Journal articles on the topic 'Spanish Communist Party (PCE)'
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FARALDO, JOSÉ M. "Entangled Eurocommunism: Santiago Carrillo, the Spanish Communist Party and the Eastern Bloc during the Spanish Transition to Democracy, 1968–1982." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 647–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000339.
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The Spanish Communist Party (PCE), under the leadership of Santiago Carrillo (1960–1982), developed the path of Eurocommunism. This was in part a rethinking of communism's approach to Western parliamentary systems, as well as an indigenous strategy for adapting the party to the transition in Spain from dictatorship to democracy. However, the influence of Eastern European developments was clear not only in the development of the party's struggle against the dictatorship but also in its reaction to Eastern European dissidents and to Solidarność, when the PCE called for an aggiornamiento to align themselves to these new tendencies. This failed, and in the end more orthodox communists came to dominate the party. But the debates about the transformation in Eastern European communism played a major part in developing the new line of the Spanish communists, and in shaping their central role during the Spanish transition to democracy.
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García, Eduardo Abad. "'Serving the people'. A short history of Spanish Maoism (1964-1980)." Twentieth Century Communism 22, no. 22 (September 12, 2022): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322835917883.
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1956 was an important date for Spanish communism. The Twentieth Congress of the CPSU was being held in Moscow, and the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) adopted the policy of 'National Reconciliation'. This became the starting point for Maoist dissidence and clashes with the party leadership, whom they accused of 'revisionism'. In 1964 the first Maoist party was formed, the PCE (marxist-leninist), made up of radicalised youth as well as some communist veterans. The influence of Maoism then slowly increased and it started to infiltrate other social sectors: workers, students and even Catholic groups. As a result of this influence, further organisations were created, such as the PCE (international), the Communist Movement, the Revolutionary Organisation of Workers, the Organisation of Spanish Marxist-Leninists and the Communist Organisation (Red Flag). During the final years of the Franco dictatorship a number of Maoist groups committed themselves to armed struggle. The first to take this type of action were the militants of the Revolutionary and Patriotic Antifascist Front (FRAP), a short-lived group created by the PCE (m-l), which lasted from 1973 to 1976. In response to the execution of several FRAP militants on 27 September 1975, the First October Revolutionary Antifascist Groups (GRAPO) were created. This organisation sought to overcome demoralisation in post-transition Spain through intensifying actions based on armed struggle, but it eventually became a marginal force, as a result of persecution by the police. This article reviews the history of the Maoist political subculture in Spain over two decades from a social and cultural perspective, and analyses multiple aspects of this communist current, including its transnational networks, collective memory and identity.
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Puigsech Farràs, Josep. "THE REPUBLICAN PERIOD FROM THE SPANISH COMMUNIST EXILE POINT OF VIEW." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 278–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-278-292.
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This article analyzes how the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) interpreted the Republican period from a double point of view. The PCE fought against the Republic because considered a bourgeois republic that had to be destroyed by a workers' revolution that culminated in a proletariat dictatorship. The sectarianism and scarce social support began to be overcome from 1934 and, especially, from 1935 with the Popular Front tactics from the Communist International. In addition to this, the PCE was included in the electoral coalition of the Popular Front in February 1936: the PCE was presented as a popular party more than a worker party. The Civil War facilitated its social and political penetration as a popular front party. The exile times created a myth in the Republican period, focused on the years of the war. The PCE interpreted the Republican period from the interests of the foreign policy of the URSS. For this reason, it was interpreted as a national and international struggle against fascism aggression, except in the period between the German-Soviet Pact and the Nazi attack on the USSR.
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Bakshaev, Maxim. "The Conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain in the Lens of American and Soviet Diplomacy, the 1970s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022287-4.
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The article analyzes the conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain (Partido Comunista de España, PCE) in the 1970s through the prism of Soviet-American relations during the era of Detente. Since the late 1960s, the Communist Party of Spain, headed by General Secretary S. Carrillo, began to distance itself from the CPSU, the leader of the International Communist Movement (ICM). In the conditions of the ongoing Cold War, the growing conflict between the parties meant the threat of a split within the ICM, which could not but attract the attention of the United States. The purpose of the article is to determine how the conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain was perceived by American and Soviet state leaders, diplomats and the expert community during the 1970s, in order to establish how the assessments of this conflict in the United States and the USSR influenced the adjustment of the foreign policy strategies of these powers. The article examines the key stages of the development of relations between the leadership of the Soviet and Spanish Communist parties – "shadow" and public – as well as the perception of this conflict by Soviet and American diplomats, their assessments and reactions. The research is based on the sources of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI), available documents of the US State Department and the CIA.
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Varela-Guinot, Helena. "The Legalization of the Spanish Communist Party." International Journal of Political Economy 20, no. 2 (June 1990): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08911916.1990.11643794.
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Rees, Tim. "'Not completely Communist': regionalism and the Spanish Communist Party, 1920-1941." Twentieth Century Communism 5, no. 5 (June 21, 2013): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864313807052749.
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Smith∗, Eric. "The Communist Party, Cooptation, and Spanish Republican Aid." American Communist History 8, no. 2 (December 2009): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743890903336086.
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Nacevska, Elena, and Nemanja Stankov. "Development Processes for Changing the Party System in Slovenia and Montenegro." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 623–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0028.
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Abstract This paper explores differences in the party system development of two former Yugoslav republics: Slovenia and Montenegro. Despite sharing a communist institutional system, after that disintegrated Slovenia had a much faster pace of democratic consolidation and economic development than Montenegro. Similarly, the nature of the party competition and party system structure are also quite different. Using a quantitative and descriptive approach applied to the period between 1990 and 2018, we outline patterns of party competition and party system development and explore how they complement the stages of democratisation. We investigate how the comparatively faster democratisation in Slovenia is reflected in the competitive party system with a focus on the ideological divide as the chief source of electoral competition. In contrast, we look at how the prolonged transition in Montenegro is reflected in the closed party system with party competition occurring mainly along ethnic lines.
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Nacevska, Elena, and Nemanja Stankov. "Development Processes for Changing the Party System in Slovenia and Montenegro." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 623–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0028.
