Journal articles: 'Spain – Relations – France'

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Preston, Paul. "Franco and Hitler: The Myth of Hendaye 1940." Contemporary European History 1, no. 1 (March 1992): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300005038.

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The Hitler/Franco encounter at Hendaye in October 1940 was a central myth of Francoist propaganda. Allegedly, faced with threats and blandishments to force Spain into war on the Axis side, Franco coolly stood his ground and thereby secured Spanish neutrality. However, there is little evidence that Hitler did threaten Franco. His purpose in travelling to Hendaye, and to Montoire where he met Laval and Pétain, was to compare the relative cost of closer relationships with Spain and Vichy France. Far from cleverly holding off Hitler, Franco was disappointed that the meeting foundered. Germany's need to maintain good relations with Vichy ensured that Hitler could not meet Franco's price for belligerence, the dismemberment of the French North African empire.

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Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.

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The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the ﬁrst years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difﬁcult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.

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Cherkasova, E. "Spain and Conflict over Western Sahara." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2012): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-7-33-40.

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The article provides an overview of the history of this "forgotten" conflict, as well as its current state. The author reveals the position of stakeholders, including the European Union, France, the U.S. and Russia. Particular attention is paid to the position of Spain as a former colonial power, and to the correlation of the conflict with other problems in the Spanish-Moroccan relations.

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Sanmartí-Roset, Josep M., Guadalupe Aguado-Guadalupe, and Raúl Magallón-Rosa. "Comparative Models of Press-State Relations: Colombia, Italy, France, Spain and Portugal." Palabra Clave - Revista de Comunicación 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/pacla.2010.13.1.8.

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Tsakatika, Myrto. "Enemy Brothers Socialists and Communists in France, Italy, and Spain." West European Politics 37, no. 1 (November 5, 2013): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.853523.

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Pujas, Véronique, and Martin Rhodes. "Party finance and political scandal in Italy, Spain and France." West European Politics 22, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425315.

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Ilie, Paul. "Toward a concept of literary relations: Spain and France in the 18th century." Neohelicon 12, no. 2 (September 1985): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02093322.

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Esteves, A. L. "Relations between Brazil and Spain under the Bolsonaro’s government." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64.

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In this article the author examines in detail the bilateral relations between Spain and Brazil during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, the subject of this article is the opposition of EU governments to the environmental policies of the South American country and the disastrous policies of the Brazilian authorities in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. President Bolsonaro’s negligence of climate change and Amazon deforestation has prompted European governments to openly oppose the ratification of the Mercosur – EU Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2019 after 20 years of negotiations. In May 2016, the parties agreed on reciprocal terms, resulting in signing of the agreement. It also included the exchange of goods and services, essential investments and public procurements. All this was done in the context of a global policy of protectionism amid a weakening role of the WTO as a supporter of the trade liberalization process. Despite its success, countries such as France, Austria and the Netherlands stand against the Mercosur – EU trade deal, which can halt its ratification. The Spanish government, on the contrary, is lobbying for ratification of the agreement. Madrid, interested in benefiting from the Bolsonaro government’s liberal economic policies, maintains strong ties with its South American partner. The author analyzes the transformation of Spain from a relatively irrelevant partner of Brazil in the 20th century to one of the main investors directing significant resources to the Brazilian economy. We also assess the results and challenges of the Brazil – Spain strategic partnership in a broader context of the Brazil – EU relations.

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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.

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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.

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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.

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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.

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Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19^th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.

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Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.

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Klupt, M. "Centre-Periphery Relations in Europe: Demographic Aspect." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-58-67.

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The paper deals with the impact of centre-periphery relations on the demographic change in Europe in the 21st century. The reasons why the projections presented by Statistics Netherlands and the Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute in 1999 underestimated the future population growth in France, Italy, Spain and UK are analyzed. Current statistics and UN population projections (2012 revision) demonstrate that the idea of the total depopulation coming in Europe, commonly held there over the 20th century, is out of date. In fact, depopulation is far from being total; it is common only in peripheral countries of Europe, not in semi-peripheral and central ones (Germany is an exception). This conclusion is corroborated by the close positive correlation (r=0.754) between per capita GNI and the rate of population increase in 34 European countries between 2000 and 2012. The alarmist perspective of ageing is criticized. It is argued that ageing is often unreasonably blamed for negative effects which, in fact, are caused by other faults of socioeconomic system. So, the recent number of unemployed in Spain (5.7 millions) is four times more than the expected decrease in the number of people aged 20 to 64 between 2010 and 2030 (1.4 millions). The prospective institutional and structural consequences of the post-crisis shifting of immigration flows from Spain to Germany are considered. Given this shifting, the further expansion of the peripheral and semi-peripheral enclaves in German economy seems to be verisimilar. Nevertheless, the centripetal migration maintains, like before, the centre-peripheral differences in Europe. The centre concentrates knowledge-intensive services and attracts the most qualified migrants; semi-periphery receives the less qualified ones; the periphery is the source of labour force for both the centre and the semi-periphery.

