategic information in media reports that compromise its counterterrorism efforts in Nigeria – therefore the state should consider adopting Sri Lankan consequentialist approach to the existential problem. To address this conundrum, it is recommended that the Nigerian authority and its military architecture should adopt a State Consequential Approach on Terrorism and media issues; re-invent its Strategic Communication; Re-establishment of security and intelligence coordination; Develop an image recovery plan by raising quality standards, seek foreign support, and enact terrorism-related media legislations.
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Mrsevic, Zorica, and Svetlana Jankovic. "Implementation of principle of local ownership: From victimization to empowerment of women." Temida 20, no. 1 (2017): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1701023m.

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The paper presents the existence of a conflict between local ownership and the introduction of gender equality in situations of post-conflict peace-building under the control of international actors, mostly UN peacekeeping forces. The authors present the essential meanings of the term ?local ownership? and understanding of its importance for the success of peacekeeping missions and reforms of the security sector in post-conflict societies in achieveing lasting peace. Local civil or military leaders can actually consider that gender equality is not needed in their culture, and that the participation of women in the security sector is not socio-culturally acceptable. That is why various international actors may be reluctant to advocate for gender equality, considering it as an imposition of foreign cultural values that could potentially destabilize the security sector reform process. The paper presents examples of Sahel region, South Sudan, South Africa, East Timor and Sri Lanka, ilustrating that women and men have different experiences of conflict, and that women in conflict and post-conflict situations are especially vulnerable to sexual and other forms of gender-based violence. Therefore, women?s active participation in peace-building and ending violence and conflicts is essential for peace, security and general cessation of further victimization of women. Supporting the existing power relations characterized by structural gender inequality and violence diminish the value of security sector reform. Moreover, the process of peace-building is destabilized by maintaining permanent sources of victimization of women, discrimination and easy outbreak of armed conflict. This might result in the poorly reformed security sector, which only fits the needs of male local dominant groups and protects their interests, leaving majority of women still in a situation of high risk from various forms of victimization.
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Rao, P. Venkateshwar. "Foreign involvement in Sri Lanka." Round Table 78, no. 309 (January 1989): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358538908453911.

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Rodrigo, W. P. S., and P. A. D. D. Randika. "Impact of Economic Uncertainty on Foreign Direct Investment Inflows of Sri Lanka." European Journal of Business and Management Research 7, no. 1 (February 13, 2022): 213–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejbmr.2022.7.1.1269.

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Foreign direct investment is the heart of economic growth. Sri Lanka faces foreign reserve shortage. Therefore, the researcher studied how foreign investors react on investment flows of Sri Lanka under world, regional, and domestic uncertainty situations of Sri Lanka. The researcher studied on impact of economic uncertainty on foreign direct investment inflows using world, regional and domestic uncertainty indexes which are newly constructed indexes. This study has been used quantitative analysis for impact on economic uncertainty on foreign direct investment inflows of Sri Lanka. The researcher used secondary data for the sample period of 1st quarter, 1996 to 4th quarter, 2019. The researcher used the autoregressive distributed lag model, error correction model for analyzing the short-run and long-run impact on economic uncertainty on FDI inflows of Sri Lanka. Regional economic uncertainty has a significantly impact on foreign direct investment inflows of Sri Lanka in short run and long run. In domestic economic uncertainty has significantly impact on foreign direct investment inflows of Sri Lanka in short run and long run. However, World economic uncertainty has not significantly impacted on foreign direct investment inflows of Sri Lanka This study has used world, regional, and domestic uncertainty of Sri Lanka indexes, which were newly built to capture uncertainties. Findings of the study could be used for the changes of policies to attract foreign direct investment inflows of Sri Lanka.
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Uluwaduge, Pradeep. "China-Sri Lanka Economic Relations: Opportunities and Challenges for Sri Lanka." Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 2, no. 2 (August 23, 2022): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4038/sljssh.v2i2.75.

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Ranaweera, Kodagoda Janaka. "NATIONAL STRATEGY FOR SHAPING SRI LANKA’S FOREIGN POLICY." Jurnal Diplomasi Pertahanan 8, no. 3 (October 30, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jdp.v8i3.1370.