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AbstractThis paper explores differences in the party system development of two former Yugoslav republics: Slovenia and Montenegro. Despite sharing a communist institutional system, after that disintegrated Slovenia had a much faster pace of democratic consolidation and economic development than Montenegro. Similarly, the nature of the party competition and party system structure are also quite different. Using a quantitative and descriptive approach applied to the period between 1990 and 2018, we outline patterns of party competition and party system development and explore how they complement the stages of democratisation. We investigate how the comparatively faster democratisation in Slovenia is reflected in the competitive party system with a focus on the ideological divide as the chief source of electoral competition. In contrast, we look at how the prolonged transition in Montenegro is reflected in the closed party system with party competition occurring mainly along ethnic lines.
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Jiménez, Cristina Pérez. "Puerto Rican Colonialism, Caribbean Radicalism, and Pueblos Hispanos’s Inter-Nationalist Alliance." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 23, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-7912322.
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Drawing from Earl Browder’s papers, this essay examines the Communist-sponsored, New York Spanish-language newspaper Pueblos Hispanos (1943–44), arguing that the publication staged an uneasy alliance between the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and the US Communist Party by positioning Puerto Rican independence as central to a wider decolonial Caribbean and postwar world order. By analyzing Pueblos Hispanos’s practice of “inter-nationalism”—a term the author proposes to denote the flexible strategy used to mediate between competing political interests and which can serve as a model for understanding the compromised collaborations between Communist and nationalist leaders in the Caribbean—this essay expands our understanding of Communist influence in Caribbean liberation movements and begins to reinsert the contributions of early-and mid-twentieth-century Puerto Ricans, and more widely, Spanish caribeños, within a Marxist-inflected Caribbean radical tradition.
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Charalambous, Giorgos, and Iasonas Lamprianou. "Societal Responses to the Post-2008 Economic Crisis among South European and Irish Radical Left Parties: Continuity or Change and Why?" Government and Opposition 51, no. 2 (October 31, 2014): 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.35.
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The economic crisis has meant that radical left parties in Europe have been faced with changing socioeconomic environments. In this study we examine how European radical left parties have responded to the crisis in terms of their societal mobilization strategies and seek to explain their responses. Discussions in the relevant literature advocate that party-specific characteristics matter greatly in how parties mobilize in society and establish relations with social groups in times of stability. But do they continue to be as important at times of dramatic change, when new realities emerge in society? We look at the cases of the Greek (Greek Communist Party and Coalition of the Radical Left), Irish (Sinn Féin), Portuguese (Portuguese Communist Party and Bloco) and Spanish (Spanish Communist Party/United Left) radical left parties, which are alike at the country level but exhibit differences at the party level. Utilizing data from an original expert survey, we show that both ideology and organizational legacy throw considerable light on the observed variation among the six radical left parties’ societal responses to the crisis. In this way, they ensure continuity rather than change.
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Redžić, Ena, and Judas Everett. "Cleavages in the Post-Communist Countries of Europe: A Review." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0011.
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AbstractThis review of the historical studies of cleavages and seeks to bridge the gap between the historical study of cleavages and frozen cleavage theory and the post-communist states of Europe which have transitioned to democracy. The study identifies the literature on frozen cleavages and new divides which have arisen transition, as well as the primary actors in their political representation and issue positioning. The key literature in the development of studies on cleavages was provided by Lipset and Rok-kan, but their work focused mostly on Western democracies and did not include any of the countries which were behind the iron curtain at the time. However, the transition of the post-communist nations of Europe are now several decades old. Since the demise of communist regimes in Europe, much literature has been produced on the newly democratic regimes developing there. This article provides a broad overview of general trends in cleavage literature and more specific developments for Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. The main findings were that there are frozen cleavages present in the post-communist countries of Europe, but that much of the developments since the fall of communism seem to be unpredictable and change-able — a fact reflected by the instability and constant change in the party systems.
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Astakhov, Evgeny. "«Eurocommunism» and the split of the Communist movement in Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-7-15.
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In the period post Franco were created more favorable conditions for left parties, first of all for Communist party. However, «eurocommunists» leadership of the Communist party of Spain (KPI) led her to a deep crisis. The creation in January 1984 of the new Communist party of the people of Spain (PCPE), despite the difficulties of institutional development, the complicated financial situation, lack of personnel, became a significant factor in the national political field. After many years of political and ideological disarmament of the left forces in Spain appeared a party, acting with genuine class positions. At the same time, PCPE played the role of catalyst of processes oriented to shift to the left axis of the political life of the country. However, the current situation in the Spanish communist movement, the whole objective situation in Spain dictated the need for the unification of the communists. That goal was answered by the creation of a left electoral coalition «United left».
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Ramiro-Fernández, Luis. "Electoral competition, organizational constraints and party change: the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and United Left (IU), 1986–2000." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1352327042000233733.
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Puigsech Farràs, Josep. "No Embassy, no Ambassador: a New Kind of Relationship between USSR and Spain in Post-War Times." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023522-3.
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This article analyses how the beginning of the Spanish post-war period impacted in diplomatic relations between Spain and USSR. The Republican defeat in the Spanish Civil War forced the rupture of diplomatic relations between these countries. The Communist Party of Spain played the unofficial role of Spanish representative in front of the USSR from April 1939. For this reason, new diplomacy relationship started in the Spanish post-war period: unofficial character, new actors, a huge desire to overthrow the Francoist Spain and a legitimizing lecture about the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War.
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MUÑOZ SÁNCHEZ, ANTONIO. "The Friedrich Ebert Foundation and the Spanish Socialists during the Transition to Democracy, 1975–1982." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731500051x.
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AbstractThis article explores the activities of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Spain during the transition to democracy. It describes the financial, logistical and training support with which this German Foundation contributed to the unexpected rebirth of the Spanish Socialist Party after Franco and its meteoric emergence as the leading left-wing party. It also assesses its cooperation with the Socialist trade union, which moved from irrelevance to a position of importance greater than the powerful Communist union. Finally, the article examines how the Foundation diversified its activities in order to meet the growing needs of and challenges faced by the Spanish Socialists in their path towards power.
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STEWART, MELISSA A. "THEY WANTED A REVOLUTION: TERESA PÀMIES REVISITS COMMUNIST ACTIONS IN THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR AND BEYOND." Catalan Review 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.22.21.