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Faro, Antonio Lo, and Sylvaine Laulom. "Remedies for Unlawful Collective Action in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 30, Issue 3 (September 1, 2014): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2014016.

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This article provides a comparative analysis of France, Belgium, Italy, and Spain demonstrating that in each of these countries the notion of unlawful strikes is fairly restricted. Whether considered from the point of view of the definition, the action taken, or its objectives, the probability of a strike being declared unlawful is not high, either due to the absence of detailed legislative rules, as in the case of France, Belgium, and Italy, or because of a fairly permissive constitutional interpretation of the existing rules, as in the case of Spain. As a result, if we turn our attention to the 'remedial' aspect of the four national systems under examination, we find a widespread perception according to which unlawful strikes do not play a key role in the overall scenario of collective action. More specifically, even though the principle that any tort must have its remedy is certainly not disputed in the countries concerned, it remains evident that, unlike what has happened in the Swedish follow-up to Laval, civil liability for damages does not play a key role in the current debate.

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García Calavia, Miguel Ángel, and Michael Rigby. "The extension of collective agreements in France, Portugal and Spain." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 4 (November 2020): 399–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920970131.

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This article examines the role of extension provisions for collective agreements in France, Portugal and Spain, three countries that have faced pressure to introduce more flexibility in their employment regimes during recent economic crises. The article establishes the continuing importance of extension provisions for maintaining high bargaining coverage in all three countries and traces the origin of national differences in their evolution to the strategies of the various actors, governments, employers and trade unions, and the context in which they are operating. It also looks at the characteristics of the extension regulations themselves. Cet article examine le rôle des mécanismes d’extension des accords collectifs en France, au Portugal et en Espagne, trois pays qui ont été contraints d’introduire plus de flexibilité dans leurs régimes d’emploi durant les récentes crises économiques. L’article établit l’importance constante des dispositifs d’extension pour maintenir une couverture de négociation élevée dans ces trois pays et retrace l’origine des différences nationales dans leur évolution par rapport aux stratégies des différents acteurs, gouvernements, employeurs et syndicats, et au contexte dans lequel ils fonctionnent. Il examine également les caractéristiques des règles d’extension proprement dites. Der vorliegende Artikel untersucht die Regelungen für die Ausweitung von Tarifverträgen in Frankreich, Portugal und Spanien. In diesen drei Ländern gibt es Forderungen nach mehr Flexibilität in der Gestaltung von Arbeitsverträgen vor dem Hintergrund der Wirtschaftskrisen der letzten Jahre. Der Artikel beschreibt die unverminderte Bedeutung dieser Ausweitungsregelungen für den Erhalt eines hohen Deckungsgrades von Tarifverträgen in allen drei Ländern und geht den Ursachen für unterschiedliche nationale Entwicklungen entsprechend den Strategien der einzelnen Akteure, Regierungen, Arbeitgeber und Gewerkschaften in ihrem jeweiligen Handlungskontext nach. Der Artikel befasst sich ebenfalls mit den Merkmalen der verschiedenen Ausweitungsregelungen.

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Bezes, Philippe, and Salvador Parrado. "Trajectories of Administrative Reform: Institutions, Timing and Choices in France and Spain." West European Politics 36, no. 1 (January 2013): 22–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.742735.

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Antonio Danesi, Davide Ongari, Cristian Poliziani, and Federico Rupi. "Evolution of the Road and Rail Transport of Goods in European Countries before and after the Financial Crises." Communications - Scientific letters of the University of Zilina 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.26552/com.c.2019.4.3-12.