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The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka is taken as an example to describe the national interests, ends, means, and ways of the foreign policy analysis of the country. This analysis tries to identify the spectrums of foreign policy challenges currently faced by Sri Lanka today. The spectrum is based on national interests, national security, and the strategic environment (domestic and international) of Sri Lanka. The conceptual framework is based on Terry Deibel's strategic logic approach to the analysis of Sri Lanka's national strategy options. In the national interests, the means, and the ways of foreign policy that should be taken by Sri Lanka and assess how the above elements interact with each other in the foreign policy decision-making process. This paper further discusses external and internal actors, core issues, and strategic options available for Sri Lanka based on its, geostrategic location, national security, and national interest. Having understood that this paper discussed: National Strategy (Options) for shaping Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy – Managing Domestic and International Challenges and Opportunities for the future.
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Kelegama, Saman. "China–Sri Lanka Economic Relations." China Report 50, no. 2 (May 2014): 131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445514523646.

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Klem, Bart, and Dinesha Samararatne. "Sri Lanka in 2021." Asian Survey 62, no. 1 (January 2022): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.62.1.20.

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The Rajapaksa government consolidated its position with new laws, special task forces, and public-sector appointments. With the opposition wiped out, Sri Lanka now has a unipolar political landscape. Two successive waves of COVID-19 infections caused a rising death toll and necessitated severe lockdowns. The resulting economic problems exposed structural weaknesses in Sri Lanka’s macroeconomic constellation, with depleting foreign exchange and an acute debt burden. These interlocking crises triggered new forms of protest and a new convergence of previously disparate societal opposition.
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28

Awad, Ramkishan S., and B. D. Todkar. "Disputes in India-Sri Lanka relations." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 10, no. 11 (2020): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2020.00025.8.

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Mukherjee, Kedarnath, and R. K. Mishra. "International Stock Market Integration and Its Economic Determinants: A Study of Indian and World Equity Markets." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 32, no. 4 (October 2007): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090920070403.

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During the periods of globalization and deregulation, it has become very common for the equity market of a country to respond to the equity movements of its international trading partners from all over the world. The effort, trying to achieve in this study, relates to how Indian equity market responds to the equity price movements of other countries and vice versa. Also, the possible forces behind such interdependence among the markets are investigated. Daily closing prices of all the major equity indices from a sample of 23 countries, including India, for a period of 16 years starting from 1990 to 2005 have been used to assess the co-movement of prices among the markets. The results reveal the following : Apart from exhibiting significant annual contemporaneous measures or same day intermarket relationship among India and most of the other foreign countries, the contemporaneous feedback statistics also reveals an increasing tendency in the degree of integration among the markets over a period of time, leading to a greater co-movements and therefore higher market efficiency at the international scenario. Except for Sri Lanka and Sweden, there is a significant contemporaneous flow of information among India and 20 other foreign countries. The countries from the same region are found to be more integrated than those from the different regions. As far as the unidirectional feedback measures are concerned, though most of the measures for the whole study period are found to be significant, only few annual measures exhibit statistical significance. Interestingly, India has been found to play a stronger leading role for the countries in the Asian region except for Pakistan, Philippines, and Singapore, during the entire study period. At the same time, USA and other five out of ten European countries have been found to strongly lead the Indian market during the same period. But, unlike the contemporaneous measures, there is no fixed trend (either increasing or decreasing) in the movements of the annual unidirectional feedback measures. Thus it is very difficult to conclude that any specific market consistently leads or follows the other market. As far as the pooled regression results are concerned, out of various macroeconomic factors, only some of them including the time trend are found to be significant in assessing the contemporaneous inter-market relation. At the same time, none of the macroeconomic factors, except the volatility in bi-lateral exchange rate and volatility differential among the two markets, are found to be statistically significant in explaining the unidirectional lead-lag relationship among the markets.
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Jayasekara, SD. "Determinants of foreign direct investment in Sri Lanka." Journal of the University of Ruhuna 2, no. 1-2 (December 24, 2014): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.4038/jur.v2i1-2.7849.

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31

Ravinthirakumaran, K., E. A. Selvanathan, S. Selvanathan, and T. Singh. "Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment in Sri Lanka." South Asia Economic Journal 16, no. 2 (September 2015): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1391561415598458.

