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1
Bralić, Željko. "Spartan constitution and education." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 2 (2020): 665–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-28419.
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Ancient Sparta is generally recognized as a Greek polis with specific and non-typical state system determined by firmly established set of laws, commonly considered (by Spartans and other Greeks of the time) as a constitution of lawgiver Lykourgos. Spartan constitution was the essence of the state, and this work reviews some of the main institutions established by the constitution. Principal section of the text is dedicated to the basic element and the major purpose of the state and the constitution itself - namely, to the spartan education. It is the peculiar Spartan education and training system called agōgē that particularly enabled ancient Spartans to maintain their durable military might and decisive influence in classical period. Lawgiver of Sparta dedicated primary function in the arrangement of the state itself to the educational system, principally focused on physical and moral education. Capital purpose of educational system was character forming of young Spartans who were expected, mainly on a battlefield in a hoplite phalanx formation, to materialize Spartan ideal of a paramount skilled combatant and fearless warrior.
2
Millender, Ellen G. "Spartan Literacy Revisited." Classical Antiquity 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2001): 121–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2001.20.1.121.
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According to several fourth-century Athenian sources, the Spartans were a boorish and uneducated people, who were either hostile toward the written word or simply illiterate. Building upon such Athenian claims of Spartan illiteracy, modern scholars have repeatedly portrayed Sparta as a backward state whose supposedly secretive and reactionary oligarchic political system led to an extremely low level of literacy on the part of the common Spartiate. This article reassesses both ancient and modern constructions of Spartan illiteracy and examines the ideological underpinnings of Athenian attacks on the ostensibly unlettered Lacedaemonians. Beginning with a close analysis of the available archaeological and literary evidence on Spartan public applications of literacy, it argues that the written word played a central role in the operation of the Spartan state, which utilized a variety of documents and required routine acts of literacy on the part of Spartiate commanders and ocials. Both the broad eligibility for the ephorate and the Lacedaemonians' chronic oliganthropia demonstrate that not all of the important public functionaries whose duties customarily involved reading and writing were members of the Spartan elite. The fact that Spartan office-holders acquired their literacy skills from a compulsory and comprehensive system of public education, which promoted the creation of a collective identity, further argues in favor of a literacy that was more broadly based than previous scholars have concluded. The article then accounts for these representations of Spartan illiteracy by locating them in the context of the changing relationship between orality and literacy in fifth- and fourth-century Athens. It argues that as the written word played an increasingly important role in Athenian democratic practice and ideology, it began to performtwo interconnected functions: as a signicant component in Athenian self-denition and as a key indicator of cultural and political dierence between Athens and its Peloponnesian enemies.
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Pavlides, Nicolette. "THE SANCTUARIES OF APOLLO MALEATAS AND APOLLO TYRITAS IN LACONIA: RELIGION IN SPARTAN–PERIOIKIC RELATIONS." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (February 12, 2018): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245417000089.
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This article examines how religion contributed to the interconnectivity of the large geographical region of Laconia which was under Spartan control for most of the Archaic and Classical periods. With a particular focus on two Laconian sanctuaries, that of Apollo Maleatas and that of Apollo Tyritas, located in the area of the Thyreatis/Kynouria, which had traditionally been a disputed region between Sparta and Argos, it considers how sanctuaries played a part in Spartan–perioikic relations. The votives from the two sanctuaries vary: the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas is rich in weapon dedications, while that of Apollo Tyritas has a diverse array of offerings, including bronzes, pottery and weapons. I argue that the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas served as a central gathering place that united the Lakedaimonians, both Spartans and perioikoi, and where they celebrated the military qualities of Apollo. The sanctuary of Apollo Tyritas may reflect Spartan interests in the disputed region from the late seventh/early sixth century, and it too presents evidence for the military preoccupations affecting the area. The warrior-god Apollo, prominently worshipped in Sparta and Laconia, was appropriately offered offensive weapons of spears and arrowheads, both real size and miniature. The Spartans and perioikoi celebrated the Maleateia festival, at the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas, which presented an opportunity for Spartans and perioikoi to gather together. A Laconian sacred landscape was formed through the celebration of common cults and festivals, thus uniting the centre (Sparta) with the Laconian (and Messenian) countryside.
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Lockwood, Thornton. "Servile Spartans and Free Citizen-soldiers in Aristotle’s Politics 7–8." Apeiron 51, no. 1 (January 26, 2018): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apeiron-2016-0055.
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Abstract In the last two books of the Politics, Aristotle articulates an education program for his best regime in contrast to what he takes to be the goal and practices of Sparta’s educational system. Although Aristotle never refers to his program as liberal education, clearly he takes its goal to be the production of free male and female citizens. By contrast, he characterizes the results of the Spartan system as ‘crude’ (φορτικός), ‘slavish’ (ἀνδραποδώδης), and ‘servile’ (βάναυσος). I argue that Aristotle’s criticisms of Spartan education elucidate his general understanding of Sparta and provide an interpretative key to understanding Politics 7–8. But although Aristotle contrasts the goals and methods of Spartan education with that of his own best regime, the citizens of his best regime are more like Spartan citizen-soldiers than Athenian participatory-citizens.
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Christesen, Paul. "Xenophon'sCyropaediaand military reform in Sparta." Journal of Hellenic Studies 126 (November 2006): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900007655.