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The main goal of this paper is to analyse recent trends in freight transport volumes as well as their relation to socio-economic and infrastructural variables, in the case of the following major European countries: France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom. This analysis refers to the period 2005-2016, so that years affected by the global economic crisis, which shows its peak in 2009, are taken into account. This research demonstrated that not all the countries under study show a strong relation between freight traffic and GDP as it could have been expected based on well consolidated experiences and studies. Moreover, other relations are investigated, with mixed results, between the freight traffic volumes and the extension of the rail and road networks as well as oil price data.

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DeCoster, Jonathan. "“Have You Not Heard of Florida?” Jean Ribault, Thomas Stukeley, and the Dream of England's First Overseas Colony." Itinerario 43, no. 3 (December 2019): 397–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115319000524.

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AbstractEnglish overseas colonialism is generally traced to the anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish ideologies of Richard Hakluyt, Humphrey Gilbert, and other exponents in the 1570s and 1580s. This article puts Florida at the forefront of English colonialism by taking seriously Thomas Stukeley's proposed colonisation expedition in 1563. The focus on the 1560s reveals how a dynastic rivalry with France, rather than a religious rivalry with Spain, gave birth to England's first colonial impulse. Jean Ribault, well known as the founder of French Florida, serves as the connecting link between Florida and England. His previously unappreciated role in European diplomacy unwittingly turned his fledgling colony into a pawn to be traded among France, Spain, and England. Furthermore, Queen Elizabeth's interest in joining the race for colonies may have been fuelled more by her desire to regain Calais from the French than to plant settlers in America. But while her motives may well have been cynical, the English public for the first time began to see itself as a colonising people. The end result was that Florida not only emerged as part of the fountainhead of English colonialism, but also came to play an important role in European politics.

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Tykhonenko, Iryna. "Evolution of the multilateral cooperation between the Kingdom of Morocco and the European Union: from political to values dimension." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.31-42.

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The article focuses on one of the current areas of European Union cooperation within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, namely with the Kingdom of Morocco. The official Rabat has both a historical basis for cooperation with the EU (colonial past) and an established dialogue with the European Union from associate membership to the acquisition of a special partnership status in 2008. The purpose of Morocco’s special status in the EU is to: strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the field of politics and security; gradual integration of Morocco into the EU internal market through approximation of legislation and regulations. The main directions and areas of multilateral cooperation between Morocco and the EU are highlighted especially Rabat ties with leading European powers (notably France and Spain) as implementation of bilateral level and at the level of integration with EU as political body. It is revealed that the acquisition of a special status in cooperation with the EU aims to deepen cooperation not only in the economic, security and energy spheres, but also the human dimension of bilateral relations, which affects human rights and cultural and humanitarian level of relations. In particular, the topical agenda for bilateral Moroccan-European relations is migration issues, the problem of Western Sahara, which complicate dialogue somewhat. The leading role in Morocco’s relations with EU Member States is played by dialogue within the Francophonie, as well as interpersonal contacts in the fields of culture, education and science. These contacts are closely maintained between Morocco, France and Spain, and implemented the EU’s values policy mentioned in the Association Agreement. It is revealed that cultural cooperation plays a positive role in the fight against religious extremism and civil society building.

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Басовская, Elena Basovskaya, Басовский, and Leonid Basovskiy. "International Economic Relations’ Risk Criterion." Economics 2, no. 6 (December 17, 2014): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6730.

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A criterion for an assessment of international economic relations’ risks has been offered. This criterion is based on proposed approach to assessment of risks for world economic dynamics and economic dynamics of different countries and territories. The economic dynamics risk is estimated by comparison of economic growth rates’ average size and a risk measure — a mean square deviation of growth rates. Definition for a line of market of international economic relations’ prospects is offered, similar to the capital market line in the financial assets’ profitability model (CAPM). On the basis of IMF data for 2004-2013 the economic dynamics risks for Europe and CIS countries have been estimated. It has been established that in Europe only economies of Switzerland, Poland, Albania and Malta have the risks below the world economy ones. From among the largest economies the smallest risks have economies of Great Britain, Germany and France. The greatest risks have economies of Italy and Spain. In the CIS only Belarus, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have the risks below the world economy ones. From among the CIS countries the Ukraine has the worst risk criteria.

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Belizón, María Jesús. "Employee voice in Spanish subsidiaries of multinational firms." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 1 (June 5, 2018): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118776076.