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In recent years, there has been an increasing production of narratives that reassess various aspects of the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath. While many deal with prisons, work camps, and other cases of the mistreatment and suffering of the “vencidos,” some examine actions by factions on the Republican side, including Ignacio Martínez de Pisón’s Enterrar a los muertos, which investigates the assassination of author José Robles by Communist Party forces. Prior to all this activity, Catalan author and activist Teresa Pàmies had already contributed her own very personal and, at the same time, more general reexamination of the Communist Party’s actions during the war and after in Els anys de lluita (2001), which is formulated as a letter to her granddaughter. In this text, we see her analyze mistakes and attempt to explain political decisions and positions. Her situation is representative of many Spanish intellectuals of her generation who, after an early alliance with the Communists, eventually had to come to terms with the reality of Stalinism, the Prague Spring, and the errors that were made during the Civil War. Pàmies and her father, Tomàs, have always been associated with revolution and commitment to workers’ movements. From her early days as a leader in the Catalan Communist youth organization during the Civil War and throughout her exile, Teresa was a champion of the Communist Party. This essay explores how this text represents a significant change in the rhetoric typically found in her memoirs and other accounts of the war and her exile. With this volume, Pàmies makes a significant contribution to the necessary revision of a part of Spanish and Catalan history.
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Aránguiz Pinto, Santiago. "The Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution: Commemorating the 7th November in the Communist Party of Chile, 1935—1970." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023416-6.
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This article analyzes the ways in which the Communist Party of Chile commemorated November 7 between the years 1935—1970, under the understanding that the anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution became one of the central axes of the communist political culture, since it had relationship both with the assessment of the October Revolution and its ideological impact as well as with the process of appropriation and dissemination of Sovietism in the Chilean communist militancy. Indeed, the commemorations of the Bolshevik Revolution played a fundamental role in the Chilean communist world, whose press organs were responsible for disseminating the debates and discussions generated by national and foreign communist leaders around the place that this event should occupy during the different historical processes that marked those decades, especially the anti-fascist struggle, the Popular Front, the Spanish Civil War, the Second World War and the Cold War.
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Matić, Dimitrije. "Uloga Komunističke partije Španije u uspostavljanju diplomatskih odnosa Beograda i Madrida nakon Frankove smrti." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.mat.119-145.
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This article analyzes the influence of the Communist Party of Spain on the development of bilateral relations between Yugoslavia and Spain until the official establishment of diplomatic relations in January 1977, with an important emphasis on the period after the death of Francisco Franco. Besides researching the cooperation of Yugoslav and Spanish communists on these matters, the paper examines the specific international circumstances and interests of the great powers in the context of Yugoslav-Spanish rapprochement.
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Rees, Tim. "Deviation and discipline: anti-Trotskyism, Bolshevization and the Spanish Communist party, 1924-34*." Historical Research 82, no. 215 (February 2009): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2007.00439.x.
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REES, TIM. "Living Up to Lenin: Leadership Culture and the Spanish Communist Party, 1920-1939*." History 97, no. 326 (April 2012): 230–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2012.00545.x.
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Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. "Exile, Gender, and Communist Self-Fashioning: Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) in the Soviet Union." Slavic Review 71, no. 3 (2012): 566–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.3.0566.
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Focusing on the Soviet exile of the Spanish communist and orator Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria), Lisa A. Kirschenbaum brings into dialogue two topics often treated in isolation: Soviet subjectivities and the selfunderstandings of international communists. During the Spanish civil war, the Soviet media popularized Ibárruri's performance of fierce communist motherhood. The article traces Ibárruri's efforts in exile to maintain and adapt this public identity by analyzing sources in two distinct registers, both of which blurred the boundaries between public and private selves: Ibárruri's “official” correspondence and her interventions in party meetings. Reading such sources as sites of self-fashioning, Kirschenbaum argues that Ibárruri was at once empowered and constrained by her self-presentation as the mother of the Spanish exiles. Ibárruri's case both internationalizes understandings of Stalinist culture and suggests the possibility of a history of international communism structured around the interconnected and diverse lives of individual communists.
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Raeburn, Fraser. "The ‘Premature Anti-fascists’? International Brigade Veterans’ Participation in the British War Effort, 1939–45." War in History 27, no. 3 (October 1, 2018): 408–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518778315.
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After fighting in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–9, hundreds of Britons returned home to an uncertain future. While the anti-fascist left saw them as heroes, their Communist Party links met with official suspicion, complicated further by the advent of war in September 1939. Popular and scholarly narratives alike have concurred that International Brigade veterans were barred en masse from the armed forces, despite their experience and demonstrable hatred for fascism. This article complicates these narratives, exploring the extent and causes of discrimination, and placing these within the context of wartime anti-communist policy.
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Anderle, Ádám. "De la dictadura a la democracia : Manuel Fraga Iribarne." Acta Hispanica 13 (January 1, 2008): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2008.13.7-12.
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The essay examines the political career of the renowned Spanish conservative politician. As a young jurist, Fraga Iribarne quickly developed an academic, diplomatic and political career in the Spanish Franco regime after the Second World War; he even occupied the—rather infamous—post of the Minister of Interior. Still, Fraga Iribarne was one of the few Francoist statesmen who recognized the importance of a democratic transition, and he became one of the key figures of the Spanish transition after the death of Franco. He also participated intensely in the creation of the democratic constitution of 1978, founded and presided People's Alliance (Alianza Popular), a party of conservative orientation, and was the President of Galicia's Xunta for 15 years. The author emphasizes the key role of Fraga Iribarne in the democratic transition, pointing out that it was him who, in the autumn of 1976, introduced the Communist leader Santiago Carrillo to the members of the Francoist elite club, Club 21st Century, causing a great stir in the Madrid élite. Fraga's move was a clear statement that in democratic pluralistic party politics, communist and other leftist elements also have the right to be represented. Still, the documents of the era also point out that Juan Carlos, the young monarch, also had a decisive role in the positive reception of democratic ideas by the Francoist élite.
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Opioła, Wojciech. "Polish discourses concerning the Spanish Civil War. Analysis of the Polish press 1936-2015." Central European Journal of Communication 10, no. 2 (January 8, 2018): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.10.2(19).4.