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AbstractXenophon'sCyropaediacan be read as a proto-novel, a biography, or as an essay on leadership or constitutional theory. This article argues that theCyropaediacan and should also be read as a pamphlet on practical military reform with special relevance to the Spartan state.The inclusion of a series of proposals for the reform of the Spartan army in theCyropaediahas not heretofore been recognized because Xenophon presented those proposals in the guise of a reform of the Persian army undertaken by Cyrus. There was no historical basis for this part of theCyropaedia, and there is no trace of a major military reform in either the Greek or the Persian tradition about Cyrus as it existed before Xenophon. Cyrus' military reform was thus an authorial invention that presumably served some important narrative purpose.Xenophon inserted a military reform into theCyropaediaas a way of presenting a proposal for the restructuring of the Spartan army. When Xenophon wrote theCyropaedia, the Spartans were struggling desperately to maintain their position in the face of a powerful Boeotian army. The Boeotians could put many more hoplites into the field and had a large cavalry force that they were using to excellent effect. The obvious response on the part of the Spartans was to take whatever measures were necessary to increase the number of men in their phalanx and to assemble a sizeable, highly trained group of horsemen. The programme of military reform enacted by Cyrus in theCyropaediaproduces just this result. If implemented in Sparta, this programme would have involved the wholesale addition of non-Spartiates to the Spartan phalanx and the conversion of the Spartanhomoioiinto an all-cavalry force.Xenophon thus used Cyrus' army in theCyropaediato show what a revamped Spartan military might look like. The use of fictional narrative to explore ideas with immediate application to the real world has long been recognized as an integral part of theCyropaedia.This aspect of theCyropaediahas in the past been explored largely in regard to Xenophon's thinking about leadership and ethics, but it can and should be extended to include military reform in Sparta.
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Lazenby, J. F. "The Archaia Moira: a suggestion." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041719.
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In discussions of the complex and controversial problem of Spartan land-tenure,1 the mysterious ‘ρχαῖα μοῖρα’ (archaia moira) has assumed an importance out of all proportion to its prominence in the sources, for the actual phrase only occurs once in extant literature. It owes its importance to the fact that the reference to it has been used to support the theory that there were two categories of land in Sparta, a theory which in turn is held to explain how, when all Spartans supposedly owned equal estates, there could nevertheless be rich ones and poor ones, as authors such as Herodotos, Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle make clear. The answer, it is claimed, is that although all Spartans possessed an equal share of one category of land, they could own more or less of the other category.2
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Mishurin, Aleksandr. "The Power of Corruption: Xenophon on the Upbringing of a Good Citizen in Sparta." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 20, no. 1 (2021): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2021-1-107-123.
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In the given article, the author offers an interpretation of the work titled Lacedaimonion Politeia, written by the ancient political philosopher Xenophon of Athens. Judging from Xenophon’s sober and open-minded attitude to the regime he researches, the author focuses on the central issue of the treatise, namely, the upbringing of a virtuous or good citizen. This became the cornerstone of Sparta’s success as a polis, and provided it with a fame as a unique political entity praised by all, but copied by none. The author identifies the three stages of the Spartan education given by Xenophon and continues with the practices of its implementation at a mature age. The research makes it clear that the purpose of the laws of Lycurgus, as described by Xenophon, is twofold. On the one hand, the given laws instill respect, obedience, and the virtue of manliness which the lawgiver desired in citizens. On the other hand, the laws create citizens who merely imitate the above-described traits of character and law-abidance, and who are actually more like unmitigated criminals constantly fighting with each other. It is the second type of people—good criminals—who find themselves in power in Sparta, and they are the ones who end up destroying the Spartan state. By providing this diagnosis of the Spartan regime and the laws of Lycurgus, Xenophon attempts to show that handling the problem of the education of good citizens as suggested in Sparta is misguided and requires additional deliberation.
8
Lang, Mabel B. "The Thucydidean Tetralogy (1.67–88)." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 1 (May 1999): 326–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.326.
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A new look at Thucydides’ account of the debate at Sparta motivating the Spartan declaration of war (1.67–88) may provide a footnote to valuable past discussion. Chief concerns about the debate have always been (1) the uniqueness of the four-speech set-up; (2) the oddity of an Athenian embassy in attendance at a Peloponnesian League meeting; and (3) the unlikelihood that any detailed report of speeches made to the Peloponnesian League or Spartan assembly came to Athens. Thucydides' judgement concerning the cause of the Peloponnesian War is far more likely to have been based on his knowledge of past and present relations between Athens and Sparta and members of the Peloponnesian League (Ξυμπ⋯σα γνώμη) than on any information about an actual debate (τ⋯ ⋯ληθ⋯ς λɛχθ⋯ντα). But for τ⋯ δ⋯oντα he needed a confrontation which would not only dramatize both opposition I and characters of Sparta and Athens but also put them in historical context, that is, in their Persian War roles as recorded by Herodotus. Only in this way is it possible to explain peculiarities of this confrontation which appear to duplicate characteristics of the Herodotean debate involving Athens and Sparta before the battle of Plataea. Thuc. 1.67–88 is like Hdt. 8.140–4 in comprising four speeches of which the first (A) 1 is answered by the third (Cl) and the second (B) is answered by the fourth (C2). In each case Cl and C2 are spoken by representatives of a single people: with the Athenians in Herodotus’ debate answering two different peoples, and with two different Spartans in Thucydides answering two different peoples.
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Luraghi, Nino. "Becoming Messenian." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246204.