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Employee voice in multinational companies has been mainly studied in voluntarist, Anglophone industrial relations systems, and much less in other European countries. This article examines employee voice in foreign-owned multinational companies operating in Spain, using a sample of over 240 companies. It identifies the determinant factors in employee voice at macro and micro levels. The findings are interpreted in a comparative perspective, considering those approaches predominantly used in Anglophone and other west European countries, such as France and Germany.

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Harguindéguy, Jean-Baptiste. "Cross-border Policy in Europe: Implementing INTERREG III-A, France–Spain." Regional & Federal Studies 17, no. 3 (September 2007): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560701543717.

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Wielomski, Adam. "Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofi i politycznej 1789– 1945. Część II." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.3.4.

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DIALECTICS “WE”–“ALIENS” IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945. PART IIThe aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. In Part II we discuss examples of nationalisms in various European states between the years 1890 and 1945: France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Italy. This is the epoch when nationalism denies its initial close relationship with the political and revolutionary left. Now it is in close relations with the right. During the Boulanger and Dreyfus affaires in France, the nationalists are on the political right. Their ideology is not only right-wing but also anti-Semitic. Sometimes openly racist Maurice Barrès. In general, however, French and Italian nationalists preach “state nationalism,” similar to the classic doctrine of raison d’état. In Spain and Portugal the right is strictly Catholic. This is the imperial right. We have here the dream of restoration of the Spanish Siglo de Oro. This project is antithetic to nationalism because it is universalist and supranational. It is different in Germany, where at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the whole right is lit up by the vision of conquests, German empire, struggle of races. First, the Protestant, then also the German Catholic right is chauvinistic, racist and anti-Semitic. The article ends with reflections upon the relations between political right and the idea of nationalism.

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DULCE, Cezara Ionela, and Ionel MUNTELE. "Student Mobility – Attractiveness and Premise of Improving the City Image. Case Study: Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași." Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning SI, no. 7 (May 12, 2021): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/jsspsi.2021.7.06.

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Nowadays, brand image dominates almost any field of activity and becomes a source of power, being much more efficient than a word. Our article aims to analyse the evolution of Erasmus+ mobility at Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași between 2013 and 2019 and to highlight, by the increasing attractiveness, the important role of these internships in the improvement of the city image. Regarding the methodology, our descriptive study was based on statistical information provided by the International Relations Office of the university. The purpose of the analysis was to identify the dynamics and distribution of student mobility flows, following the expressed trends. The results revealed a series of transformations: on the Outgoing component, numerous Romanian students chose for study notorious university centres in France, Spain, Italy, Germany and Poland and destinations in Greece, Italy or Iceland for an internship and, on the Incoming component, the increasing number of foreign students arrived from France, Spain, Poland and Portugal. Together with the traditional cultural assets of Iași, the increasing number of students involved in Erasmus+ internships can improve the city image as an attractive urban centre.

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O'Brien, Patrick Karl, and Leandro Prados de la Escosura. "Balance Sheets for the Acquisition, Retention and Loss of European Empires Overseas." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024542.

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Our essay will critically survey and attempt to offer an overall interpretation of a growing volume of publications by historians who have attempted to evaluate the costs and benefits for Europe's domestic economies flowing from some five centuries of involvement with empires overseas. That involvement began with the conquest of Ceuta by the Portuguese in 1417 and passed through two epochs: 1417-1825 and 1825-1974. After a first conjuncture marked by the French Revolution, a quarter of a century of global warfare and movements for independence in Southern America, Britain emerged as the hegemonic imperial power in Europe. Its major rivals for commerce and dominion in Africa, Asia and the Americas (Portugal, Spain, France and Holland) ceded control over parts of their possessions overseas to Britain or (in the cases of Spain and Portugal), lost sovereignty over their colonies in Latin America.

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Perez, Sofia A. "Systemic Explanations, Divergent Outcomes: The Politics of FinancialLiberalization in France and Spain." International Studies Quarterly 42, no. 4 (December 1998): 755–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00105.

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Sviatoshniuk, Serhii S., Liliia O. Bakalo, Oleg V. Bilostotskyi, Serhii F. Gut, Oleg I. Chaikovskyi, and Oleksandr M. Zaiets. "Legal Mechanisms for Protection of the Rights of Participants in Contractual and Non-Contractual Legal Relations." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 71 (December 25, 2021): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3971.07.