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The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, as an ideologised and mythologised event, has been and is still used instrumentally within the Polish public discourse. The war was an important subject for the Polish press in the years 1936–1939. The Catholic, national-democratic, and conservative press supported General Franco’s rebellion. The governmental and pro-government press also supported the rebels. The Christian-democratic and peasants’ party press remained neutral. The social democratic, communist, and radical press backed the Spanish Republic — as did liberal-conservative organs such as Wiadomości Literackie. After the Second World War, the Polish communist media created the positive legend of Polish participants in the Spanish Civil War in the International Brigades, labelling Franco’s post-war regime fascist. In contemporary Poland, the same division within the Polish political scene as in 1936–1939 can be observed. Starting in 1990, the Spanish Civil War, as a subject of the Polish political discourse, has been the source of heated disputes, whose participants often present more radical views and narratives. The key issues that entered the canon of Polish political disputes after 1989 the International Brigades of volunteers, religious crimes, the support of fascists and communists for opposite sides of the conflict, are concentrated along the lines of the dispute arising from the debate within pre-war Poland: the clash of the traditional, Catholic world with the communist revolution.
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Ramírez Morcillo, Roberto Carlos. "La lucha guerrillera en la obra de José Herrera Petere: „Cumbres de Extremadura y Carpio de Tajo”." Estudios Hispánicos 25 (May 9, 2018): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-2546.25.9.
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The guerrilla struggle in the work of José Herrera Petere: Cumbres de Extremadura and Carpio de TajoThe main objective of the article is to understand the roots of compromise literature in condition of war and exile in the writing of Spanish author José Herrera Petere Guadalajara, 1909–Geneva, 1977 during Spanish War and Franco dictatorship. The analysis, conducted from cultural studies and literary historiography perspectives, is based on two books: Cumbres de Extremadura and Carpio de Tajo and their social, cultural and political contexts. Therefore Cumbres de Extremadura, considered to be his best novel, shows Petere’s committed writing on anti-fascists guerrilla and idealistic approach to the communist party. This novel stage adaptation, drama Carpio de Tajo, also shows the value of guerillas fight against fascism, but also represents the solitude and ideological breakdown of his exile. In a sort, social, cultural and political contexts of these books demonstrate how strong was the attraction of Spanish intellectuals as Herrera Petere to communist ideas making a radical transformation from surrealism to social realistic writing.
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Anderle, Ádám. "El calvario de los brigadistas húngaros." Acta Hispanica 18 (January 1, 2013): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2013.18.63-71.
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The elite of the Hungarian volunteers of the Spanish Civil War became victim of the Communist terror after World War II (1949-1950). The main role was played by the brigadist, László Rajk, who, before the trial, was the secretary of the Hungarian Communist Party, Minister of the Interior, and then Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was charged with spying for the “imperialists” and Tito as well as with high treason and anti-Semitism. In the show trial of “Rajk and his associates” 155 people were charged and convicted, 15 of them, including Rajk, were condemned to death. In the indictment Rajk was condemned for his activity during the Spanish Civil War: he was accused of being a fascist, and then an imperialist agent, as well as a “Trockyist”, just like the twenty other Hungarian Brigadists. The background of the trial has been thoroughly analysed in Hungarian historiography, but the accusation connected to the Spanish period has not been examined or criticized. The present study, based on new sources, such as the reports of the Hungarian Communist Secret Service, the papers of the KGB Archives in Moscow, and the Comintern, raises the issue emphasizing the negative role of Ernő Gerő (“Pedro”), who was the representative of the Comintern and the PCIA (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs), in the process.
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Pavlaković, Vjeran. "The Spanish Civil War and the Yugoslav Successor States." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (August 2020): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000272.
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Yugoslav scholarship about the Spanish Civil War, specifically the Yugoslav volunteers who fought in the International Brigades, was almost exclusively tied to the partisan struggle during the Second World War and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Many countries in the Soviet bloc published books about their heroes who fought fascism before Western Europe reacted and raised monuments to Spanish Civil War veterans. However, many lost their lives during Stalinist purges of the late 1940s and early 1950s since they were potentially compromised cadres who returned to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other countries only after the Red Army's occupation. Yugoslav volunteers, however, generally had a more prominent status in the country (and historiography) since the Yugoslav resistance movement liberated the country with only minimal support from the Soviet Union.
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Salvadó, Francisco J. Romero. "THE COMINTERN FIASCO IN SPAIN: THE BORODIN MISSION AND THE BIRTH OF THE SPANISH COMMUNIST PARTY." Revolutionary Russia 21, no. 2 (December 2008): 153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546540802461068.
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White, Nina. "“Propaganda for peace”: a Gramscian reading of Irish and Spanish Civil War photography." Estudios Irlandeses, no. 16 (March 17, 2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24162/ei2021-10072.
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At the outset of the Spanish Civil War, Ireland’s ruling party were faced with the challenge of maintaining political hegemony. Revealing the old fault lines of the Irish Civil War, the opposition cast the government’s Non-intervention policy as pro-Communist and anti-Catholic; a refusal to support Spanish insurgents in what was perceived by the majority as their defence of the Catholic faith. Following McNally, this paper utilises Gramsci’s theory of hegemony to explore political equilibrium in the contexts of the Irish and Spanish conflicts. The notion of the “organic intellectual” enables a Gramscian reading of war photography, finding common visual language in the works of Robert Capa and W.D. Hogan as they contributed to national and transnational projects of hegemony. Through such a reading, the author finds cultural compatibility between the conflicts and casts the Irish revolutionary period in new international light.
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Majtenyi, David. ""Mirek" z Reportáže psané na oprátce - Jaroslav Klecan (1914-1943)." Časopis Národního muzea. Řada historická 188, no. 1-2 (2020): 3–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/cnm.2019.001.
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This paper focuses on the fate of Jaroslav Klecan, a native from southern Bohemia, a pre-war member of the Communist Party who had left as a volunteer for the Spanish Civil War in late 1937. He fought in the battalion T. G. Masaryk of the 129th interbrigade. After the fall of the Spanish Republic, he was interned in the French camp in Gurs. When the Second World War begun he enrolled to the Czechoslovak Army, albeit he was probably never committed at the front. After the French capitulation, he stayed in the free zone and joined the French resistance movement in the FTP-MOI group led by Ladislav Holdoš. However, the Comintern soon ordered him and few other Czechoslovak Resistance fighters to return to the occupied homeland. Klecan arrived to the Protectorate in 1941 and affiliated the Communist resistance movement in Bohemia immediately. He was arrested by the Nazi secret police on 24 April 1942, together with Julius Fučík and others. After a series of interrogations, the German People’s Court sentenced him to death and he was executed in Berlin-Plötzensee on 8 September 1943. He is known as “Mirek” from Fučík’s Notes from the Gallows.