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32

Rajapakshe, R. D. P. Sampath. "Building Goodwill through Soft Power: An Analysis of China’s Reputation in Sri Lanka." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n1p48.

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Many researchers find out that impacted the types of Chinese foreign policy starting in the mid-1990s. However, Chinese foreign policymakers presented "New Grand Strategy" for the 21st century in the mid-1990s. This strategy exceptionally intended to advance and keep up China's image in the abroad. On the other hand, Policy observers contend introducing of the South Asian region that deliberately essential to emerging China. In addition, Chinese vicinity in Sri Lanka that verbalized by policy observers numerous ways. These contentions express that China's soft power in Sri Lanka that ought to be an extraordinary choice in Chinese policy arrangement. This article investigates current appearance of China's goodwill agenda inspecting two strains of Chinese policy in Sri Lanka that breaking point to observe foreign aid and the Confucius institute that lead the Peoples' Republic of China in 2000s. The paper additionally assesses the achievement of this alleged soft power crusade in Sri Lanka utilizing a worldwide overview to figure out whether the new introduction associates with changed Sri Lankan conclusions about China. This article assesses the adequacy of these endeavors by breaking down public opinion survey accumulated by the Gallup surveying in 2011. Information utilized for this article has been gathered from a substantial number of books, periodicals, magazines, journals. My findings demonstrate that the goodwill agenda has been fruitful at enhancing China's reputation in Sri Lanka.
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Vidyaratne, R. T., and E. A. G. Sumanasiri. "Foreign Missions’ Role in Promoting International Trade: Empirical Evidence of Sri Lankan Foreign Missions Promoting Electronic Exports in Germany." International Business Research 13, no. 7 (June 23, 2020): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v13n7p173.

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Foreign missions have been the pillars of trade promotion and in particular, of export and export-oriented investment. In Sri Lanka, the potentiality in export promotion to Germany is immense. However, it is discernible that there is no coordinated effort in promoting trade in Sri Lanka by foreign missions. Therefore, this research examines the role of foreign missions in promoting international trade between Sri Lanka and Germany especially focusing on Electrical and Electronic Sector. The case study is based on the empirical evidence of Sri Lankan foreign missions promoting electrical and electronic exports in Germany. Potential growth-enhancing factors will benefit from increased global economic integration through trade promotion activities undertaken by the host country and the foreign mission. A qualitative methodology was used to understand the stakeholder perspective of the role of foreign missions. Analysis of data collected through semi-structured interviews (13) derived the results that trade fairs and Business to Business meetings as the most effective trade promotion activities. Findings of the study confirms six (6) vital roles of a foreign mission which are internalizing industries, promoting, business intelligence, stakeholder communication, building strategic relationships and inter-governmental engagement respectively. The paper points out managerial and policy implications such as pro-activeness of the head of foreign missions and strategic and trustworthy relationships between the countries. The study concludes that the activities carried out by the Sri Lankan Foreign Mission in Germany does not satisfy the exporters’ expectations and requirements. Further this study recommendations are provided to both German and Sri Lankan Governments and foreign missions.
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34

Burger, Angela S. "Changing Civil-Military Relations in Sri Lanka." Asian Survey 32, no. 8 (August 1, 1992): 744–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645366.

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35

Begum, Farzana. "Growing Mutuality in India-Sri Lanka Relations." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 4 (October 2005): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840506100407.

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36

Burger, Angela S. "Changing Civil-Military Relations in Sri Lanka." Asian Survey 32, no. 8 (August 1992): 744–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1992.32.8.00p01954.

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37

Deyshappriya, N. P. Ravindra. "Sri Lanka–China Economic Relations in Comparative Perspective: Ample Room to Grow." China Report 55, no. 4 (November 2019): 364–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519875235.