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The aim of this study is a comprehensive analysis of legal mechanisms to protect the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations based on the experience of foreign countries, namely: Australia, Brazil, Spain, Mexico, Germany, Portugal, Turkey, France, and Switzerland. This research involved the following methods: sociological analysis, system-structural and comparative methods, logical-semantic and formal-logical methods, as well as the dialectical method. Our study resulted in identification of the main characteristics and features of legal mechanisms to protect the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations of each of the studied countries. As a result, we drew conclusions about the need to update the regulatory framework of most of the said countries. The further use of mechanisms for legal protection of the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations will help ensure their real and effective protection.

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Stone, Glyn. "Britain, France and Franco's Spain in the aftermath of the Spanish civil war." Diplomacy & Statecraft 6, no. 2 (July 1995): 373–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299508405969.

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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. "Traditions of protest and the high‐school student movements in Spain and France in 1986–87." West European Politics 12, no. 3 (July 1989): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388908424750.

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Kołsut, Bartłomiej. "NATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MUNICIPALITIES IN EUROPE – DIFFERENT MODELS OF INSTITUTIONALIZED POLITICAL COOPERATION." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 11, no. 4 (January 4, 2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2018-11-4-39-55.

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The article endeavours to identify and characterise selected national associations of municipalities across Europe, as well as to provide typical models of municipalities being associated into large groups representing their interests in relations with central government. A study that addressed 26 European countries has helped identify four principal organisational models of associations of local structures. These are as follows: (1) the consolidated model (existing in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden), (2) the bipolar model (in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Estonia, Italy, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Switzerland), (3) the federative model (in Austria, Belgium, Germany, Spain), and (4) the fragmented model (to be found in France, United Kingdom, Poland, Hungary, and Romania).

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Spanou, Calliope. "Public management reform and modernization: trajectories of administrative change in Italy, France, Greece, Portugal and Spain." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 11, no. 1 (March 2011): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2011.556810.

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Pirro, Andrea LP, Paul Taggart, and Stijn van Kessel. "The populist politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis: Comparative conclusions." Politics 38, no. 3 (July 4, 2018): 378–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718784704.

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This article offers comparative findings of the nature of populist Euroscepticism in political parties in contemporary Europe in the face of the Great Recession, migrant crisis, and Brexit. Drawing on case studies included in the Special Issue on France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom, the article presents summary cross-national data on the positions of parties, the relative importance of the crisis, the framing of Euroscepticism, and the impact of Euroscepticism in different country cases. We use this data to conclude that there are important differences between left- and right-wing variants of populist Euroscepticism, and that although there is diversity across the cases, there is an overall picture of resilience against populist Euroscepticism.

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Urías Martínez, Joaquín. "La creación artística como discurso protegido: experiencias comparadas y posibilidades españolas." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 46 (December 16, 2020): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.46.2020.29115.

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La libertad de creación artística incluye la facultad de difundir las obras artísticas. La protección de la expresión artística se articula en torno a la distinción entre ficción y realidad. El trabajo estudia las posibilidades y límites del arte como discurso protegido en España tomando en cuenta los ejemplos de Francia, Alemania y el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos.Freedom of artistic creation includes the liberty to disseminate artistic works. The protection of the artistic expression is related with the possibility of distinguishing fiction and reality. This paper studies the possibilities and limits of the art as a protected speech in Spain, taking into account the examples of France, Germany and the European Court of Human Rights.

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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.

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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.

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Morillas, Pol, Thomas Gomart, Ferdinando Nelli Feroci, George Pagoulatos, Charles Powell, Nuno Severiano Teixeira, Filippa Chatzistavrou, et al. "What role should southern Europe play after the pandemic and the war in Ukraine? Towards a shared agenda for EU reform." Notes Internacionals CIDOB, no. 271 (April 20, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/notesint.2022/271/en.

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Relations between southern European member states have often been marked by a loose cooperation or, worse, by logics of competition. Precisely when regional groupings within the EU are increasingly shaping the agenda, these dynamics have hindered the capacity of France, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain to pursue shared interests and objectives, while acting as a force for good for the European integration project. Recent events such as the post-pandemic recovery or the war in Ukraine show that, when cooperation occurs, positive results can be achieved. Southern member states can capitalise on a certain ideological affinity and a pro-European vision, despite their governments belonging to different political groups. They share converging interests in the areas of fiscal policy and economic governance, strategic autonomy in energy and technology and even foreign policy priorities, particularly towards the Mediterranean and relations with other global powers. This joint publication by six southern European think tanks identifies several policy areas for fruitful cooperation between southern European member states.