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López-Martín, Laura. "Help Spain by showing films. British film production for humanitarian aid during the Spanish Civil War." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.019.
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The Spanish Civil War mobilised a wide spectrum of the British population, a mood which materialised in the despatch of humanitarian aid, mainly to republican Spain. To this end, there were meetings and rallies in which the use of film was customary. Films made it possible to show a different reality from that which appeared on the newsreels, provided an opportunity for fund-raising and showed the deployment and results of the aid received. The distribution of the films, and occasionally their production, was undertaken by progressive film organisations, close to the Communist party, which raised doubts vis-à-vis the real intentions of the humanitarian organisations.
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Filatov, Georgy. "Soviet-Spanish Negotiations on the Restoration of Diplomatic Relations in the 1960s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023404-3.
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Negotiations between Moscow and Madrid on the establishment of relations in the 1960s remain a little-studied episode in the history of two countries. Most articles on this issue are based on open sources and memories. In this paper, recently discovered documents provide a new perspective. Negotiations of 1963—1964 were held in Paris at the initiative of Madrid. According to the documents from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI), the Soviet ambassador tried to convince both Moscow and the Spanish Communist Party in the need for the establishment of relations, despite the instructions that this step was untimely. Even though the negotiations failed, the Soviet-Spanish contacts became more active. In 1965 and 1967 Madrid tried to establish relations with several countries of the Eastern Bloc, but Moscow advised them not to do so. A new stage in bilateral relations began after the conflict between the Soviet Union and the Spanish communists over the Prague Spring. As a result, the opportunity opened for Moscow and Madrid to sign a trade agreement in the early 1970s.
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Sagomonyan, Alexander. "Spaniards in the Great Patriotic War." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (2022): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018289-5.
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Hundreds of Spanish volunteers who had ended up in the Soviet Union in various ways during or after the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) took part in the Great Patriotic War. First, they were Spanish children, including teenagers. Secondly, several thousand members of the Spanish Communist Party and its leaders evacuated after the fall of the Republic. Thirdly, Spanish Republicans rescued by Soviet diplomats from French internment camps in 1939–1940. In addition, after the outbreak of war, the last of the pilots who had taken a pilot training course at the aviation school in Kirovabad remained in the USSR. The aim of this article is to systematise the information available in memoirs, archival sources and literature on the participation of Spanish volunteers in the war on the Soviet side and to draw conclusions as to the nature and forms of that participation. Soviet conscription centres did not have the authority to enrol Spaniards who did not have Soviet citizenship into the Red Army, and Spanish volunteers were allowed to go to the front thanks to several Soviet military officers who had fought in the Spanish Civil War. It is for this reason that the most massive and effective military efforts of the Spaniards behind enemy lines were in partisan and sabotage groups, as well as in the air force. The Spanish volunteers wrote a glorious chapter both in the history of their country and in the annals of the Great Patriotic War.
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Donlon, Anne, and Evelyn Scaramella. "Four Poems from Langston Hughes's Spanish Civil War Verse." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, no. 3 (May 2019): 562–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.3.562.
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Langston Hughes traveled to Spain in 1937, during that Country's Civil War. He saw the Republic's Fight against Franco as an international fight against fascism, racism, and colonialism and for the rights of workers and minorities. Throughout the 1930s, Hughes organized for justice, at home and abroad, often engaging with communist and other left political organizations, like the Communist Party USA's John Reed Club, the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, and the International Workers' Order (Rampersad, Life 236, 286, 355; Scott). When the war in Spain began, in 1936, workers and intellectuals who were engaged on the left came from around the world to fight against Franco's forces; these volunteers, the International Brigades, included approximately 2,800 Americans known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, of which about ninety were African American (Carroll vii; “African Americans”). Hughes went to Spain to interview black antifascist volunteers in the International Brigades and write about their experiences for the Baltimore Afro-American, VolunteerforLiberty, and other publications. Much of Hughes's writing from Spain sought to explain to people at home why men and women, and African diasporic people especially, had risked their lives to fight in Spain. Hughes profiled African Americans fighting for the first time alongside white comrades in the International Brigades, including Ralph Thornton, Thaddeus Battle, and Milton Herndon (“Pittsburgh Soldier Hero,” “Howard Man,” “Milt Herndon”). In addition to writing articles, he wrote poetry, gave radio speeches, and translated poems and plays from Spanish into English. Much of Hughes's work from the Spanish Civil War has been collected in anthologies. However, so prolific was Hughes, and so fastidious was he in saving drafts and ensuring they reach his collection at Yale University's Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, that many unpublished works exist in archives. The four poems here represent different poetic registers and levels of polish, and they illuminate the dynamic range of Hughes's literary production during his time in Spain.
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Raeburn, Fraser. "Politics, Networks and Community: Recruitment for the International Brigades Reassessed." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (August 28, 2019): 719–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419865005.
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Despite decades of scholarship, historians have struggled to explain the decision made by the tens of thousands of volunteers who joined the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War (1936–9). Recent methodological innovations, particularly the embrace of transnational perspectives, have led to richer appreciations of complex individual motives and circumstances, but have done less to advance general explanations of the phenomenon. Drawing on a Scottish case study, this account argues that while motives may indeed have been highly individual, the context for the decision to enlist was not, with most volunteers coming from within well-defined social and political spheres. The density of recruitment among particular Communist Party networks suggests that far from being an internalised choice, the decision was made alongside and influenced by friends, family and colleagues. The communal nature of this process offers a useful explanation of the scale of recruitment for Spain across contexts, and suggests several specific factors that enabled the international communist movement to mobilise itself on such a large scale compared to other historical contingents of foreign fighters.
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Raeburn, Fraser. "‘Fae nae hair te grey hair they answered the call’: International Brigade Volunteers from the West Central Belt of Scotland in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–9." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 35, no. 1 (May 2015): 92–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2015.0142.
