Journal articles on the topic 'Spartali'
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1
Collins, Emily B. "Mnemosyne (Marie Spartali, 1844-1927)." JAMA Facial Plastic Surgery 15, no. 4 (July 2013): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamafacial.2013.1252.
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ÇETİN, Semra, and Cuma ECE. "SPARTALI KADINLARDA SPOR VE HERA OYUNLARI." ROL Spor Bilimleri Dergisi 3, no. 3 (2021): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/roljournal.52282.
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Bralić, Željko. "Spartan constitution and education." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 2 (2020): 665–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-28419.
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Ancient Sparta is generally recognized as a Greek polis with specific and non-typical state system determined by firmly established set of laws, commonly considered (by Spartans and other Greeks of the time) as a constitution of lawgiver Lykourgos. Spartan constitution was the essence of the state, and this work reviews some of the main institutions established by the constitution. Principal section of the text is dedicated to the basic element and the major purpose of the state and the constitution itself - namely, to the spartan education. It is the peculiar Spartan education and training system called agōgē that particularly enabled ancient Spartans to maintain their durable military might and decisive influence in classical period. Lawgiver of Sparta dedicated primary function in the arrangement of the state itself to the educational system, principally focused on physical and moral education. Capital purpose of educational system was character forming of young Spartans who were expected, mainly on a battlefield in a hoplite phalanx formation, to materialize Spartan ideal of a paramount skilled combatant and fearless warrior.
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Tsoumas, Johannis, and Eleni Gemtou. "Marie Spartali-Stillman’s feminism against Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood gender stereotypes art." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-2-48-60.
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In the middle of the 19th century Great Britain, Queen Victoria had been imposing her new ethical code system on social and cultural conditions, sharpening evidently the already abyssal differences of the gendered stereotypes. The Pre-Raphaelite painters reacted to the sterile way of painting dictated by the art academies, both in terms of thematology and technique, by suggesting a new, revolutionary way of painting, but were unable to escape their monolithic gender stereotypes culture. Using female models for their heroines who were often identified with the degraded position of the Victorian woman, they could not overcome their socially systemic views, despite their innovative art ideas and achievements. However, art, in several forms, executed mainly by women, played a particularly important role in projecting several types of feminism, in a desperate attempt to help the Victorian woman claim her rights both in domestic and public sphere. This article aims at exploring and commenting on the role of Marie Spartali-Stillman, one of the most charismatic Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood models and later famous painter herself, in the painting scene of the time. Through the research of her personal and professional relationship with the Pre-Raphaelites, and mainly through an in depth analysis of selected paintings, the authors try to shed light on the way in which M. Spartali-Stillman managed to introduce her subversive feminist views through her work, following in a way the feministic path of other female artists of her time. The ways and the conditions, under which the painter managed to project women as dominant, self-sufficient and empowered, opposing their predetermined social roles, have also been revised.
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Pavlides, Nicolette. "THE SANCTUARIES OF APOLLO MALEATAS AND APOLLO TYRITAS IN LACONIA: RELIGION IN SPARTAN–PERIOIKIC RELATIONS." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (February 12, 2018): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245417000089.
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This article examines how religion contributed to the interconnectivity of the large geographical region of Laconia which was under Spartan control for most of the Archaic and Classical periods. With a particular focus on two Laconian sanctuaries, that of Apollo Maleatas and that of Apollo Tyritas, located in the area of the Thyreatis/Kynouria, which had traditionally been a disputed region between Sparta and Argos, it considers how sanctuaries played a part in Spartan–perioikic relations. The votives from the two sanctuaries vary: the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas is rich in weapon dedications, while that of Apollo Tyritas has a diverse array of offerings, including bronzes, pottery and weapons. I argue that the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas served as a central gathering place that united the Lakedaimonians, both Spartans and perioikoi, and where they celebrated the military qualities of Apollo. The sanctuary of Apollo Tyritas may reflect Spartan interests in the disputed region from the late seventh/early sixth century, and it too presents evidence for the military preoccupations affecting the area. The warrior-god Apollo, prominently worshipped in Sparta and Laconia, was appropriately offered offensive weapons of spears and arrowheads, both real size and miniature. The Spartans and perioikoi celebrated the Maleateia festival, at the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas, which presented an opportunity for Spartans and perioikoi to gather together. A Laconian sacred landscape was formed through the celebration of common cults and festivals, thus uniting the centre (Sparta) with the Laconian (and Messenian) countryside.
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Hanink, Johanna. "WAS THE POLIS A PERSON IN CLASSICAL ATHENS? CIVIC BODIES AND CHORAL POLITICS IN THE THEATER." Ramus 50, no. 1-2 (December 2021): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2021.11.
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In his History of the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides waits until he has passed the midpoint of Book 1 to introduce an individual speaking ‘character’ into his narrative. He does not do so until the scene of the Congress at Sparta (1.67–88), where it is first ‘the Corinthians’ and then ‘the Athenians’ who plead their cases before the Spartan assembly. One of the functions of this scene is to illustrate the internal division of opinion among the Spartans, and Thucydides now brings two distinct, elite Spartans onstage to voice their conflicting perspectives: King Archidamus addresses his countrymen urging caution (1.80–5), while the ephor Sthenelaidas makes suitably laconic remarks pressing for war (1.86). Before this turning point, Thucydides had carried out his analysis of the war's causes exclusively with reference to foreign rulers and Greek polis-populations (‘the Athenians’, ‘the Spartans’, etc.)—and not to any individual actors or leaders of those poleis, such as Archidamus and Sthenelaidas of Sparta.
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Lockwood, Thornton. "Servile Spartans and Free Citizen-soldiers in Aristotle’s Politics 7–8." Apeiron 51, no. 1 (January 26, 2018): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apeiron-2016-0055.