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AbstractThe article is an enquiry into the identity of two groups who called themselves Messenians: the Helots and perioikoi who revolted against Sparta after the earthquake in the 460s; and the citizens of the independent polity founded by Epameinondas in 370/69 bc in the Spartan territory west of the Taygetos. Based on the history of the Messenians in Pausanias Book 4, some scholars have thought that those two groups were simply the descendants of the free inhabitants of the region, subdued by the Spartans in the Archaic period and reduced to the condition of Helots. According to these scholars, the Helotized Messenians preserved a sense of their identity and a religious tradition of their own, which re-emerged when they regained freedom. One objection to this thesis is that there is no clear archaeological evidence of regional cohesiveness in the area in the late Dark Ages, while the very concept of Messenia as a unified region extending from the river Neda to the Taygetos does not seem to exist prior to the Spartan conquest. Furthermore, evidence from sanctuaries dating to the Archaic and Early Classical periods shows that Messenia was to a significant extent populated by perioikoi whose material culture, cults and language were thoroughly indistinguishable from those documented in Lakonia. Even the site where Epameinondas later founded the central settlement of the new Messenian polity was apparently occupied since the late seventh century at the latest by a perioikic settlement. Some of these perioikoi participated with the Helots in the revolt after the earthquake, and the suggestion is advanced, based on research on processes of ethnogenesis, that they played a key role in the emergence of the Messenian identity of the rebels. For them, identifying themselves as Messenians was an implicit claim to the land west of the Taygetos; therefore the Spartans consistently refused to consider the rebels Messenians, just as they refused to consider Messenians – that is, descendants of the ‘old Messenians’ – the citizens of Epameinondas' polity. Interestingly, the Spartan and the Theban-Messenian views on the identity of these people agreed in denying that the ‘old Messenians’ had remained in Messenia as Helots. Messenian ethnicity is explained as the manifestation of the will of perioikoi and Helots living west of the Taygetos to be independent from Sparta. The fact that most Messenian cults attested from the fourth century onwards were typical Spartan cults does not encourage the assumption that there was any continuity in a Messenian tradition going back to the period before the Spartan westward expansion.
10
French, A. "The Guidelines of the Delian Alliance." Antichthon 22 (1988): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003592.
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Thucydides’ best known digression (1.89-118), constructed as a selective sequence of incidents illustrating the growth of tension between Athens and Sparta, was itself prefaced by a summary of how Athens came to be in a position to threaten Spartan power; the Athenians had converted an alliance into an empire. Why, and how, she did so was incidental to the main subject of the digression, and so with admirable brevity Thucydides covers this phase in just four chapters (1.96-99), mentioning just a few incidents to document the change; the four chapters cover a time span of ten years. The first of these chapters contains a sketch of the administrative arrangements made by the allies for continuing the war under Athenian leadership after the Spartans and their allies had withdrawn from further operations.
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Esu, Alberto. "DIVIDED POWER AND ΕΥΝΟΜΙΑ: DELIBERATIVE PROCEDURES IN ANCIENT SPARTA." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (September 7, 2017): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000544.
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Spartan institutions were pictured as a model of political stability from the Classical period onwards. The so-called Spartan ‘mirage’ did not involve only its constitutional order but also social and economic institutions. Xenophon begins hisConstitution of the Lacedaemoniansby associating Spartan fame with thepoliteiaset up by Lycurgus, which made the Laconian city the most powerful (δυνατωτάτη) and famous (ὀνομαστοτάτη)polisin Greece (Xen.Lac.1.1). In Aristotle'sPolitics, in which the assessment of Sparta is more complex and nuanced, one finds a critique of contemporary Spartan institutions as well as praise for Lycurgus as a great lawgiver who established the laws of Sparta (Arist.Pol.2.1269a69, 2.1273b20). Most other ancient sources often remark upon the unchangeable features of some Spartan institutions as a key aspect of Spartan εὐνομία. Thucydides maintains that, after a long period of war andstasis, the Dorians established excellent laws and Sparta employed the same constitution for more than four hundred years (Thuc. 1.18.1: τετρακόσια καὶ ὀλίγῳ πλείω ἐς τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ἀφ᾽ οὗ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῇ αὐτῇ πολιτείᾳ χρῶνται).
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Henderson, W. J. "Turtaios van Sparta as ‘betrokke’ digter." Literator 9, no. 3 (May 7, 1988): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v9i3.851.
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This article examines the surviving verse of Tyrtaeus of Sparta as Httérature engagée, and thus pursues the theme of a similar article on Solon of Athens (Literator 9(2), 1988:1-16). The Spartan poet used the elegiac form for two main purposes: (1.) the encouragement of Spartan soldiers in their struggle against the Messenians (parainesis), and (2.) the analysis of socio-political problems in Sparta.
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Christesen, Paul. "THE TYPOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY OF SPARTAN BURIALS FROM THE PROTOGEOMETRIC TO THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: RETHINKING SPARTAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND THE OSTENSIBLE CESSATION OF ADULT INTRAMURAL BURIALS IN THE GREEK WORLD." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (November 2018): 307–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245418000096.
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This article makes use of recently published graves to offer the first synthetic analysis of the typology and topography of Spartan burials that is founded on archaeological evidence. Our knowledge of Spartan burial practices has long been based almost entirely on textual sources – excavations conducted in Sparta between 1906 and 1994 uncovered fewer than 20 pre-Roman graves. The absence of pre-Roman cemeteries led scholars to conclude that, as long as the Lycurgan customs were in effect, all burials in Sparta were intracommunal and that few tombs had been found because they had been destroyed by later building activity. Burial practices have, as a result, been seen as one of many ways in which Sparta was an outlier. The aforementioned recently published graves offer a different picture of Spartan burial practices. It is now clear that there was at least one extracommunal cemetery in the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. What would normally be described as extramural burials did, therefore, take place, but intracommunal burials of adults continued to be made in Sparta throughout the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. Those burials were concentrated along important roads and on the slopes of hills. The emergent understanding of Spartan burial practices takes on added significance when placed in a wider context. Burial practices in Sparta align closely with those found in Argos and Corinth. Indeed, burial practices in Sparta, rather than being exceptional, are notably similar to those of its most important Peloponnesian neighbours; a key issue is that in all three poleis intracommunal burials continued to take place through the Hellenistic period. The finding that adults were buried both extracommunally and intracommunally in Sparta, Argos and Corinth after the Geometric period calls into question the standard narrative of the development of Greek burial practices in the post-Mycenaean period.
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Regent, Nikola. "IN THE SHADOW OF LACEDAEMON: LUXURY, WEALTH AND EARLY-MODERN REPUBLICAN THOUGHT." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 41, no. 4 (September 13, 2019): 477–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837218000755.