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Despite making up over ten per cent of the British volunteers in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War (1936-9), Scots from Glasgow and the surrounding districts have been overlooked in many accounts of the British involvement in the conflict. In seeking to explain the disproportionate numbers of volunteers from this region, the influence of factors such as economic conditions, political structures and institutions, ideology and community are examined with reference to individuals’ decisions to volunteer in Spain. It is argued that as well as the more severe impact of the inter-war slump in the region, it was Glasgow's distinctive working-class cultures, which placed great importance on grassroots political communities, with an emphasis on social as well as political connections, that led to Communist Party recruitment efforts being especially successful.
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RUIZ, V. "UNA MUJER SIN FRONTERAS." Pacific Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.1.
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Making strategic choices regarding her class and ethnic identiÞcation for the cause of social justice, Luisa Moreno was the most visible Latina labor and civil rights activist in the United States during the Great Depression and World War II. Vice-president of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA-CIO), this charismatic Guatemalan immigrant organized farm and cannery workers across the Southwest, achieving particular success among Mexican and Russian Jewish women in southern California plants. In 1939 she was also the driving force behind El Congreso de Pueblos de Hablan Espa–ola (the Congress of Spanish-speaking Peoples), the Þrst national Latino civil rights assembly. A feminist and leftist, she faced government harassment and red-baiting in the late 1940s, especially for her past Communist Party membership.
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Yungblud, V. T., and M. V. Bakshaev. "“We Will Not Change Our Attitude Towards You, Until You Change Your Attitude Towards Us”. How Washington Considered the Reaction of Western European Communist Parties to The Events in Afghanistan, 1978–1985." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 4 (September 9, 2022): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-4-85-7-42.
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The invasion of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan at the end of 1979 caused a mixed reaction among the Communist parties in Europe. Some of them subject the actions of the USSR leadership to sharp criticism. The article reveals to what extent the US administration was aware of the critical attacks against the USSR and the CPSU by the most powerful Western European Communist parties to determine how the factor of Eurocommunism influenced the Afghan vector of the US policy in 1979-1982 and how the American course turned out for the Communist parties themselves. The study is based on published documents (including electronic collections) of the Administration of the President of the United States J. Carter, the State Department, and the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States, as well as unpublished documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU from the funds of the Russian State Archive of Modern History, press materials and memoirs. It is concluded that 1) the invasion of Soviet military units into Afghanistan provoked a fierce battle of superpowers on the periphery of the Cold War, and in fact, became its peak; 2) one of the results of the Soviet operation was a deeper split in the world communist movement with its subsequent decline; 3) the United States sought to take advantage of the escalated disagreements between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the largest communist parties in Western Europe (especially Italian, to a lesser extent Spanish and French) and encouraged the actions of the European Communists aimed at distancing themselves from the CPSU and severing relations with the USSR. At the same time, Washington avoided public statements and actions that could look like a manifestation of solidarity with the Communist parties of Western Europe (primarily with the ICP), including the relation to the USSR policy in Afghanistan, giving priority to the policy to exclude completely the possibility for communists to participate in the governments of NATO states. Such a policy, against the background of the ongoing war in Afghanistan and the decline in the USSR's international prestige, contributed to the isolation of the European communist parties in their countries and the weakening of their electoral opportunities.
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Cordeiro, Brandon J. "Not for King or Country: Edward Cecil-Smith, the Communist Party of Canada, and the Spanish Civil War by Tyler Wentzell." Ontario History 113, no. 2 (2021): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1081127ar.
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SOUSA, FáBIO DA SILVA. "UM CIGARRO PARA UM AMIGO: a Guerra Civil Espanhola na Imprensa Comunista Mexicana." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 13, no. 21 (June 30, 2016): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v13i21.508.
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Em 1936, eclodiu na Espanha a Guerra Civil. Esse conflito ceifou vidas, soterrou sonhos e foi uma derrota para anarquistas e comunistas. Na América Latina, o México, então governado pelo Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas, apoiou os combatentes republicanos. Além do governo, os comunistas mexicanos também se engajaram nessa Guerra. O Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM) utilizou as páginas do periódico El Machete para noticiar o desenrolar do conflito e também para angariar apoio aos republicanos. Assim, o presente artigo objetiva analisar o material impresso da Guerra Civil Espanhola publicado nas páginas do El Machete de 1936 a 1938. Por meio de uma análise do material, serão discutidas as estratégias discursivas que o periódico comunista mexicano utilizou em sua cobertura do conflito espanhol e a imagem que ele construiu para os leitores sobre a Guerra que estava em curso do outro lado do continente latino-americano.Palavras-chave: Imprensa Comunista. México. Espanha.A CIGARETTE FOR A FRIEND: The Spanish Civil War in the Mexican Communist PressAbstract: In 1936 the Civil War broke out in Spain. Such fighting mowed down lives, buried dreams and was a defeat for anarchists and communists. In Latin America, Mexico, then, ruled by General Lazaro Cardenas, supported the Republican fighters. Besides the government, the Mexican communists also supported the war. The Mexican Communist Party (MCP) used its periodical - the El Machete - to report the course of the conflict and also to raise support for the Spanish Republicans. Thus, this article aims to analyze the printed material from the Spanish Civil War published on the pages of El Machete from 1936 to 1938. Through the analysis of the material selected, it will be discussed the discursive strategies that the Mexican Communist journal used in its coverage of the Spanish conflict and the image it has presented to its readers about the war that was taking place across the Latin American continent.Keywords: Communist Press. Mexico. Spain. UN CIGARRILLO A UN AMIGO: La Guerra Civil Española en la Prensa Comunista MexicanaResumen: En 1936 estalló en España la Guerra Civil. Este conflicto se ha cobrado vidas, sueños fueron enterrados y fue una derrocada para los anarquistas y comunistas. En América Latina, el México gobernado por el Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas apoyó a los combatientes republicanos. Además del gobierno, los comunistas mexicanos también participan en esa Guerra. El Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM) utilizó las páginas del periódico El Machete para informar el curso del conflicto y también para obtener el apoyo a los republicanos. Este artáculo tiene como objetivo analizar el material de impresión de la Guerra Civil Española publicado en las páginas de El Machete, en el peráodo de 1936 hasta 1938. A través del estudio de ese material, se discutirán las estrategias discursivas que El Machete utilizó en su cobertura del conflicto español y la imagen que se construyó para los lectores del periódico comunista mexicano de esa Guerra que estaba en marcha del otro lado del continente latino-americano.Palabras claves: Prensa comunista. México. España.