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Kamiñski, Tomasz. "The Sub-state Dimension of the European Union Relations with China." European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Issue 3 (October 1, 2019): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019030.

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Regional governments across the world actively participate in international relations. They open trade and cultural missions abroad, join international networks of cooperation, and sign treaties and agreements with their partners from other countries. Relationships at regional and local levels have moderated rising tensions between states that might otherwise paralyse global governance. Fast growing networks of sub-state contacts in Sino-European affairs create new opportunities for the European Union (EU) to advance European interests, norms and values. Unfortunately, acknowledgement, by Brussels, of such potential political instruments is limited. The main goal of this article is to show how the EU could benefit from growing substate connections with China. This article begins with an explanation, based upon a survey conducted among regional authorities from the five EU Member States, of the phenomenon of fast-growing cooperation on the sub-state level between Europe and China (Germany, France, Italy, Poland, and Spain). Next, this study identifies, through interviews with the European External Action service (EEAS), the European Commission (EC) officials and the regional authorities, EU activities that promote collaborations on ‘the third level’ of its relations with China. The research concludes with suggestions of possible ways Europe could benefit from further development of sub-state contacts with China.

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Perez-Garcia, Manuel, Li Wang, Omar Svriz-Wucherer, Nadia Fernández-de-Pinedo, and Manuel Diaz-Ordoñez. "Big Data and “New” Global History: Global Goods and Trade Networks in Early Modern China and Europe." Itinerario 46, no. 1 (December 21, 2021): 14–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000310.

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AbstractThis paper introduces an innovative method applied to global (economic) history using the tools of digital humanities through the design and development of the GECEM Project Database (www.gecem.eu; www.gecemdatabase.eu). This novel database goes beyond the static Excel files frequently used by conventional scholarship in early modern history studies to mine new historical data through a bottom-up process and analyse the global circulation of goods, consumer behaviour, and trade networks in early modern China and Europe. Macau and Marseille, as strategic entrepôts for the redistribution of goods, serve as the main case study. This research is framed within a polycentric approach to analyse the connectivity of south Chinese and European markets with trade zones of Spain, France, South America, and the Pacific.

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Rydberg, Åsa. "Constitutional and Institutional Developments." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 2 (June 2000): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000273.

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Two additional agreements have been concluded on the enforcement of sentences of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). On 25 February 2000, an agreement was concluded between the Government of the French Republic and the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. Thus, France thereby became the first permanent member of the Security Council to conclude such an agreement. A month later, on 28 March 2000, another agreement was concluded between the Kingdom of Spain and the United Nations. Both these agreements will enter into force upon notification to the United Nations by the respective states that the necessary national legal requirements have been met. Previously, agreements have been concluded with the following states: Italy, Finland, Norway, Sweden and Austria.

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Ongaro, Edoardo. "Introduction: the reform of public management in France, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain." International Journal of Public Sector Management 21, no. 2 (February 29, 2008): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09513550810855618.

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Ariu, Andrea, Elena Biewen, Sven Blank, Guillaume Gaulier, María Jesus González, Philipp Meinen, Daniel Mirza, Cesar Martín, and Patry Tello. "Firm heterogeneity and aggregate business services exports: Micro evidence from Belgium, France, Germany and Spain." World Economy 42, no. 2 (September 11, 2018): 564–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12707.

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Eteffa, Mulugeta. "The role of diversity in the culture of peace." European Review 8, no. 4 (October 2000): 447–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700005019.

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This paper deals with what I think can be an aspect of the culture of peace, based on my own experience as a person coming from a multilingual, multicultural and multiethnic African Society. It also reflects the many encounters I have had with different people as Ethiopia's former ambassador to the United Nations and now France, Spain, Portugal, the Vatican and UNESCO. During my tour of duty and presentation of credentials to heads of state, I had talks with many very stimulating people, which had an impact on my thinking. However, I would like to mention just one, because it is most relevant to this paper.

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Van Puyvelde, Damien, James J. Wirtz, Jean-Vincent Holeindre, Benjamin Oudet, Uri Bar-Joseph, Ken Kotani, Florina Cristiana Matei, and Antonio M. Díaz Fernández. "Comparing National Approaches to the Study of Intelligence." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 3 (February 3, 2020): 298–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz031.