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The article examines Sparta’s influence on the treatment of luxury and wealth in early-modern republican thought, analyzing three key thinkers: Francesco Guicciardini, Montesquieu and Abbé de Mably. In this view, unnecessary wealth and, particularly, consumption over a certain limited level, is a pernicious extravagance that harms virtue and leads to corruption of the commonwealth that allows it. Both the direct influence of the Spartan example and the correlative Platonic ideal, inspired by the Lacedaemonians, are analyzed; the influence of Plutarch is emphasized. Special attention is given to the distinction between the Platonic account, with the twin dangers of both wealth and poverty, and a simpler, binary opposition of virtuous poverty vs. corrupting wealth. Guicciardini’s and Mably’s views are closely examined; for Montesquieu, the article traces the decisive role Plato plays in Montesquieu’s account of luxury, and analyzes his almost unknown work,Dialogue de Xantippe, showing the importance of Sparta for Montesquieu’s idea of republic.
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Ziogas, Ioannis. "SPARSE SPARTAN VERSE: FILLING GAPS IN THE THERMOPYLAE EPIGRAM." Ramus 43, no. 2 (December 2014): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2014.10.
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In theApophthegmata Laconica, a collection of witty exchanges that highlight the shrewdness of Laconian brevity, we read the following story. An Argive once taunted a Spartan by pointing out the multitude of Spartan tombs in Argive territory. The Spartan retorted that, by contrast, not a single Argive tomb could be found in Sparta. The author of the Plutarchan tale comments that the Spartan insinuated that, while his people had repeatedly invaded Argos, the Argives had never set foot on Sparta (Mor.233c; cf.Vit. Ages.31.6). Besides attesting to the sharp wit of Laconian concision, the story is a good example of how easily a soldier's tomb can serve different national agendas. While the presence of Spartan dead in Argos is a source of pride for the Argives, from another point of view it can be read as a sign of Spartan military prowess. The Greek word σῆμα (‘tomb’) speaks for the crucial role of semiotics in interpreting the semantics of military monuments. The tomb is a sign that needs to be decoded; only more often than not there is more than one way of deciphering it.
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Nobili, Cecilia. "Iambi in Sparta." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 4, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341266.
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Several sources attest that at the Spartan festival of the Gymnopaidia three choruses sang a song in iambic trimeters with skoptic content; Alcman also composed some iambic poems to be performed in the symposium. This demonstrates that iambic poetry was not unknown in Sparta, as is normally believed, and may be connected to the more general dynamics of praise and blame, which were very important in Sparta, especially in local symposia.
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Darvin, Alexey Leonidovich. "Origin of Spartan kings from Heracles." RUDN Journal of World History 10, no. 3 (December 15, 2018): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2018-10-3-237-249.
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The descent of Spartan kings from Heracles is considered to be the secondary myth interpretation about the “Return of the Heracledae”. It was associated with Dorian conquest of the Peloponnese in the ancient tradition (Tyrtaeus, Pindar, Herodotus, Isocrates, Ephor). The myth of the “Return of the Heracledae” is known to be one of the genealogical fiction what was invented in Argos and developed further in Sparta. There was a powerful argument for inheritance the rights of the royal title and performing the functions of the high priest in the community if the person was known as the descendant of Heracles belonging to the royal dynasties (Agiades and Euripontides). Apart from that, the power of Spartan kings outside Sparta could be justified if they were related to Heracles. In addition, this belonging to the descendants of Heraclides was above everything. It was one of the most important propaganda arguments to substantiate the legitimacy of the possession of conquered lands in Laconia and Messenia and provide “pro-Achaean” policy by the authorities of Sparta. However, the image of Heracles and his cult did not have the essential meaning in the religious life of the Spartan polis. The heavenly patrons of the kings were “divine twins” - the Dioscuri (Tindaridae). To conclude, it seems to be very controversial that the philosophical and ethical image of Heracles (as the main cynic hero) had a great influence on the representatives of the royal diarchy of the late classical and hellenistic periods.
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Thommen, Lukas. "Carsten Zimmermann, Der vertraute Feind. Spartaner und Heloten. (Syssitia. Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur Spartas und zur Sparta-Rezeption, Bd. 3.) Duisburg, Wellem 2020." Historische Zeitschrift 312, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2021-1096.
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Schmitz, Winfried. "Die Gründung der Stadt Tarent und die Gesetze des Lykurg. Eine neue Sicht auf Spartas Geschichte in archaischer Zeit." Klio 99, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 420–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2017-0087.
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Zusammenfassung: Die Stadt Tarent wurde durch ‚Parthenier‘ aus Sparta gegründet. Durch eine Analyse der Quellen zur Gründungsgeschichte kann gezeigt werden, dass die Spartaner wegen der hohen Verluste im Messenischen Krieg gezwungen waren, Heloten freizulassen, die bereit waren, auf spartanischer Seite zu kämpfen. Um die Zahl der spartanischen Bürger zu erhöhen, sollten die freigelassenen Heloten mit Witwen gefallener Spartaner Kinder zeugen. Aufgrund von Auseinandersetzungen um die Rechte der Freigelassenen und deren Kinder kam es zu einer bürgerkriegsartigen Situation. Die aufständischen Heloten wurden aus Sparta in eine Kolonie ausgewiesen. In dieser angespannten Situation konzipierte Lykurg eine Gesetzgebung, die die Integration der Kinder regelte, die aus den Verbindungen von freigelassenen Heloten und Witwen spartanischer Gefallener hervorgegangen waren. Die Gesetze Lykurgs zur Ehe, zur Polyandrie, zur Anerkennung neugeborener Kinder und vermutlich auch zur Erziehung sind auf diese Situation um 600 v. Chr. zu beziehen. Lykurgs „Gesetz über die Kinderzeugung“, wie es Aristoteles bezeichnet, ist ein Gesetz zur Integration von Kindern freigelassener Heloten in die spartanische Bürgerschaft.