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Abstract In the last two books of the Politics, Aristotle articulates an education program for his best regime in contrast to what he takes to be the goal and practices of Sparta’s educational system. Although Aristotle never refers to his program as liberal education, clearly he takes its goal to be the production of free male and female citizens. By contrast, he characterizes the results of the Spartan system as ‘crude’ (φορτικός), ‘slavish’ (ἀνδραποδώδης), and ‘servile’ (βάναυσος). I argue that Aristotle’s criticisms of Spartan education elucidate his general understanding of Sparta and provide an interpretative key to understanding Politics 7–8. But although Aristotle contrasts the goals and methods of Spartan education with that of his own best regime, the citizens of his best regime are more like Spartan citizen-soldiers than Athenian participatory-citizens.
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Tanga, Fabio. "Perspectives on Women in Plutarch’s Apophthegmata Laconica." Humanitas, no. 78 (December 15, 2021): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-1718_78_4.
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The paper analyzes role and reputation, words and behaviors, duties and activities of the female figures described and quoted in Plutarch’s Apophthegmata Laconica. Depending on status and context, the role played by women in Spartan families and society seems to be fundamental for several reasons, in crucial situations and in different historical periods. And Plutarch, relating anecdotes, customs and sayings of the Spartans, allows to identify a remarkable variety of perspectives on women and their field of action. So, the internal and external focus on Spartan women’s everyday life helps to show the female loyalty to a Spartan ‘system of values’, through a series of aphorisms that outline the contribution of women to the historical and political experience, tradition and literary narration of Sparta over the centuries.
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Christesen, Paul. "Xenophon'sCyropaediaand military reform in Sparta." Journal of Hellenic Studies 126 (November 2006): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900007655.
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AbstractXenophon'sCyropaediacan be read as a proto-novel, a biography, or as an essay on leadership or constitutional theory. This article argues that theCyropaediacan and should also be read as a pamphlet on practical military reform with special relevance to the Spartan state.The inclusion of a series of proposals for the reform of the Spartan army in theCyropaediahas not heretofore been recognized because Xenophon presented those proposals in the guise of a reform of the Persian army undertaken by Cyrus. There was no historical basis for this part of theCyropaedia, and there is no trace of a major military reform in either the Greek or the Persian tradition about Cyrus as it existed before Xenophon. Cyrus' military reform was thus an authorial invention that presumably served some important narrative purpose.Xenophon inserted a military reform into theCyropaediaas a way of presenting a proposal for the restructuring of the Spartan army. When Xenophon wrote theCyropaedia, the Spartans were struggling desperately to maintain their position in the face of a powerful Boeotian army. The Boeotians could put many more hoplites into the field and had a large cavalry force that they were using to excellent effect. The obvious response on the part of the Spartans was to take whatever measures were necessary to increase the number of men in their phalanx and to assemble a sizeable, highly trained group of horsemen. The programme of military reform enacted by Cyrus in theCyropaediaproduces just this result. If implemented in Sparta, this programme would have involved the wholesale addition of non-Spartiates to the Spartan phalanx and the conversion of the Spartanhomoioiinto an all-cavalry force.Xenophon thus used Cyrus' army in theCyropaediato show what a revamped Spartan military might look like. The use of fictional narrative to explore ideas with immediate application to the real world has long been recognized as an integral part of theCyropaedia.This aspect of theCyropaediahas in the past been explored largely in regard to Xenophon's thinking about leadership and ethics, but it can and should be extended to include military reform in Sparta.
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Lazenby, J. F. "The Archaia Moira: a suggestion." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041719.
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In discussions of the complex and controversial problem of Spartan land-tenure,1 the mysterious ‘ρχαῖα μοῖρα’ (archaia moira) has assumed an importance out of all proportion to its prominence in the sources, for the actual phrase only occurs once in extant literature. It owes its importance to the fact that the reference to it has been used to support the theory that there were two categories of land in Sparta, a theory which in turn is held to explain how, when all Spartans supposedly owned equal estates, there could nevertheless be rich ones and poor ones, as authors such as Herodotos, Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle make clear. The answer, it is claimed, is that although all Spartans possessed an equal share of one category of land, they could own more or less of the other category.2
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Sarafianos, Aris. "The Diaspora of Greek Painting in the Nineteenth Century: Christou’s Model and the Case of Marie Spartali-Stillman." Historein 6 (May 1, 2007): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.67.
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Mishurin, Aleksandr. "The Power of Corruption: Xenophon on the Upbringing of a Good Citizen in Sparta." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 20, no. 1 (2021): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2021-1-107-123.
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In the given article, the author offers an interpretation of the work titled Lacedaimonion Politeia, written by the ancient political philosopher Xenophon of Athens. Judging from Xenophon’s sober and open-minded attitude to the regime he researches, the author focuses on the central issue of the treatise, namely, the upbringing of a virtuous or good citizen. This became the cornerstone of Sparta’s success as a polis, and provided it with a fame as a unique political entity praised by all, but copied by none. The author identifies the three stages of the Spartan education given by Xenophon and continues with the practices of its implementation at a mature age. The research makes it clear that the purpose of the laws of Lycurgus, as described by Xenophon, is twofold. On the one hand, the given laws instill respect, obedience, and the virtue of manliness which the lawgiver desired in citizens. On the other hand, the laws create citizens who merely imitate the above-described traits of character and law-abidance, and who are actually more like unmitigated criminals constantly fighting with each other. It is the second type of people—good criminals—who find themselves in power in Sparta, and they are the ones who end up destroying the Spartan state. By providing this diagnosis of the Spartan regime and the laws of Lycurgus, Xenophon attempts to show that handling the problem of the education of good citizens as suggested in Sparta is misguided and requires additional deliberation.
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Lang, Mabel B. "The Thucydidean Tetralogy (1.67–88)." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 1 (May 1999): 326–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.326.