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Abstract This forum compares and contrasts national experiences in the development of intelligence studies from the perspective of seven countries: France, Japan, Israel, Romania, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The discussion is structured around a comparative framework that emphasizes five core dimensions that, we posit, are essential to the emergence of this subfield: access to relevant government information, institutionalization of research on intelligence and security in a higher education setting, periodic scientific meetings and networks, teaching and learning opportunities, and engagement between researchers and practitioners. The forum demonstrates how researchers working in different contexts and disciplines have overcome similar challenges to broaden our understanding of secret government practices.

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Haarmann, Harald, and Eugene Holman. "Acculturation and Communicative Mobility among Former Soviet Nationalities." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 17 (March 1997): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500003305.

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As elements of interethnic relations, multilingualism and language contact have always played important roles. Only in recent years, however, have problems of multilingualism come to the attention of the wider public and state authorities. This attention is due partly to the spread of information about multilingual affairs and partly to the demands, expressed increasingly vocally by speakers of minority languages, that their status be safeguarded. The majority of the countries in the world have a multinational and multilingual population (Mackey 1976: 68 ff., Grimes 1992:10 ff.), and the major industrialized states are no exception. The United States of America, India, China, Britain, Spain and the former Soviet Union are commonly known to be multilingual states, but the fact that France, Germany, and Japan also fall into this category, is not as commonly known.

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Hamann, Kerstin. "Book Review: International and Comparative Industrial Relations: The Left's Dirty Job: The Politics of Industrial Restructuring in France and Spain." ILR Review 52, no. 4 (July 1999): 655–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399905200413.

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MERSHON, CAROL. "Legislative Party Switching and Executive Coalitions." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (December 2008): 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003198.

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AbstractIn parliamentary systems, legislative parties are the building blocks for executive coalitions. A standard assumption in the large literature on coalition politics is that legislative parties form fixed units from one election to the next. Under some conditions, however, this assumption falls flat. For instance, about one-fourth of legislators in the Italian lower house switched parties between 1996 and 2001. How is legislative party switching linked to the politics of executive coalitions? This paper examines how government composition affects the direction of party switching, and how party switching affects the reallocation of cabinet office. I devote in-depth scrutiny to Italy. Subsidiary country cases, chosen to maximize institutional variation, are Australia, Britain, Canada, France, and Spain.

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Arlt, Marie-Agnes, Cécile Bervoets, Kristoffel Grechenig, and Susanne Kalss. "The Societas Europaea in Relation to the Public Corporation of Five Member States (France, Italy, Netherlands, Spain, Austria)." European Business Organization Law Review 3, no. 4 (December 2002): 733–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1566752900001130.

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Summerhill, William R. "Fiscal Bargains, Political Institutions, and Economic Performance." Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no. 2 (May 1, 2008): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-119.

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Abstract In “Bargaining for Absolutism,” Alejandra Irigoin and Regina Grafe argue three points of considerable interest to historians: political absolutism in Castile did not extend to fiscal matters; fiscal relations within Spain and its empire were characterized by bargaining, not directives from the crown; and the differences between Spanish and British imperial fiscal systems have been overstated. Their first and second points are a welcome corrective to oversimplified treatments of early modern Spanish fiscal politics, and echo findings on absolutism in France. In practice, absolutist sovereigns were not autocrats. They needed money to wage war and defend against predatory rivals, and had to exchange rent-generating privileges and monopolies in order to levy taxes and borrow. Irigoin and Grafe understate, however, the differences between fiscal relations in the British and Spanish empires. The institutions governing economic policy making at home were quite distinct in the two cases. After 1688 Britain relied heavily on Parliament for the formulation and approval of economic policies. The formal mechanisms by which the economic interests of different groups were articulated and brokered between Parliament and the government led to more efficient outcomes. In Spain, where the crown could selectively assign and abrogate property rights in a manner unchecked by formal political institutions, fiscal weakness and economic stagnation resulted. This institutional gap was reflected as well in the implementation of economic policy in their respective colonies. In this difference one can trace one important source of differing economic trajectories in the late colonial and early national periods.

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Blanks, Thomas. "European Works Councils as an institution of European employee information and consultation: overview of typical features of national transposition provisions, outstanding legal questions and demands for amendments to EWC Directive 94/45/EC." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 5, no. 3 (August 1999): 366–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899900500307.