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Cartledge, Paul. "What have the Spartans Done for us?: Sparta’s Contribution to Western Civilization." Greece and Rome 51, no. 2 (October 2004): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/51.2.164.
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Lang, Mabel L. "Alcibiades vs. Phrynichus." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (May 1996): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.289.
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Thucydides' account (8.50–1) of the Athenian general Phrynichus' secret correspondence with the Spartan admiral Astyochus is both troubling and obscure. It may be summarized as follows: Phrynichus, having eloquently opposed Alcibiades' efforts to be recalled from exile and fearing that a repatriated Alcibiades would take vengeance on him, wrote to Astyochus revealing Alcibiades' pro-Athenian (anti-Spartan) activities. Astyochus handed the letter to Alcibiades, who then wrote to the ranking Athenians on Samos concerning Phrynichus' ‘treason’ and demanded his execution. Phrynichus then wrote again to Astyochus, now proposing to make it possible for the Spartans to destroy the whole Athenian force at Samos.
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Spawforth, A. J. S. "Families at Roman Sparta and Epidaurus: Some Prosopographical Notes." Annual of the British School at Athens 80 (November 1985): 191–258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400007589.
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The purpose of this article is to correct and expand our understanding of an interrelated group of socially prominent families from Roman Sparta and Epidaurus. Part I publishes an inscription from Sparta, dating to about 240, which attests new members of the Spartan families of the Claudii and the Pomponii: respectively Claudia Tyrannis, a great-granddaughter of the senator Tib. Claudius Brasidas, and C. Pomponius Aristeas qui et Pericles, her husband. At the same time, a revised account is offered of the Claudii and of a further four Spartan families to which they were related: the Memmii, the Voluseni, the Aelii, and the Pompeii. Part II re-examines the evidence for the Epidaurian family of the Statilii. Apart from the new inscription, more recent work on the epigraphic corpora from Sparta and the Asclepieum, the possibility of reinterpreting the older material, and the need to take hitherto neglected documents into account, together seem to justify a fresh treatment of these families. The resulting study, as well as providing up-to-date family histories, includes many corrections on detailed points of local epigraphy, chronology, and prosopography.
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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 66, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000360.
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Ancient Sparta has become a major field of study in ancient history over the last four decades. But so far it has largely remained an issue for Sparta specialists, while the rest of Greek historians have rarely put Sparta at the centre of their attention. The two-volume Blackwell Companion to Sparta, edited by Anton Powell, is a major contribution which should give Sparta its rightful place in the study of Greek history. This companion should stand as a model for companion volumes: the twenty-nine contributions manage to combine introducing beginners and non-specialists to the field, providing encyclopaedic coverage of the evidence and the aspects of the subject, and asking new questions and offering new points of view. The volume is divided into an introduction and four further sections: on Spartan origins and archaic Sparta; on political and military history from the Persian Wars to the Roman period; on the politics, economy, society, and culture of classical, Hellenistic, and Roman Sparta; and on the reception of Sparta in the modern West.
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Shipley, Graham, and Antony Spawforth. "New imperial subscripts to the Spartans." Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (November 1995): 429–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016282.
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A stone built into the church at Kokkinórachi near Sparta carries part of a first-century AD text containing one or more imperial rescripts to Sparta. The author of one section admonishes the Spartans after civil unrest, probably during the lifetime of the dynast Eurykles, his son Lakon, or his grandson Spartiatikos. Epigraphic parallels, and the text's appeal to historic traditions, suggest that the author is Claudius. The document may indicate that communication between cities and emperors by ‘petition and response’ was more widespread now than in the post-Hadrianic era, when cities are thought generally to have addressed the emperor by letter.
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Spawforth, A. J. S. "A Severan Statue-Group and an Olympic Festival at Sparta." Annual of the British School at Athens 81 (November 1986): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020190.
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Two inscribed slabs in the Sparta Museum and the imperial statue base from which they came are restudied. It is demonstrated that it once supported statues of Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Geta, Julia Domna, and Plautilla. A second part assembles evidence for a hitherto neglected Spartan festival, the Olympea Comodeia.
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Meister, Felix J. "Plutarch and the Spartan wedding ceremony." Journal of Hellenic Studies 140 (November 2020): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426920000105.
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Abstract:This article reviews the historical accuracy of the account of the Spartan wedding ceremony in Plutarch’s Vita Lycurgi. It surveys the texts that are usually quoted in support of Plutarch’s account and argues that none offers a relevant parallel. It also suggests a different kind of wedding ceremony for Archaic and Classical Sparta.
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Kleyhons, Ferdinand. "Agoge und Paideia – Ein Überblick über die Erziehungssysteme Spartas und Athens." historia.scribere, no. 12 (June 15, 2020): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.635.
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Agoge and Paideia – an overview of the education systems of Sparta and AthensThe following proseminar paper gives an overview of the education systems of Sparta and Athens. Both were amongst the most influential Poleis of ancient Greece, but still had completely different educational systems: the Spartan Agoge and the Athenian Paideia. Based on primary sources and secondary literature, this paper will not just give an overview, but also compare those two systems in various aspects, such as the upbringing of children in the family or the system of public education, and then examine their impact on the respective societies.
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Hodkinson, Stephen. "Land tenure and Inheritance in Classical Sparta." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (December 1986): 378–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012143.