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A new look at Thucydides’ account of the debate at Sparta motivating the Spartan declaration of war (1.67–88) may provide a footnote to valuable past discussion. Chief concerns about the debate have always been (1) the uniqueness of the four-speech set-up; (2) the oddity of an Athenian embassy in attendance at a Peloponnesian League meeting; and (3) the unlikelihood that any detailed report of speeches made to the Peloponnesian League or Spartan assembly came to Athens. Thucydides' judgement concerning the cause of the Peloponnesian War is far more likely to have been based on his knowledge of past and present relations between Athens and Sparta and members of the Peloponnesian League (Ξυμπ⋯σα γνώμη) than on any information about an actual debate (τ⋯ ⋯ληθ⋯ς λɛχθ⋯ντα). But for τ⋯ δ⋯oντα he needed a confrontation which would not only dramatize both opposition I and characters of Sparta and Athens but also put them in historical context, that is, in their Persian War roles as recorded by Herodotus. Only in this way is it possible to explain peculiarities of this confrontation which appear to duplicate characteristics of the Herodotean debate involving Athens and Sparta before the battle of Plataea. Thuc. 1.67–88 is like Hdt. 8.140–4 in comprising four speeches of which the first (A) 1 is answered by the third (Cl) and the second (B) is answered by the fourth (C2). In each case Cl and C2 are spoken by representatives of a single people: with the Athenians in Herodotus’ debate answering two different peoples, and with two different Spartans in Thucydides answering two different peoples.
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Luraghi, Nino. "Becoming Messenian." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246204.
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AbstractThe article is an enquiry into the identity of two groups who called themselves Messenians: the Helots and perioikoi who revolted against Sparta after the earthquake in the 460s; and the citizens of the independent polity founded by Epameinondas in 370/69 bc in the Spartan territory west of the Taygetos. Based on the history of the Messenians in Pausanias Book 4, some scholars have thought that those two groups were simply the descendants of the free inhabitants of the region, subdued by the Spartans in the Archaic period and reduced to the condition of Helots. According to these scholars, the Helotized Messenians preserved a sense of their identity and a religious tradition of their own, which re-emerged when they regained freedom. One objection to this thesis is that there is no clear archaeological evidence of regional cohesiveness in the area in the late Dark Ages, while the very concept of Messenia as a unified region extending from the river Neda to the Taygetos does not seem to exist prior to the Spartan conquest. Furthermore, evidence from sanctuaries dating to the Archaic and Early Classical periods shows that Messenia was to a significant extent populated by perioikoi whose material culture, cults and language were thoroughly indistinguishable from those documented in Lakonia. Even the site where Epameinondas later founded the central settlement of the new Messenian polity was apparently occupied since the late seventh century at the latest by a perioikic settlement. Some of these perioikoi participated with the Helots in the revolt after the earthquake, and the suggestion is advanced, based on research on processes of ethnogenesis, that they played a key role in the emergence of the Messenian identity of the rebels. For them, identifying themselves as Messenians was an implicit claim to the land west of the Taygetos; therefore the Spartans consistently refused to consider the rebels Messenians, just as they refused to consider Messenians – that is, descendants of the ‘old Messenians’ – the citizens of Epameinondas' polity. Interestingly, the Spartan and the Theban-Messenian views on the identity of these people agreed in denying that the ‘old Messenians’ had remained in Messenia as Helots. Messenian ethnicity is explained as the manifestation of the will of perioikoi and Helots living west of the Taygetos to be independent from Sparta. The fact that most Messenian cults attested from the fourth century onwards were typical Spartan cults does not encourage the assumption that there was any continuity in a Messenian tradition going back to the period before the Spartan westward expansion.
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ARNOLD, MARION. "A PRE-RAPHAELITE MARRIAGE THE LIVES AND WORKS OF MARIE SPARTALI STILLMAN AND WILLIAM JAMES STILLMAN BY DAVID B ELLIOTT." Art Book 14, no. 2 (May 2007): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8357.2007.00802.x.
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Millender, Ellen G. "Spartan Literacy Revisited." Classical Antiquity 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2001): 121–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2001.20.1.121.
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According to several fourth-century Athenian sources, the Spartans were a boorish and uneducated people, who were either hostile toward the written word or simply illiterate. Building upon such Athenian claims of Spartan illiteracy, modern scholars have repeatedly portrayed Sparta as a backward state whose supposedly secretive and reactionary oligarchic political system led to an extremely low level of literacy on the part of the common Spartiate. This article reassesses both ancient and modern constructions of Spartan illiteracy and examines the ideological underpinnings of Athenian attacks on the ostensibly unlettered Lacedaemonians. Beginning with a close analysis of the available archaeological and literary evidence on Spartan public applications of literacy, it argues that the written word played a central role in the operation of the Spartan state, which utilized a variety of documents and required routine acts of literacy on the part of Spartiate commanders and ocials. Both the broad eligibility for the ephorate and the Lacedaemonians' chronic oliganthropia demonstrate that not all of the important public functionaries whose duties customarily involved reading and writing were members of the Spartan elite. The fact that Spartan office-holders acquired their literacy skills from a compulsory and comprehensive system of public education, which promoted the creation of a collective identity, further argues in favor of a literacy that was more broadly based than previous scholars have concluded. The article then accounts for these representations of Spartan illiteracy by locating them in the context of the changing relationship between orality and literacy in fifth- and fourth-century Athens. It argues that as the written word played an increasingly important role in Athenian democratic practice and ideology, it began to performtwo interconnected functions: as a signicant component in Athenian self-denition and as a key indicator of cultural and political dierence between Athens and its Peloponnesian enemies.
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French, A. "The Guidelines of the Delian Alliance." Antichthon 22 (1988): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003592.
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Thucydides’ best known digression (1.89-118), constructed as a selective sequence of incidents illustrating the growth of tension between Athens and Sparta, was itself prefaced by a summary of how Athens came to be in a position to threaten Spartan power; the Athenians had converted an alliance into an empire. Why, and how, she did so was incidental to the main subject of the digression, and so with admirable brevity Thucydides covers this phase in just four chapters (1.96-99), mentioning just a few incidents to document the change; the four chapters cover a time span of ten years. The first of these chapters contains a sketch of the administrative arrangements made by the allies for continuing the war under Athenian leadership after the Spartans and their allies had withdrawn from further operations.