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The European Works Councils Directive owes the astonishing success of its transposition to the devising of a new mode of legislative implementation. The principle of double subsidiarity, with the progressive manner in which the provisions acquire a legally binding character, has led to a situation in which the aims of the Directive had been realised in part even before its formal implementation in the Member States. In this way it facilitates the emergence of a genuinely European practice of information and consultation. The article investigates to what extent the transposition regulation bear the stamp of national industrial relations traditions and hence diverge from one another — and from the prescriptions of the Directive — and this is demonstrated by taking one example of each of the five characteristic industrial relations models found in Europe. This exposition is followed by a discussion of certain problems that have arisen from the specific features of national transposition regulations in France, Ireland. Sweden, Spain and Germany in relation to the goal of harmonising the legislation on codetermination. Litigation is playing an increasingly significant role in the further development and harmonisation of European law on workplace codetermination, as evidenced by the initial outcomes of the Renault and Panasonic cases. Finally, the author formulates a number of demands which would contribute to strengthening the legal basis for effective codetermination and which should be borne in mind in the run-up to the revision of the Directive in autumn 1999.

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Arcanjo, Manuela. "Retirement Pension Reforms in Six European Social Insurance Schemes between 2000 and 2017: More Financial Sustainability and More Gender Inequality?" Social Policy and Society 18, no. 4 (September 28, 2018): 501–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746418000398.

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In 2000, the European Union established three principles that should guide Member State pension systems and their reforms: the financial sustainability of pension systems; adequacy of pensions; and the modernisation of systems. The latter included the achievement of greater gender equality and sought to respond to the significant gender gaps in public pension systems. This article demonstrates how the reforms carried out over the period 2000–2017 have focused on strengthening the financial sustainability of systems but may also have contributed to even greater gender inequality in old age protection. To this end, we examine the major legislative amendments concerning eligibility criteria and entitlement conditions in six countries (Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Portugal and Spain), as representative of the social insurance scheme.

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Godino, Alejandro, and Oscar Molina. "The industrial relations chameleon: collective bargaining in the facility management business." Employee Relations: The International Journal 44, no. 7 (December 16, 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-12-2020-0526.

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PurposeThe paper aims to analyze collective bargaining in the facility management business of these six countries to explore similarities and differences between them. The analysis serves to test the differential impact of the national institutional setting on the protection provided by collective agreements to facility management workers.Design/methodology/approachThe paper adopts a case study methodology to approach a facility management multinational company providing services in six European countries (France, Italy, The Netherlands, Poland, Spain and the UK) that represent different industrial relations systems with variance in key dimensions of collective bargaining, including its structure, coverage and extension of agreements.FindingsThe extension of the facility management business model has not always adopted a high-road strategy aimed at enhancing the quality and efficiency through the integrated management and delivery of services, which is expected to positively impact employment conditions. Rather, it has, in many cases, been a deliberate, low-road attempt to undercut working standards, taking advantage of the multiple services provided by the company in a context of growing de-centralization in collective bargaining. The results point to an important role of industrial relations institutions in shaping facility management strategies and outcomes.Originality/valueSimilar to other forms of outsourcing, facility management leads to fragmented employment relations. However, the concentration of outsourced workers under the same supplier organization introduces opportunities to ensure the protection of workers, depending on the adoption of a high- or low-road competitive strategy. This paper provides for the first time comparative evidence about industrial relations in facility management businesses, a largely under-researched area.

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Groza, Mihai-Octavian. "Review of the Volume ”Poveștile hărților. Istorie și geopolitică în țări ale uniunii europene” [The Stories of the Maps. History and Geopolitics in European Union Countries], Author: Cristian Sandache, Lumen Publishing House, 2016." Logos Universality Mentality Education Novelty: Political Sciences & European Studies 6, no. 2 (2020): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumenpses/6.2/26.

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„Poveștile hărților. Istorie și geopolitică în țări ale Uniunii Europene” [The stories of the maps. History and geopolitics in European Union countries], published by Lumen Publishing House from Iași, Romania, in 2016, was born from the desire of the author, the historian Cristian Sandache, to offer the general public a set of essays, meant to clarify some issues related to the historical and geopolitical developments that have been experienced, at least over the last century, by some of the states that make up the European Union today. Having as a central point the map of each analyzed state and the changes it has undergone over time, but also the relations between the different states of Europe, the volume presents the "story", "destiny", but also "hopes/future" of Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Finland, Greece, Italy, Slovakia, Hungary, Croatia, France, Spain and Romania, stories that we will try to underline through the lines below.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Spain – Relations – France'

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