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NEWSINGER, JOHN. "THE DEATH OF BOB SMILLIE." Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 575–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007747.
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There is one interesting piece of testimony relating to the death of Bob Smillie that Tom Buchanan does not discuss in his article on this sad affair (‘The death of Bob Smillie, the Spanish Civil War, and the eclipse of the Independent Labour party’ Historical Journal, 40 (June 1997)). The Orwell Archive at University College, London, contains a statement dated 30 January 1930 that Georges Kopp sent to Fenner Brockway and John McNair of the ILP with a copy to his friend and comrade, George Orwell. In this document, Kopp makes clear his belief that Bob Smillie was kicked to death by his Communist interrogators in an effort to get him to sign statements prejudicial to the POUM and the ILP. As Buchanan points out, Kopp was Smillie's unit commander and was himself arrested during the repression of the POUM and only released in December 1938. His account of events deserves consideration.
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Schue, P. "The Prodigal Sons of Communism: Parti Populaire Francais Narratives of Communist Recruitment for the Spanish Civil War and the Everyday Functioning of Party Ideology." French Historical Studies 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-24-1-87.
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Lazăr, Mirela Ioana. "Historia e historias en la novela Inés y la alegría. Episodios de una guerra interminable, por Almudena Grandes." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.4.12.
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History and Stories in the Novel Inés y la alegría. Episodios de una guerra interminable by Almudena Grande. In the past decades, a certain careless neglect seems to have gradually blurred twentieth-century historical events that are still relevant because they have not been completely clarified; they particularly concern dramatic nation-wide events which some of the long-lived Spaniards witnessed. The phenomenon is natural in a society that is advancing by huge strides towards the future, just as it is natural to have people who want to keep alive the memory of those men and women who, during the Civil War and then during the Franco dictatorship, endured the impact of such terrible convulsions. Literature, despite its availability for invention and its inherent subjectivity, is a wonderful way to save this fading image of the past. My paper aims to study the recovery work done by Almudena Grandes, who in her novel Inés or the Joy. Episodes of an Interminable War, presents an episode known as the invasion of the Aran Valley, when 4,000 guerrillas organized by the Spanish Communist Party (P.C.E.) and the Spanish National Union (U.N.E.), crossed the Pyrenees Mountains from France in October 1944. Here, the writer brings to life an abundant documentary material drawn out from archives, libraries and oral testimonies, and manages to enrich History - with capital 'H' - with small personal histories, some invented, others true; historic reality intertwines with the sinuous threads created by her fantasy in order to weave a very agitated and vivid canvas in vibrant colors. Keywords: Spanish novel, Almudena Grandes, the invasion of the Aran Valley, twentieth-century history
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Pietrzak, Jacek. "Los polacos en la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939): durante el conflicto y después." Cuadernos de Historia Contemporánea 43 (September 30, 2021): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/chco.78176.
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Polish citizens and people of Polish descent played a considerably significant role in the Spanish Civil War. They fought on both sides of the conflict, however, most of them in the Republican Army (4,500-5,000 among ca. 35,000 soldiers of the International Brigades). Approximately 75% of them comprised of immigrants, mainly from France, who were predominantly either activists or supporters of the French Communist Party. Only 600-800, or according to some sources 1200 individuals, the majority of whom were communists (80% or more), were believed to come directly from Poland. The highest number of volunteers fought within the ranks of 13th Brigade “Jarosław Dąbrowski”, which took part in the major key operations and suffered huge losses amounting to 30-40%. A few dozens of Poles fought in the Gen. F. Franco’s National Army. Most of them were professional soldiers of the Spanish Foreign Legion, who had joined it before the war broke out, so their participation in the war was not dictated by ideological reasons. The author adopts synthesizing approach to portray the Polish soldiers fighting for each side of the conflict, including their background and involvement in the most important military operations. The article pays an attention to the fates of Polish veterans of the International Brigades referred to as “Dąbrowszczacy” during the World War II and, following this, an attempt to demonstrate the specific role and changes “Dąbrowszczacy” were undergoing within the political system of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL).
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Novikov, Mikhail V. "Soviet Aid to the Spanish Republic in 1936–1939: Modern Conservative Versions." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 464 (2021): 134–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/16.
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The subject of the study is some modern conservative versions of the history of the Soviet Union’s military assistance to the Spanish Republic in 1936–1939. The aim of the article is to attempt a critical analysis of the new and revived versions of the motives of Soviet intervention in the Spanish conflict, of the involvement of the Soviet leadership in large-scale terror against civilians in the republican zone, of the degree of influence of the Soviet leadership and Soviet representatives in Spain on the governmental structure of the Spanish Republic, of the anti-fascist character of the war. The study has established the inconsistency of the versions about Soviet aid as a means of promoting the world revolution in Spain and as an attempt to draw the democratic and fascist states into a major war between themselves through the Spanish conflict, about the possibilities of Stalin in 1936 to manipulate the great powers. It has been proved that conservative historians exaggerate the degree of influence of Stalin and Soviet political representatives in Spain on the military-political leadership of the republic. The impact of the so-called “instruments” of Soviet influence in the Spanish Republic is also exaggerated. The first of the instruments is considered to be the relocation of part of the gold reserve to Moscow, which, allegedly, allowed the Soviet control over the finances of the republic to be established. The second is the activities of Soviet military advisers; the third is the Communist Party of Spain, which was part of the Comintern, and was considered as an obedient tool in the hands of Moscow. It was and still is traditional to attribute responsibility for unleashing large-scale terror against civilians in the republican zone to Stalin, which does not correspond to reality as convincingly proved by the British historian P. Preston in his famous work The Spanish Holocaust. The scale of terror was exaggerated in the republican zone and, accordingly, understated in the Francoist zone. The study shows the failure of attempts to distort the anti-fascist nature of the war waged by the Spanish Republic relying on the support of the Soviet Union, Mexico, the progressive public of most civilized countries of that time, as well as attempts to present the regimes of Hitler, Mussolini and Franco in 1936–1939 as quite respectable. The new and updated critical versions of the Soviet aid to the Spanish Republic considered in the article are the result of the neoconservative wave in western historiography, which influenced representatives of both the classical historical school and the adherents of postmodernism.
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Morcillo, Aurora. "GENDERED ACTIVISM: THE ANTI FRANCOIST STUDENT MOVEMENT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GRANADA IN THE 1960S AND 1970S." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 19 (November 30, 2018): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v19i0.11924.