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Pechatnova, L. G. "The Role of the Helots in “Educating” the Spartans." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 164, no. 6 (2022): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2022.6.108-117.
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This article considers and analyzes the ancient sources mentioning the role played by the helots in the upbringing of sons of Spartan citizens. The focus is on the ways and forms through which the helots were exploited to educate the young generation there. The status of the helots poses a significant challenge to researchers because there are few sources on this issue, mostly dated back to a later period. Thus, all observations and reasoning can be only hypothetical at present. The system of public education in Sparta assumed complete separation of the civilian youth from other groups of residents, especially from the helots, in order to cultivate a sense of being chosen among them: they were forced to believe that a deep abyss existed between them and the helots. To widen and aggravate this impairment, a number of rules were introduced, such as obligatory helotic clothes making those wearing them stand out in the crowd. The analysis of the sources shows that the helots were cast in a poor light as an important part of the ideological education of the Spartans. They were exposed as living examples of the worst behaviors that were allegedly inherent in them and unacceptable to other citizens. It was a common practice to portray the helots as drunkards or freaks to inspire contempt and disgust for them in the young people of Sparta. By absorbing this ideology, the latter were prepared for the crypteia, when they had to attack the helots or, possibly, even carry out their mass executions. The strict segregation imposed in Sparta became the basis of the relations between the Spartans and the helots, impeded social mobility, and consolidated the social hierarchy.
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Esu, Alberto. "DIVIDED POWER AND ΕΥΝΟΜΙΑ: DELIBERATIVE PROCEDURES IN ANCIENT SPARTA." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (September 7, 2017): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000544.
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Spartan institutions were pictured as a model of political stability from the Classical period onwards. The so-called Spartan ‘mirage’ did not involve only its constitutional order but also social and economic institutions. Xenophon begins hisConstitution of the Lacedaemoniansby associating Spartan fame with thepoliteiaset up by Lycurgus, which made the Laconian city the most powerful (δυνατωτάτη) and famous (ὀνομαστοτάτη)polisin Greece (Xen.Lac.1.1). In Aristotle'sPolitics, in which the assessment of Sparta is more complex and nuanced, one finds a critique of contemporary Spartan institutions as well as praise for Lycurgus as a great lawgiver who established the laws of Sparta (Arist.Pol.2.1269a69, 2.1273b20). Most other ancient sources often remark upon the unchangeable features of some Spartan institutions as a key aspect of Spartan εὐνομία. Thucydides maintains that, after a long period of war andstasis, the Dorians established excellent laws and Sparta employed the same constitution for more than four hundred years (Thuc. 1.18.1: τετρακόσια καὶ ὀλίγῳ πλείω ἐς τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ἀφ᾽ οὗ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῇ αὐτῇ πολιτείᾳ χρῶνται).
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Henderson, W. J. "Turtaios van Sparta as ‘betrokke’ digter." Literator 9, no. 3 (May 7, 1988): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v9i3.851.
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This article examines the surviving verse of Tyrtaeus of Sparta as Httérature engagée, and thus pursues the theme of a similar article on Solon of Athens (Literator 9(2), 1988:1-16). The Spartan poet used the elegiac form for two main purposes: (1.) the encouragement of Spartan soldiers in their struggle against the Messenians (parainesis), and (2.) the analysis of socio-political problems in Sparta.
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Regent, Nikola. "IN THE SHADOW OF LACEDAEMON: LUXURY, WEALTH AND EARLY-MODERN REPUBLICAN THOUGHT." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 41, no. 4 (September 13, 2019): 477–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837218000755.
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The article examines Sparta’s influence on the treatment of luxury and wealth in early-modern republican thought, analyzing three key thinkers: Francesco Guicciardini, Montesquieu and Abbé de Mably. In this view, unnecessary wealth and, particularly, consumption over a certain limited level, is a pernicious extravagance that harms virtue and leads to corruption of the commonwealth that allows it. Both the direct influence of the Spartan example and the correlative Platonic ideal, inspired by the Lacedaemonians, are analyzed; the influence of Plutarch is emphasized. Special attention is given to the distinction between the Platonic account, with the twin dangers of both wealth and poverty, and a simpler, binary opposition of virtuous poverty vs. corrupting wealth. Guicciardini’s and Mably’s views are closely examined; for Montesquieu, the article traces the decisive role Plato plays in Montesquieu’s account of luxury, and analyzes his almost unknown work,Dialogue de Xantippe, showing the importance of Sparta for Montesquieu’s idea of republic.
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Christesen, Paul. "THE TYPOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY OF SPARTAN BURIALS FROM THE PROTOGEOMETRIC TO THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: RETHINKING SPARTAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND THE OSTENSIBLE CESSATION OF ADULT INTRAMURAL BURIALS IN THE GREEK WORLD." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (November 2018): 307–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245418000096.
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This article makes use of recently published graves to offer the first synthetic analysis of the typology and topography of Spartan burials that is founded on archaeological evidence. Our knowledge of Spartan burial practices has long been based almost entirely on textual sources – excavations conducted in Sparta between 1906 and 1994 uncovered fewer than 20 pre-Roman graves. The absence of pre-Roman cemeteries led scholars to conclude that, as long as the Lycurgan customs were in effect, all burials in Sparta were intracommunal and that few tombs had been found because they had been destroyed by later building activity. Burial practices have, as a result, been seen as one of many ways in which Sparta was an outlier. The aforementioned recently published graves offer a different picture of Spartan burial practices. It is now clear that there was at least one extracommunal cemetery in the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. What would normally be described as extramural burials did, therefore, take place, but intracommunal burials of adults continued to be made in Sparta throughout the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. Those burials were concentrated along important roads and on the slopes of hills. The emergent understanding of Spartan burial practices takes on added significance when placed in a wider context. Burial practices in Sparta align closely with those found in Argos and Corinth. Indeed, burial practices in Sparta, rather than being exceptional, are notably similar to those of its most important Peloponnesian neighbours; a key issue is that in all three poleis intracommunal burials continued to take place through the Hellenistic period. The finding that adults were buried both extracommunally and intracommunally in Sparta, Argos and Corinth after the Geometric period calls into question the standard narrative of the development of Greek burial practices in the post-Mycenaean period.