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‘The problem of Spartan land tenure is one of the most vexed in the obscure field of Spartan institutions.’ Walbank's remark is as true today as when it was written nearly thirty years ago. Controversy surrounding this subject has a long tradition going back to the nineteenth century and the last thirty years have witnessed no diminution in the level of disagreement, as is demonstrated by a comparison of the differing approaches in the recent works by Cartledge, Cozzoli, David and Marasco. Although another study runs the risk of merely adding one more hypothesis to the general state of uncertainty, a fundamental reassessment of the question is required, not least because of its significance for the historian's interpretation of the overall character of Spartiate society. Through the introduction of a new perspective it may be possible to advance our understanding of the subject.In Section I of this essay I shall attempt to review several influential scholarly theories and to examine their feasibility and the reliability of the evidence upon which they are based. Section II will begin to construct a more plausible alternative account which is based upon more trustworthy evidence. Finally, Section III will discuss a comparatively underemphasised aspect of the topic, the property rights of Spartiate women, which suggests a rather different interpretation of the character of land tenure and inheritance from those more usually adopted.
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Christesen, P. "Athletics and Social Order in Sparta in the Classical Period." Classical Antiquity 31, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 193–255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2012.31.2.193.
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This article seeks to situate the athletic activities of Spartiates and their unmarried daughters during the Classical period in their broader societal context by using theoretical perspectives taken from sociology in general and the sociology of sport in particular to explore how those activities contributed to the maintenance of social order in Sparta. Social order is here taken to denote a system of interlocking societal institutions, practices, and norms that is relatively stable over time. Athletics was a powerful mechanism that helped to generate consensus and to socialize and coerce individuals. It thus induced compliance with behavioral norms on the part of both females and males and thereby contributed meaningfully to the maintenance of social order in Sparta. Athletics inculcated conformity to norms that called for females to be compliant, beautiful objects of male desire. Athletics had an equally profound effect on Spartan males because it inculcated compliance with norms that valorized subordination of the individual to the group, playing the part of the soldier, and meritocratic status competition. Athletics may well have also to some degree empowered both Spartan females and males, but its liberatory dimensions can easily be unduly amplified. There is an ever-present dialectic in athletics, between its ability to reinforce norms that underpin the prevailing social order and its ability to foster individual autonomy. In the case of Sparta, the balance in that dialectic always inclined very much toward the former.
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Murray, Jeffrey. "‘CHRIST, OUR LEONIDAS’: DRACONTIUS’ RECEPTION OF THE BATTLE OF THERMOPYLAE." Greece and Rome 63, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000273.
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One of the final images of Zack Snyder's 2006 box-office-hit film, 300, is of Leonidas, the Spartan king, lying dead on the ground surrounded by his fellow Spartans, having been shot to death by a vast number of Persian arrows. The camera pans over the bruised and bloodied Spartan dead until it finally comes to rest on Leonidas himself, his arms spread out in a gesture that curiously imitates the iconography of the crucifixion of Christ. Whether done explicitly or not, this is not the only time in its reception history that the story of Leonidas’ last stand has been linked with Christ's sacrifice on the cross, or with Christianity more generally. In this article, I will explore some aspects of the story of the battle of Thermopylae's reception by the Carthaginian Christian poet Dracontius.
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Robinson, Harlow. "The Caucasian Connection: National Identity in the Ballets of Aram Khachaturian." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 3 (July 2007): 429–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701368670.
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The ballets of Aram Khachaturian (1903-1978) occupy a special place in the history of Soviet ballet and of Soviet music. Considered along with Dmitri Shostakovich and Sergei Prokofiev as one of the leaders of Soviet music, Khachaturian devoted many years to the creation of ballet, although in the end he produced only three ballet scores: Schast'e [Happiness], completed in 1939; Gayane, completed in 1942; and Spartak [Spartacus], completed in 1954. Of these three, Gayane and Spartacus (both repeatedly revised) were notably successful, both immediately acclaimed as important new achievements in the development of an identifiably Soviet ballet style. Taken on tour abroad by the Bolshoi Ballet in a revised version, Spartacus also became one of the most internationally successful ballets written by a Soviet composer, although it never came close to equaling the international recognition eventually achieved by Prokofiev's Soviet ballets Romeo and Juliet or Cinderella. Gayane was not widely staged outside the USSR, but some of the music from the ballet, arranged into three orchestral suites by the composer, became very popular internationally—particularly the “Sabre Dance,” which became the single most recognized piece of Khachaturian, recycled repeatedly in Hollywood film scores.
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Cawkwell, G. L. "Sparta and Her Allies in the Sixth Century." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 364–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039896.
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In the first book of his History Thucydides shows ‘the Spartans and the Allies’, to give the Peloponnesian League its formal title, making the decision that Athens had broken the Thirty Years Peace. After receiving the complaints of various allies, the Spartans discussed in the assembly the conduct of Athens and what should be done about it (ch. 67ff.) and ended by voting that the treaty had been broken and that the Athenians were in the wrong (ch. 87). This decision they communicated to the allies who had come complaining, and declared that they wished to summon all the allies and submit it to the vote, ‘in order that after general consultation (κοινμ βονλενομενοι) they might make war, should it so seem good“ (87.3 & 4). Then, after the Excursus on the Pentekontaetia, Thucydides records the congress of the League in which the Spartans put to the vote whether it was necessary to go to war and the majority voted for war (119–125). Thus Sparta proposed and the allies disposed.
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Holladay, A. J. "Sparta and the First Peloponnesian War." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631531.
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In JHS xcvii (1977) 54–63 I argued against the view that the prevalent Spartan attitude towards Athens throughout the Pentekontaetia was aggressive and that in the First Peloponnesian War Sparta was eager to engage and crush her, being prevented only by the barrier of Mt. Geraneia with its Athenian garrisons. There seemed to me to be four main difficulties in this view:(a) The Corinthians succeeded in crossing Mt. Geraneia with their local allies early in the war, even though the Athenians were already present: so why not Sparta?(b) A full Peloponnesian army was able to reach central Greece by sea after the war had been in progress for some three years, and their reluctance on that occasion to cross the northern frontier of Attica even after they had defeated the Athenians seems inexplicable on this view.