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This article focuses on the repression of the student movement in the University of Granada during the state of exception of 1970. It relates the experiences of two students, Socorro and Jesus, a couple who joined the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and suffered persecution and imprisonment. The Francoist university was governed by the University Regulatory Law (URL, University Regulatory Law) issued in 1943, which was replaced with the promulgation of the General Law of Education in 1970. As I explained in my previous work, the Catholic national rhetoric of the Franco regime forged an ideal "True Catholic Woman" based on the resurgence of the values of purity and subordination of the 16th century counter reform as proposed by Luis Vives in The Instruction of the Christian Woman (1523) and Fray Luis de León in The Perfect Wife (1583). This ideal of a woman came to contradict the ideal of an intellectual built on the letter of the Ley de Ordenación Universitaria (1943). The transition to the consumer economy in the 1950s with the military and economic aid of the United States, as well as the social Catholicism of the Second Vatican Council in the sixties along with the arrival of tourism and emigration to Europe changed the social fabric and opened the doors of the classrooms to an increasing number of women, especially in the humanities careers of Philosophy and Letters. Through the analysis of interviews conducted in the late 1980s with two people who participated in the clandestine student movement, this article explores how young people transgressed the official discourse on the Catholic ideal of women, claimed the university environment for the working class and created a neutral space in terms of gender in which they could achieve their commitment to study, democratic freedom and feminism.
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Muñoz Sánchez, Antonio. "La socialdemocracia alemana y el movimiento sindical ibérico durante las transiciones a la democracia (1974-1979) = The German Social Democracy and the Iberian Trade Union Movement during the Transition to Democracy (1974-1979)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.26052.
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El texto trata de la dimensión internacional de la transición sindical en Portugal y España. En concreto, analiza la contribución de la socialdemocracia alemana a la reconstrucción del movimiento sindical socialista, muy débil en ambos países al iniciarse el proceso de transición. Muestra cómo el temor a que el predominio comunista en las dos grandes centrales ibéricas, Intersindical y Comisiones Obreras, significase un factor de inestabilidad permanente en las nacientes democracias, movió a la DGB y la Fundación Ebert a implicarse masivamente en apoyo de las modestas organizaciones socialistas. El texto explora las líneas maestras de la colaboración con los cuadros sindicales del Partido Socialista portugués y con la española Unión General de Trabajadores. El autor defiende la tesis, que podrá refrendarse o refutarse cuando se permita el acceso a algunas fuentes relevantes en Madrid y Lisboa, que el apoyo alemán fue crucial para el meteórico ascenso del histórico sindicato socialista español y para la creación de homónima central portuguesa União Geral de Trabalhadores. AbstractThis paper deals with the international dimension of the trade union transition in Portugal and Spain in the 1970s. It analyzes the contribution of German social democracy to the reconstruction of the socialist labor movement, which were extremely weak in both countries at the beginning of the transitions. It shows how the fear that the communist dominance in the two great Iberian unions, Intersindical and Comisiones Obreras, meant a permanent instability factor in the nascent democracies, moved the DGB and the Ebert Foundation to massively support the modest socialist labor movement. The text explores the main lines of the cooperation with the trade union cadres of the Portuguese Socialist Party and with the Spanish Unión General de Trabajadores. The author holds the thesis, which can be endorsed or refuted when access to some relevant sources in Madrid and Lisbon is allowed, that German support was crucial for the meteoric rise of the historic Spanish socialist union and for the creation of the homonym Portuguese União Geral de Trabalhadores.
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Ratz, Sergey V. "Secret services of the USSR in Spain and their role in the military and political conflict of 1936–1939." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.212.
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The article is dedicated to the activities of the Soviet intelligence agencies in Spain during the Civil War of 1936–1939. By June 1936, diplomatic relations between USSR and Spain were absent. Due to the putschist revolt and the appeal of the legitimate government of Spain to the USSR, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) made a decision to establish diplomatic, military, and trade delegations in Spain. The intelligence agencies of the USSR planned operation ‘X’ for military assistance to Spain. As part of this operation, a Soviet advisory staff concerning military and foreign intelligence was formed. The author brings to light the goals of the secret service authorities of the Soviet Union, including such particular ones as the removal of Spain’s gold reserve and the creation of the 14th Partisan Corps. The article analyses the activities of the advisory staff, their role in the development of the largest military operations during the Spanish Civil War, and traces the fate of the conflict’s most active participants. Based on the analysis of new data introduced into the historical discourse in recent years, the author concludes that the secret services of the USSR played a large role in this conflict. The Soviet advisors and specialists obtained unique experiences, including conducting large-scale operations; military equipment was tested in actual battle activities; intelligence specialists enlisted information sources with great potential. Many military specialists tried and trained in Spain in 1936–1939 later played an invaluable role in the victory of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War.
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Diana-Elena, VEREȘ. "THE INFLUENCE OF CULTURE IN CHINA’S POLITICS. THE CHINESE PERSPECTIVE ON THE CONFUCIUS INSTITUTES." BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 11, no. 3 (October 20, 2022): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-84.
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In the past few decades soft power has become, , the most commonly used foreign term on the Asian continent and has received special attention both from specialists in International Relations and from the representatives of the Chinese Communist Party. Stepping into the third millennium, China shows a tendency of reconfiguration for its position and role in relation to the other great powers of the world, and adopts the soft power strategy, which is adapted to assert itself globally. For almost two decades in which the concept of soft power has been studied and attempts to adapt it to the country’s values have been made, China concludes that its tradition, culture, history and philosophy can be an advantage in creating links with the other countries from Asia as well as those outside the Asian continent. In this regard, the Chinese government is allocating a generous amount of money for the establishment of Chinese language, culture and literature centers, named Confucius Institute around the world, starting with Asia. At present, China argues that their role is particularly important, as these centers, built on the model of English, French, or Spanish language centers, are not only aimed at the Chinese-speaking public, but are an intermediary between China and the host country, in order to establish cooperative relations, presenting Chinese culture, history and civilization and attracting as many sympathizers as possible. The article presents, describes and analyzes the structure and operation of the Confucius Institutes from a Chinese perspective, and illustrates the relationship between China’s soft power policy and their operating program, as exposed by Chinese sources as well