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Paradiso, Annalisa. "Lampito in Aristophanes’ Lysistrata and the Reasons of a Choice." Klio 104, no. 2 (November 17, 2022): 471–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2021-0043.
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Summary This paper argues that Lampito, the Spartan character who takes part in the pacifist plot of Aristophanes’ Lysistrata (411 BC), has been inspired by both parents of Agis II, the king of Sparta who led the war against Athens at the time of the Peloponnesian War and fortified Deceleia in 413 BC. Agis’ mother bore the quite rare name of Lampito as well; his father, the ‘pacifist’ King Archidamos II, voted against the war at the Spartan Assembly in 432. Aristophanes knew of Archidamos’ speech from oral tradition, possibly from the report of the Athenian ambassadors at Sparta or, alternatively and more probably, from public readings of Thucydides’ account of the pre-war debate that took place in the Spartan Assembly.
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Ziogas, Ioannis. "SPARSE SPARTAN VERSE: FILLING GAPS IN THE THERMOPYLAE EPIGRAM." Ramus 43, no. 2 (December 2014): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2014.10.
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In theApophthegmata Laconica, a collection of witty exchanges that highlight the shrewdness of Laconian brevity, we read the following story. An Argive once taunted a Spartan by pointing out the multitude of Spartan tombs in Argive territory. The Spartan retorted that, by contrast, not a single Argive tomb could be found in Sparta. The author of the Plutarchan tale comments that the Spartan insinuated that, while his people had repeatedly invaded Argos, the Argives had never set foot on Sparta (Mor.233c; cf.Vit. Ages.31.6). Besides attesting to the sharp wit of Laconian concision, the story is a good example of how easily a soldier's tomb can serve different national agendas. While the presence of Spartan dead in Argos is a source of pride for the Argives, from another point of view it can be read as a sign of Spartan military prowess. The Greek word σῆμα (‘tomb’) speaks for the crucial role of semiotics in interpreting the semantics of military monuments. The tomb is a sign that needs to be decoded; only more often than not there is more than one way of deciphering it.
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Nobili, Cecilia. "Iambi in Sparta." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 4, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341266.
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Several sources attest that at the Spartan festival of the Gymnopaidia three choruses sang a song in iambic trimeters with skoptic content; Alcman also composed some iambic poems to be performed in the symposium. This demonstrates that iambic poetry was not unknown in Sparta, as is normally believed, and may be connected to the more general dynamics of praise and blame, which were very important in Sparta, especially in local symposia.
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Darvin, Alexey Leonidovich. "Origin of Spartan kings from Heracles." RUDN Journal of World History 10, no. 3 (December 15, 2018): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2018-10-3-237-249.
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The descent of Spartan kings from Heracles is considered to be the secondary myth interpretation about the “Return of the Heracledae”. It was associated with Dorian conquest of the Peloponnese in the ancient tradition (Tyrtaeus, Pindar, Herodotus, Isocrates, Ephor). The myth of the “Return of the Heracledae” is known to be one of the genealogical fiction what was invented in Argos and developed further in Sparta. There was a powerful argument for inheritance the rights of the royal title and performing the functions of the high priest in the community if the person was known as the descendant of Heracles belonging to the royal dynasties (Agiades and Euripontides). Apart from that, the power of Spartan kings outside Sparta could be justified if they were related to Heracles. In addition, this belonging to the descendants of Heraclides was above everything. It was one of the most important propaganda arguments to substantiate the legitimacy of the possession of conquered lands in Laconia and Messenia and provide “pro-Achaean” policy by the authorities of Sparta. However, the image of Heracles and his cult did not have the essential meaning in the religious life of the Spartan polis. The heavenly patrons of the kings were “divine twins” - the Dioscuri (Tindaridae). To conclude, it seems to be very controversial that the philosophical and ethical image of Heracles (as the main cynic hero) had a great influence on the representatives of the royal diarchy of the late classical and hellenistic periods.
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Lang, Mabel L. "Alcibiades vs. Phrynichus." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (May 1996): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.289.
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Thucydides' account (8.50–1) of the Athenian general Phrynichus' secret correspondence with the Spartan admiral Astyochus is both troubling and obscure. It may be summarized as follows: Phrynichus, having eloquently opposed Alcibiades' efforts to be recalled from exile and fearing that a repatriated Alcibiades would take vengeance on him, wrote to Astyochus revealing Alcibiades' pro-Athenian (anti-Spartan) activities. Astyochus handed the letter to Alcibiades, who then wrote to the ranking Athenians on Samos concerning Phrynichus' ‘treason’ and demanded his execution. Phrynichus then wrote again to Astyochus, now proposing to make it possible for the Spartans to destroy the whole Athenian force at Samos.
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Cartledge, Paul. "What have the Spartans Done for us?: Sparta’s Contribution to Western Civilization." Greece and Rome 51, no. 2 (October 2004): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/51.2.164.
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Spawforth, A. J. S. "Families at Roman Sparta and Epidaurus: Some Prosopographical Notes." Annual of the British School at Athens 80 (November 1985): 191–258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400007589.
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The purpose of this article is to correct and expand our understanding of an interrelated group of socially prominent families from Roman Sparta and Epidaurus. Part I publishes an inscription from Sparta, dating to about 240, which attests new members of the Spartan families of the Claudii and the Pomponii: respectively Claudia Tyrannis, a great-granddaughter of the senator Tib. Claudius Brasidas, and C. Pomponius Aristeas qui et Pericles, her husband. At the same time, a revised account is offered of the Claudii and of a further four Spartan families to which they were related: the Memmii, the Voluseni, the Aelii, and the Pompeii. Part II re-examines the evidence for the Epidaurian family of the Statilii. Apart from the new inscription, more recent work on the epigraphic corpora from Sparta and the Asclepieum, the possibility of reinterpreting the older material, and the need to take hitherto neglected documents into account, together seem to justify a fresh treatment of these families. The resulting study, as well as providing up-to-date family histories, includes many corrections on detailed points of local epigraphy, chronology, and prosopography.