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Bendtsen, Bjarne S. "The Northern Front Imagined: Defending Denmark in Emil Bønnelycke's Spartanerne (1919)." Modernist Cultures 12, no. 1 (March 2017): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2017.0159.
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In late October 1919 the Danish author Emil Bønnelycke published a highly ambitious war novel, Spartanerne (The Spartans), in which he merged the war experiences of a Spartan soldier of the Antique world, a soldier fighting in the trenches of the First World War, and that of a young Danish recruit being trained for war. The three different war experiences mirror each other in this modernist novel that makes use of chronological jump cutting à la D. W. Griffith's Birth of a Nation (1915) and imagines Denmark being drawn into the world war that had ended scarcely a year before the time of the novel's publication.
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Lucchesi, Michele. "Gylippus in Plutarch’s Parallel Lives: Intratextuality and Readers." Ploutarchos 13 (November 2, 2016): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_13_1.
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Plutarch’s portrayal of Gylippus is consistent both in the Moralia and in the Parallel Lives. In particular, Gylippus’ main traits clearly recall the Spartans’ virtues and vices described in the five Spartan Lives. Furthermore, the presence of Gylippus as a secondary character in the Life of Pericles and in the Life of Nicias creates a strong link between these biographies and the Lives of Lycurgus and Lysander. Different types of readers can variously actualise such intratextual connections. We can infer that the Parallel Lives require attentive readers willing to engage actively in the reading process and to interpret the narrative fruitfully, following the author’s
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DOLGERT, STEFAN. "Thucydides, amended: religion, narrative, and IR theory in the Peloponnesian Crisis." Review of International Studies 38, no. 3 (February 21, 2012): 661–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000738.
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AbstractMost of our knowledge of the Peloponnesian War comes from the text of Thucydides' History, yet IR scholars are strangely credulous when evaluating Thucydides' pronouncements. I explore what Thucydides does not tell us, and suggest that his text obscures important information regarding the outbreak of the war. Thucydides has a secular bias which leads him to discount the Spartan religious self-narrative, but by attending to this schema, in which Sparta sees itself in the role of the pious defender of moderation pitted against the corrupt Athenians, we gain a richer understanding of the chain of events that led to war. Contemporary scholars have too readily adopted Thucydides' perspective on this issue, but by assessing Thucydides' data using insights drawn from contemporary cognitive theories of narrative and image we see that misperceptions based in the conflicting Athenian and Spartan narratives played an important role in the escalation of the crisis.
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Paczkowski, Przemysław. "The moral power of the word: Ethical literature in Antiquity." Ethics & Bioethics 10, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2020): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ebce-2020-0012.
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AbstractAccording to an old legend, during the Messenian Wars in Laconia in the 8th and 7th centuries BC, the Athenians sent the poet Tyrtaeus to the Spartans who were close to being defeated; he aroused in them the fighting spirit and renewed Spartan virtues. Philosophers in antiquity believed in the psychagogical power of the word, and this belief provided the foundation for ancient ethical literature, whose main purpose was to call for a spiritual transformation and to convert to philosophy. In this paper, I would like to demonstrate what tradition philosophy referred to in these efforts; what concept of man supported that belief; finally, what literary genres were used by ancient philosophers in ethics.
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Decety, Nathan. "Attrition-based Oliganthrôpia Revisited." Klio 102, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 474–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-1003.
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SummaryIn a previous paper (When Valor Isn’t Always Superior to Numbers: homoioi oliganthrôpia Caused by Attrition in Incessant Warfare, KLIO 100, 2018, 626–666) I argued that the population of Ancient Spartan citizens, homoioi, declined predominantly due to attrition in warfare. Here, I revisit the argument and present a more refined model that includes additional samples, directly incorporates information on losses, and improves assumptions. I argue that Sparta may have experienced an initial population plunge in the early 5th century and was unable to recover. The results of this study reaffirm that warfare may have been an integral cause of oliganthrôpia.
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Franchi, Elena. "Grenzkonflikte und Gedenkrituale im antiken Sparta." Frankfurter elektronische Rundschau zur Altertumskunde, no. 29 (October 17, 2016): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/fera.29.160.
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Commemoration rituals and, more generally, the memory of war and war dead are continuously shaped in order to better represent the social and political instances of the group that is managing them. Such shaping activity also involves the program of festivals providing rituals of commemoration of war dead and applies all the more to frontier wars because of their recurrence. A typical example is the shaping of the Gymnopaidiai festival. There are three crucial events influencing at many levels the Gymnopaidiai and hinted by Sosybius (FGrHist 595 F 5): a battle at Thyrea (end of 8th century BC), commemorated by songs of Taletas and Alcman, later coming together in the Gymnopaidiai; the battle of the champions, as a consequence of which Sparta founded the Parparonia at Thyrea and inserted in the Gymnopaidiai peans of Dionisodotos; the recovery of the control over Thyrea by Argos (4th century BC), after which the Spartans transferred the Parparonia to Sparta, hence celebrated within the Gymnopaidiai. Instead, there is no evidence linking the Gymnopaidiai with the battle of Hysiai.
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Doran, Timothy Donald. "Paul A. Rahe. Sparta’s First Attic War: The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta, 478–446 B.C." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 844–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab325.
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Harris, Edward M. "HOW TO ADDRESS THE ATHENIAN ASSEMBLY: RHETORIC AND POLITICAL TACTICS IN THE DEBATE ABOUT MYTILENE (THUC. 3.37–50)." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000663.