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The article examines recent trends in the economic relations between Sri Lanka and China focussing on trade, investment and tourism dimensions. Although bilateral economic ties between Sri Lanka and China have strengthened over time, the article demonstrates Sri Lanka’s low rank among China’s economic partners. For example, while China is the second-largest tourism partner of Sri Lanka in terms of tourist arrivals, Sri Lanka does not rank among even China’s top 25 tourist destinations. Consequently, the article recommends certain policy priorities to ensure mutually beneficial economic relations. With regards to tourism, it recommends promoting Sri Lanka’s brand on Chinese e-tourism websites and social media, introducing user-friendly tourist apps in Chinese, strengthening air connectivity and celebrating Chinese festivals. Similarly, trade and investment could be facilitated by stronger links with Chinese cities and connecting Sri Lankan students in China to the Chinese industry via internships and building commercial networks from the ground up.
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38

Saravanamuttu, P. "Instability in Sri Lanka." Survival 32, no. 5 (September 1990): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396339008442555.

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39

Ranjan, Amit, and Diotima Chattoraj. "The Tamil Issue in India–Sri Lanka Relationships: Priorities and Interests." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 78, no. 1 (January 14, 2022): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211068161.

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More than 25 years of ethnic war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009. Expressing ‘serious concerns’ on human rights situation in post-civil war Sri Lanka, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has adopted critical resolutions. The eighth such resolution was adopted in March 2021. India abstained for the second time from voting on a resolution against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC since 2014. In 2012 and 2013, India voted in favour of resolutions that have been critical of Sri Lanka. This article, examines the shift in India’s approach towards the Tamil issue in Sri Lanka.
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40

Keethaponcalan, Soosaipillai. "North–South relations and human rights." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (February 5, 2015): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-014-0001-7.

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There are apparent differences between the developed North and the economically weak South. The relations between the North and South are marked by dichotomies and in order to deal with the challenges posed by the South, the North choses control and cooperation. The North uses several instruments including economic assistance to achieve its objectives. One of the new tools that is increasingly taken advantage of is human rights. Although there exists a genuine concern about human rights standards in the South, action on these issues almost always depends on national interest of the states in the North. This paradigm is proved true by the present human rights campaign the United States is undertaking against Sri Lanka in the United Nations Human Rights Council. The US and its Western allies believe that serious human rights violations have been committed during the last phase of the war in Sri Lanka. Promoting accountability and insisting on an international investigation, the US has successfully presented three resolutions on Sri Lanka since 2012. This paper argues that the US action is motivated primarily by its national interest. At the secondary level the US is interested in curtailing what is called the Sri Lanka model of conflict resolution and promoting reconciliation.
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41

Balamurali, N., and C. Bogahawatte. "Foreign Direct Investment and Economic Growth in Sri Lanka." Sri Lankan Journal of Agricultural Economics 6, no. 1 (August 25, 2011): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4038/sjae.v6i1.3469.

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42

Thilakaweera, BHPK. "Economic Impact of Foreign Direct Investment in Sri Lanka." Staff Studies 41, no. 1 (September 21, 2012): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4038/ss.v41i1.4684.

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43

Ravinthirakumaran, K., E. A. Selvanathan, S. Selvanathan, and T. Singh. "Tourism and Foreign Direct Investment Inflows in Sri Lanka." South Asia Economic Journal 20, no. 2 (August 5, 2019): 248–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1391561419858475.

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This article examines the relationship between tourism and foreign direct investment (FDI) and the factors that enhance tourism in Sri Lanka using data over the years 1978–2015, under a vector autoregressive framework. The results reveal that there is a significant long-run equilibrium relationship between tourism, and a number of variables such as FDI, exchange rate, tourism price and civil war of the country. The results also reveal that there exist unidirectional causal relationships from FDI to tourism and tourism price to tourism, in both the long run and the short run. In light of this finding, it is recommended that Sri Lanka should introduce policies that would increase FDI inflows into the tourism industry and maintain a competitive tourism price to attract more tourist arrivals. JEL: C32, F19, F41, O53
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44

Kharel, Khom Raj, and Yadav Mani Upadhyay. "Labour Migration and Economic Impact in Nepal and Sri Lanka." Management Dynamics 24, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/md.v24i2.50035.