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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 66, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000360.
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Ancient Sparta has become a major field of study in ancient history over the last four decades. But so far it has largely remained an issue for Sparta specialists, while the rest of Greek historians have rarely put Sparta at the centre of their attention. The two-volume Blackwell Companion to Sparta, edited by Anton Powell, is a major contribution which should give Sparta its rightful place in the study of Greek history. This companion should stand as a model for companion volumes: the twenty-nine contributions manage to combine introducing beginners and non-specialists to the field, providing encyclopaedic coverage of the evidence and the aspects of the subject, and asking new questions and offering new points of view. The volume is divided into an introduction and four further sections: on Spartan origins and archaic Sparta; on political and military history from the Persian Wars to the Roman period; on the politics, economy, society, and culture of classical, Hellenistic, and Roman Sparta; and on the reception of Sparta in the modern West.
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Shipley, Graham, and Antony Spawforth. "New imperial subscripts to the Spartans." Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (November 1995): 429–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016282.
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A stone built into the church at Kokkinórachi near Sparta carries part of a first-century AD text containing one or more imperial rescripts to Sparta. The author of one section admonishes the Spartans after civil unrest, probably during the lifetime of the dynast Eurykles, his son Lakon, or his grandson Spartiatikos. Epigraphic parallels, and the text's appeal to historic traditions, suggest that the author is Claudius. The document may indicate that communication between cities and emperors by ‘petition and response’ was more widespread now than in the post-Hadrianic era, when cities are thought generally to have addressed the emperor by letter.
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Spawforth, A. J. S. "A Severan Statue-Group and an Olympic Festival at Sparta." Annual of the British School at Athens 81 (November 1986): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020190.
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Two inscribed slabs in the Sparta Museum and the imperial statue base from which they came are restudied. It is demonstrated that it once supported statues of Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Geta, Julia Domna, and Plautilla. A second part assembles evidence for a hitherto neglected Spartan festival, the Olympea Comodeia.
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Meister, Felix J. "Plutarch and the Spartan wedding ceremony." Journal of Hellenic Studies 140 (November 2020): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426920000105.
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Abstract:This article reviews the historical accuracy of the account of the Spartan wedding ceremony in Plutarch’s Vita Lycurgi. It surveys the texts that are usually quoted in support of Plutarch’s account and argues that none offers a relevant parallel. It also suggests a different kind of wedding ceremony for Archaic and Classical Sparta.
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Kleyhons, Ferdinand. "Agoge und Paideia – Ein Überblick über die Erziehungssysteme Spartas und Athens." historia.scribere, no. 12 (June 15, 2020): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.635.
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Agoge and Paideia – an overview of the education systems of Sparta and AthensThe following proseminar paper gives an overview of the education systems of Sparta and Athens. Both were amongst the most influential Poleis of ancient Greece, but still had completely different educational systems: the Spartan Agoge and the Athenian Paideia. Based on primary sources and secondary literature, this paper will not just give an overview, but also compare those two systems in various aspects, such as the upbringing of children in the family or the system of public education, and then examine their impact on the respective societies.
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Christesen, P. "Athletics and Social Order in Sparta in the Classical Period." Classical Antiquity 31, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 193–255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2012.31.2.193.
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This article seeks to situate the athletic activities of Spartiates and their unmarried daughters during the Classical period in their broader societal context by using theoretical perspectives taken from sociology in general and the sociology of sport in particular to explore how those activities contributed to the maintenance of social order in Sparta. Social order is here taken to denote a system of interlocking societal institutions, practices, and norms that is relatively stable over time. Athletics was a powerful mechanism that helped to generate consensus and to socialize and coerce individuals. It thus induced compliance with behavioral norms on the part of both females and males and thereby contributed meaningfully to the maintenance of social order in Sparta. Athletics inculcated conformity to norms that called for females to be compliant, beautiful objects of male desire. Athletics had an equally profound effect on Spartan males because it inculcated compliance with norms that valorized subordination of the individual to the group, playing the part of the soldier, and meritocratic status competition. Athletics may well have also to some degree empowered both Spartan females and males, but its liberatory dimensions can easily be unduly amplified. There is an ever-present dialectic in athletics, between its ability to reinforce norms that underpin the prevailing social order and its ability to foster individual autonomy. In the case of Sparta, the balance in that dialectic always inclined very much toward the former.
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Murray, Jeffrey. "‘CHRIST, OUR LEONIDAS’: DRACONTIUS’ RECEPTION OF THE BATTLE OF THERMOPYLAE." Greece and Rome 63, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000273.
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One of the final images of Zack Snyder's 2006 box-office-hit film, 300, is of Leonidas, the Spartan king, lying dead on the ground surrounded by his fellow Spartans, having been shot to death by a vast number of Persian arrows. The camera pans over the bruised and bloodied Spartan dead until it finally comes to rest on Leonidas himself, his arms spread out in a gesture that curiously imitates the iconography of the crucifixion of Christ. Whether done explicitly or not, this is not the only time in its reception history that the story of Leonidas’ last stand has been linked with Christ's sacrifice on the cross, or with Christianity more generally. In this article, I will explore some aspects of the story of the battle of Thermopylae's reception by the Carthaginian Christian poet Dracontius.
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Печатнова, Лариса Гаврииловна. "Analysis of Ancient tradition of punishments in Sparta." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 3 (July 27, 2022): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2022-3-41-48.