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In 428b.c.e.the city of Mytilene launched a revolt against the Athenians and invited the Spartans to send them assistance. The plans for the revolt were reported to the Athenians (3.2), who sent a force against the city (3.3). The Mytilenians asked for help from the Spartans (3.4.5–6), but the fleet they sent arrived too late to help the city (3.26.4). The revolt appears to have been the initiative of the city's wealthier citizens: Thucydides reports (3.27–8) that heavy armour was not distributed to the people until Salaethus, the leader of the rebellion, realized that Spartan help would not arrive in time. Once the people received this armour, they refused to take orders from officials and held meetings, insisting that the government should distribute all available grain. If they did not, they threatened to negotiate on their own with the Athenians about surrender. The government was powerless to stop them and decided it was best to come to terms with the Athenians. It was agreed that the Athenians would have the power to act as they wished with the city and that the Mytilenians would have the right to send envoys to Athens to plead their case before the Assembly.
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Katsari, Constantina, and T. Urbainczyk. "Spartacus." Classics Ireland 12 (2005): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25528437.
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Sun, Zheng, Raja Bose, and Pei Zhang. "Spartacus." GetMobile: Mobile Computing and Communications 18, no. 4 (January 14, 2015): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2721914.2721918.
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Canfora, Luciano. "Spartaco, «Ora pro nobis!»." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 7 (November 2011): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2011-007002.
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Oprea, Alexandra. "Pluralism and the General Will: The Roman and Spartan Models in Rousseau's Social Contract." Review of Politics 81, no. 4 (2019): 573–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000482.
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AbstractHow should institutions be designed so that the votes of the people reflect the general will and not the corporate will of the politically powerful? Rousseau's Social Contract provides us with two mutually exclusive solutions. The first is the more commonly discussed Spartan model where an encompassing public education system eliminates pluralism through social engineering. The second is the often overlooked Roman model of organizing the population into multiple overlapping electoral divisions and checking the power of various interest groups. Rousseau's discussion of Servius's electoral reforms anticipates Madison's arguments about controlling the effects of factions. By distinguishing these two institutional solutions, the article challenges the dominance of Sparta in readings of the Social Contract and supports the broader antiutopian turn in Rousseau scholarship.
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Miller, Benjamin. "Virtue, Knowledge, and Political Instability in Aristotle’s Politics: Lessons from the Eudemian Ethics." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340325.
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Abstract I argue that we cannot fully understand Aristotle’s position on political stability and state preservation in the Politics with paying close attention to his Eudemian Ethics. We learn from considering the Politics and the Eudemian Ethics in concert that even ‘correct’ regimes are unstable when citizens do not possess full virtue. Aristotle introduces his formal account of the knowledge requirements for virtue in Eudemian Ethics 8.3, and he applies these knowledge requirements as an explanation for state decline in Politics 2.9 when discussing the Spartans. If we primarily focus on the Nicomachean Ethics as Aristotle’s single essential ethical work, we will not learn the lesson he intends his readers to take away from the Spartan discussion in the Politics: that virtue requires correct understanding of the hierarchy and structure of the good life. This knowledge prevents the erosion of the virtues of character and the decline of political regimes.
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Nikolaidis, Anastasios. "Revisiting the Pylos Episode and Thucydides' 'Bias' against Cleon." Classica et Mediaevalia 69 (October 26, 2020): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122617.
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The Pylos episode, ending with the capture of almost 300 Spartans who had been cut off on the Sphacteria island, was the first major setback suffered by Sparta during the Peloponnesian war and, at the same time, the first major – and more importantly – unexpected success of Athens, in Peloponnesian territory at that. Without overlooking the military side involved, this paper will primarily focus on the political aspects of this enterprise in an attempt (a) to assess and evaluate Thucydides’ attitude to the protagonists of this episode, Cleon, Nicias and Demosthenes, (b) to better understand the historian’s political stance and judgement through the vocabulary that he employs, and (c) to show that his notoriously presumed bias against Cleon is poorly substantiated and, insofar as it may occasionally occur, it does not interfere with his respect for historical truth.
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Stadter, Philip. "Alexander Hamilton's Notes on Plutarch in His Pay Book." Review of Politics 73, no. 2 (2011): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670511000040.
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AbstractAlexander Hamilton's notes to his reading of two pairs of Plutarch's Parallel Lives, Theseus-Romulus and Lycurgus-Numa, probably made in the winter of 1777–1778 at Valley Forge, reveal his early attention to the rewards of founding a new state, the natures and advantages of different political institutions, and economic, social, military, and cultural practices. They furnish a valuable testament to Hamilton's early intellectual development. He focuses on monarchy and the danger of tyranny and on the institutions by which states had limited the power of monarchs and of the popular will: the senate at Rome and the gerousia and later the ephors at Sparta. Hamilton admires Numa's use of religion to nourish civil society, while his interest in the Spartans' treatment of their helots is a testimony to his early concern about the problem of slavery.
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Stafford, Emma. "The Curse of 300? Popular Culture and Teaching the Spartans." Journal of Classics Teaching 17, no. 33 (2016): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631016000052.
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I teach Spartan history at the University of Leeds both as part of an introductory course about the Greek World and also as part of a range of more closely-focused Special Subject modules for second and third year undergraduates, includingImage of SpartaandClassics on Screen. I use the film300, and other modern popular culture material, in different ways in each of these modules: as a subject in its own right forClassics on Screen, focusing on questions around what the material says about contemporary culture; and, inImage of Sparta, as a coda to the course's survey of ancient ‘images’, which allows for reflection back over the ancient material. Blanshard and Shahabudin suggest that cinematic output can be ‘…an important vehicle for discussing the values, history, and cultural politics of the classical past. It demands that we think about what are the key elements that make the cultures of the ancient Mediterranean so distinctive and worthy of study’ (Blanshard & Shahabudin, 2011, p. 1). While modern popular receptions of ancient Greek history are not actually on the AS or A Level specifications (perhaps they should be!), they have some potential for teaching at this level if a teacher wants their students to get to grips with the particular topic of Sparta.
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Babu, Shivnath, Minos Garofalakis, and Rajeev Rastogi. "SPARTAN." ACM SIGMOD Record 30, no. 2 (June 2001): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/376284.375693.
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