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Nepal and Sri Lanka are recognized as labour-exporting countries. The flow of labor migration in foreign labor markets has been increasing each year. Trends of foreign labor migration started to increase in both countries after 1990. Both countries are categorized under income group countries. Foreign employment has become one of the nation's main household income and foreign exchange earnings sources. After the 1990s, Remittance contributed to foreign exchange earnings and had a favourable impact on the balance of payments, solving unemployment problems, reducing poverty, and boosting economic growth. This study aims to examine the impact of foreign employment on Remittance and the economic growth of these economies. The impact of labor migration on macroeconomic variables (balance of payments, economic growth) has been measured using statistical tools such as correction and regression models from 1995-2019. The study finds that the flow of Remittance has increased and positively impacted macroeconomic variables in the study periods. The study shows that foreign employment has become the main destination for the youths of both countries. The results showed a positive relationship between foreign employment and Remittance and a positive impact on economic growth.
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M. S. Nilam. "Bank Selection Criteria and Performance of Public and Private Banks of Sri Lanka: A Comparative Study." CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/cenraps.v2i2.27.

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Financial deregulation and technological advancement have led the sri lankan banking industry to highly competitive environment. In sri lanka, the competition is not only among the local banks, but also from foreign banks. To stay competitive and strong, a bank’s customer retention is crucial. In this context banking institutions would like to know how the customers select their bank and how they perceive the performance of banks in such competitive environment. The researcher selected sample of 468 banking customers from public and private banks of sri lanka. Responses were analyzed and presented through descriptive, correlation and regression analysis. The findings showed that the security and service quality were the two most crucial factors when selecting a bank in sri lanka. Significant gender and education level factors in bank selection were observed. Study concludes that sri lankan private banks perform better on those factors than the public banks in sri lanka.
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M, Katugampola, Munasinghe D.S.A, Nanayakkara K, Fernando D.C.V, and Jayathilake K.K.P.M. "Sri Lanka and Greco-Roman Maritime Trade Relations." International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) 11, no. 7 (July 24, 2021): 682–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.11.07.2021.p11590.

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47

Vorkunova, Olga A. "Peacebuilding in Sri Lanka." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080013556-8.

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48

Jayawardana, Chandana. "Geometrical Knowledge in Early Sri Lanka." History of Science in South Asia 10 (July 31, 2022): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18732/hssa69.

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This article addresses on history of mathematics (specially one of its specific branch, geometry) in Sri Lanka. Despite the large amount of research on the history of mathematics in India, China and the Middle East, that on Sri Lanka still remains limited. Sri Lanka had close relations with all these regions from ancient times and knowldge on mathematics should not be an alien subject there. This article tries to address the paucity of research on the history of mathematics in Sri Lanka while emphasizing the local character of that ancient knowldge.
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Alikberov, E. Sh, A. R. Alikberova, and V. A. Letiaev. "Sino-Indian Rivalry: Sri Lanka." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 126–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-4(6)-126-137.

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The article is devoted to Sri Lanka, one of the zones of strategic interests of China and India. Both Asian states are forming new consumer markets, building new sea corridors, and in the busiest maritime trade corridor in the world – the Indian Ocean, their competition for control over key transport arteries is becoming more and more evident. In the current conditions, the value of control over logistics is determined not so much by the volume of trade and benefits, as by the ability to consistently generate added value. Thus, Sri Lanka, being at the center of the strategic priorities of India and China in South Asia, turns into a zone of vital interests of the two Asian dominant forces. The study shows the weaknesses and strengths of Sri Lanka, which can affect the further balance of relations between the three states.
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Manoharan, N., and Riya Arundhati Pawar. "Pangs of Proximity: Politico-Constitutional Crisis in Sri Lanka and its Implications on India-Sri Lanka Relations." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.51.9.

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The National Unity Government, formed by the traditional rivals UNP and SLFP, was a good example of „cohabitation‟. However, things started falling apart in due course due to new political realignments. It reached a stage where President Sirisena joined hands with the previous President Rajapaksa to oust Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe resulting in about a two-month-long politico-constitutional crisis. With judicial intervention, the crisis got over, but not permanently; the polity looks polarised. The crisis has wide-ranging implications, both at domestic and international levels, especially for India-Sri Lanka relations. Unprecedented political situation that has arisen in Sri Lanka has at least two broad implications on India-Sri Lanka relations: the state of Indian infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka and the ethnic issue in the island nation. Keywords: Wickremasinghe, Sirisena,
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