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The article discusses the system of punishments used in Sparta for two offenses: for refusing to marry and for cowardice shown in battle. Ancient authors, especially Xenophon and Plutarch, give a list of punishments for these offenses. In court, the perpetrators were deprived of many of the rights directly related to the status of full citizens. Extrajudicial punishments were mostly spectacular and took place in public places. Spartan youth played a special role in the persecution of bachelors and so-called tremblers as the two main categories to be punished. However, the few testimonies that have come down to us do not make it possible to determine how often punishments for refusing to marry and for cowardice in battle were applied and how exactly they were formalised in practice. The almost complete absence in the tradition of specific examples of their application leads to the conclusion that the picture drawn by ancient authors does not fully correspond to reality. This is what Spartan propaganda wanted to present to the outside world. The writers-laconophiles, like Critias or Xenophon, in turn, used this material to create an ideal image of Sparta.
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Cawkwell, G. L. "Sparta and Her Allies in the Sixth Century." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 364–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039896.
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In the first book of his History Thucydides shows ‘the Spartans and the Allies’, to give the Peloponnesian League its formal title, making the decision that Athens had broken the Thirty Years Peace. After receiving the complaints of various allies, the Spartans discussed in the assembly the conduct of Athens and what should be done about it (ch. 67ff.) and ended by voting that the treaty had been broken and that the Athenians were in the wrong (ch. 87). This decision they communicated to the allies who had come complaining, and declared that they wished to summon all the allies and submit it to the vote, ‘in order that after general consultation (κοινμ βονλενομενοι) they might make war, should it so seem good“ (87.3 & 4). Then, after the Excursus on the Pentekontaetia, Thucydides records the congress of the League in which the Spartans put to the vote whether it was necessary to go to war and the majority voted for war (119–125). Thus Sparta proposed and the allies disposed.
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Del Lucchese, Filippo. "Machiavelli and Spartan Equality." Theoria 69, no. 170 (March 1, 2022): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2022.6917001.
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In this article, I explore the meaning and function of Lycurgus in Machiavelli’s thought. While the exemplarity of the mythical Spartan legislator progressively fades in Machiavelli’s thought in favour of the Roman model, Lycurgus’ reforms are central in Machiavelli’s works on two issues of primary importance: wealth and land distribution. First, I analyse Machiavelli’s use of the ancient sources on both Lycurgus and other Spartan legislators to show how the former builds a selective and strategically balanced reading of the ancient sources to build an image of the latter as a pro-popular ruler and of the subsequent Spartan reformers as followers not only of the mythical legislator generally, but also of his most controversial and popularly oriented attempts to reform property ownership in ancient Sparta. Lycurgus reveals how Machiavelli, far from seeing mixed government as the best form of government, promotes a strongly anti-aristocratic model. Second, I show that in Machiavelli’s thought the Spartan question can largely be seen as a background for his reading of Roman history, particularly its most crucial, conflictual and controversial period – that in which the Gracchi brothers’ attempted to achieve agrarian reform.
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Holladay, A. J. "Sparta and the First Peloponnesian War." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631531.
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In JHS xcvii (1977) 54–63 I argued against the view that the prevalent Spartan attitude towards Athens throughout the Pentekontaetia was aggressive and that in the First Peloponnesian War Sparta was eager to engage and crush her, being prevented only by the barrier of Mt. Geraneia with its Athenian garrisons. There seemed to me to be four main difficulties in this view:(a) The Corinthians succeeded in crossing Mt. Geraneia with their local allies early in the war, even though the Athenians were already present: so why not Sparta?(b) A full Peloponnesian army was able to reach central Greece by sea after the war had been in progress for some three years, and their reluctance on that occasion to cross the northern frontier of Attica even after they had defeated the Athenians seems inexplicable on this view.
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Casteras, Susan P. "Objects of Desire: Victorian Art at the Art Institute of Chicago by Gregory Nosan, and A Pre-Raphaelite Marriage: The Lives and Works of Marie Spartali Stillman and William James Stillman by David B. Elliott." Victorian Review 34, no. 2 (2008): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vcr.2008.0041.
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Bendtsen, Bjarne S. "The Northern Front Imagined: Defending Denmark in Emil Bønnelycke's Spartanerne (1919)." Modernist Cultures 12, no. 1 (March 2017): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2017.0159.
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In late October 1919 the Danish author Emil Bønnelycke published a highly ambitious war novel, Spartanerne (The Spartans), in which he merged the war experiences of a Spartan soldier of the Antique world, a soldier fighting in the trenches of the First World War, and that of a young Danish recruit being trained for war. The three different war experiences mirror each other in this modernist novel that makes use of chronological jump cutting à la D. W. Griffith's Birth of a Nation (1915) and imagines Denmark being drawn into the world war that had ended scarcely a year before the time of the novel's publication.
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Lucchesi, Michele. "Gylippus in Plutarch’s Parallel Lives: Intratextuality and Readers." Ploutarchos 13 (November 2, 2016): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_13_1.
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Plutarch’s portrayal of Gylippus is consistent both in the Moralia and in the Parallel Lives. In particular, Gylippus’ main traits clearly recall the Spartans’ virtues and vices described in the five Spartan Lives. Furthermore, the presence of Gylippus as a secondary character in the Life of Pericles and in the Life of Nicias creates a strong link between these biographies and the Lives of Lycurgus and Lysander. Different types of readers can variously actualise such intratextual connections. We can infer that the Parallel Lives require attentive readers willing to engage actively in the reading process and to interpret the narrative fruitfully, following the author’s
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DOLGERT, STEFAN. "Thucydides, amended: religion, narrative, and IR theory in the Peloponnesian Crisis." Review of International Studies 38, no. 3 (February 21, 2012): 661–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000738.
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AbstractMost of our knowledge of the Peloponnesian War comes from the text of Thucydides' History, yet IR scholars are strangely credulous when evaluating Thucydides' pronouncements. I explore what Thucydides does not tell us, and suggest that his text obscures important information regarding the outbreak of the war. Thucydides has a secular bias which leads him to discount the Spartan religious self-narrative, but by attending to this schema, in which Sparta sees itself in the role of the pious defender of moderation pitted against the corrupt Athenians, we gain a richer understanding of the chain of events that led to war. Contemporary scholars have too readily adopted Thucydides' perspective on this issue, but by assessing Thucydides' data using insights drawn from contemporary cognitive theories of narrative and image we see that misperceptions based in the conflicting Athenian and Spartan narratives played an important role in the escalation of the crisis.
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Paczkowski, Przemysław. "The moral power of the word: Ethical literature in Antiquity." Ethics & Bioethics 10, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2020): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ebce-2020-0012.
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AbstractAccording to an old legend, during the Messenian Wars in Laconia in the 8th and 7th centuries BC, the Athenians sent the poet Tyrtaeus to the Spartans who were close to being defeated; he aroused in them the fighting spirit and renewed Spartan virtues. Philosophers in antiquity believed in the psychagogical power of the word, and this belief provided the foundation for ancient ethical literature, whose main purpose was to call for a spiritual transformation and to convert to philosophy. In this paper, I would like to demonstrate what tradition philosophy referred to in these efforts; what concept of man supported that belief; finally, what literary genres were used by ancient philosophers in ethics.
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Franchi, Elena. "Grenzkonflikte und Gedenkrituale im antiken Sparta." Frankfurter elektronische Rundschau zur Altertumskunde, no. 29 (October 17, 2016): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/fera.29.160.
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Commemoration rituals and, more generally, the memory of war and war dead are continuously shaped in order to better represent the social and political instances of the group that is managing them. Such shaping activity also involves the program of festivals providing rituals of commemoration of war dead and applies all the more to frontier wars because of their recurrence. A typical example is the shaping of the Gymnopaidiai festival. There are three crucial events influencing at many levels the Gymnopaidiai and hinted by Sosybius (FGrHist 595 F 5): a battle at Thyrea (end of 8th century BC), commemorated by songs of Taletas and Alcman, later coming together in the Gymnopaidiai; the battle of the champions, as a consequence of which Sparta founded the Parparonia at Thyrea and inserted in the Gymnopaidiai peans of Dionisodotos; the recovery of the control over Thyrea by Argos (4th century BC), after which the Spartans transferred the Parparonia to Sparta, hence celebrated within the Gymnopaidiai. Instead, there is no evidence linking the Gymnopaidiai with the battle of Hysiai.
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Decety, Nathan. "Attrition-based Oliganthrôpia Revisited." Klio 102, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 474–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-1003.
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SummaryIn a previous paper (When Valor Isn’t Always Superior to Numbers: homoioi oliganthrôpia Caused by Attrition in Incessant Warfare, KLIO 100, 2018, 626–666) I argued that the population of Ancient Spartan citizens, homoioi, declined predominantly due to attrition in warfare. Here, I revisit the argument and present a more refined model that includes additional samples, directly incorporates information on losses, and improves assumptions. I argue that Sparta may have experienced an initial population plunge in the early 5th century and was unable to recover. The results of this study reaffirm that warfare may have been an integral cause of oliganthrôpia.
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Harris, Edward M. "HOW TO ADDRESS THE ATHENIAN ASSEMBLY: RHETORIC AND POLITICAL TACTICS IN THE DEBATE ABOUT MYTILENE (THUC. 3.37–50)." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000663.
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In 428b.c.e.the city of Mytilene launched a revolt against the Athenians and invited the Spartans to send them assistance. The plans for the revolt were reported to the Athenians (3.2), who sent a force against the city (3.3). The Mytilenians asked for help from the Spartans (3.4.5–6), but the fleet they sent arrived too late to help the city (3.26.4). The revolt appears to have been the initiative of the city's wealthier citizens: Thucydides reports (3.27–8) that heavy armour was not distributed to the people until Salaethus, the leader of the rebellion, realized that Spartan help would not arrive in time. Once the people received this armour, they refused to take orders from officials and held meetings, insisting that the government should distribute all available grain. If they did not, they threatened to negotiate on their own with the Athenians about surrender. The government was powerless to stop them and decided it was best to come to terms with the Athenians. It was agreed that the Athenians would have the power to act as they wished with the city and that the Mytilenians would have the right to send envoys to Athens to plead their case before the Assembly.
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Panchenko, Dmitri. "Unfinished work of Thucydides." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 2 (2022): 644–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-2-644-664.
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Thucydides' statement that he described the entire war up to the surrender of Athens (V, 26, 1) must be taken in strict accordance with his words. On the whole, his work was completed; all that remained was to fix, supplement, decorate. The fact that in the published version the text breaks off at the presentation of the events of 411 is due to the following circumstances. During his stay in Athens, where he returned in the early summer of 404 after almost twenty years of exile, Thucydides introduced individual parts of his work to those who wish. There was a rumor about the work of Thucydides. The attention of Lysander's friends and henchmen was attracted by the presence in the work of detailed information about the establishment in Greek cities of political clientele, who were much more dependent on Lysander than on the Spartan state. The kings and other persons in the Spartan government, pushed into the background by Lysander, saw these actions of Lysander as the basis for the gradually carried out coup d'état by him. Authoritative information about the clientele founded by Lysander could pose a great danger to his career. Meanwhile, Thucydides, for some reason, returned to his Thracian possessions. Lysander went there too. In the fall of 404, Thucydides was murdered, and the manuscript of his work was stolen. Everything that seriously compromised Lysander was removed from it; the rest was saved and taken to Sparta. In the spring of 395, Lysander died in a battle. In the fall of 394, Agesilaus, who had returned to Sparta from Asia, searched the house of Lysander in order to find materials revealing that he was preparing a coup d'état. Along with the planted fake, books of the history of Thucydides were also discovered. After making sure that they did not contain anything fundamentally harmful to Spartan politics, Agesilaus handed the manuscript to Xenophon, an officer of his army, an Athenian exile and a credible writer. Xenophon published the intact part of the manuscript as it was, without editing it. The materials of the damaged part formed the basis of the first two books of his Hellenica.
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Doran, Timothy Donald. "Paul A. Rahe. Sparta’s First Attic War: The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta, 478–446 B.C." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 844–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab325.
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