Academic literature on the topic 'Spain – Relations – France'
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Journal articles on the topic "Spain – Relations – France"
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Preston, Paul. "Franco and Hitler: The Myth of Hendaye 1940." Contemporary European History 1, no. 1 (March 1992): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300005038.
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The Hitler/Franco encounter at Hendaye in October 1940 was a central myth of Francoist propaganda. Allegedly, faced with threats and blandishments to force Spain into war on the Axis side, Franco coolly stood his ground and thereby secured Spanish neutrality. However, there is little evidence that Hitler did threaten Franco. His purpose in travelling to Hendaye, and to Montoire where he met Laval and Pétain, was to compare the relative cost of closer relationships with Spain and Vichy France. Far from cleverly holding off Hitler, Franco was disappointed that the meeting foundered. Germany's need to maintain good relations with Vichy ensured that Hitler could not meet Franco's price for belligerence, the dismemberment of the French North African empire.
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Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.
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The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.
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Cherkasova, E. "Spain and Conflict over Western Sahara." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2012): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-7-33-40.
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The article provides an overview of the history of this "forgotten" conflict, as well as its current state. The author reveals the position of stakeholders, including the European Union, France, the U.S. and Russia. Particular attention is paid to the position of Spain as a former colonial power, and to the correlation of the conflict with other problems in the Spanish-Moroccan relations.
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Sanmartí-Roset, Josep M., Guadalupe Aguado-Guadalupe, and Raúl Magallón-Rosa. "Comparative Models of Press-State Relations: Colombia, Italy, France, Spain and Portugal." Palabra Clave - Revista de Comunicación 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/pacla.2010.13.1.8.
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Tsakatika, Myrto. "Enemy Brothers Socialists and Communists in France, Italy, and Spain." West European Politics 37, no. 1 (November 5, 2013): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.853523.
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Pujas, Véronique, and Martin Rhodes. "Party finance and political scandal in Italy, Spain and France." West European Politics 22, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425315.
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Ilie, Paul. "Toward a concept of literary relations: Spain and France in the 18th century." Neohelicon 12, no. 2 (September 1985): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02093322.
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Esteves, A. L. "Relations between Brazil and Spain under the Bolsonaro’s government." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64.
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In this article the author examines in detail the bilateral relations between Spain and Brazil during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, the subject of this article is the opposition of EU governments to the environmental policies of the South American country and the disastrous policies of the Brazilian authorities in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. President Bolsonaro’s negligence of climate change and Amazon deforestation has prompted European governments to openly oppose the ratification of the Mercosur – EU Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2019 after 20 years of negotiations. In May 2016, the parties agreed on reciprocal terms, resulting in signing of the agreement. It also included the exchange of goods and services, essential investments and public procurements. All this was done in the context of a global policy of protectionism amid a weakening role of the WTO as a supporter of the trade liberalization process. Despite its success, countries such as France, Austria and the Netherlands stand against the Mercosur – EU trade deal, which can halt its ratification. The Spanish government, on the contrary, is lobbying for ratification of the agreement. Madrid, interested in benefiting from the Bolsonaro government’s liberal economic policies, maintains strong ties with its South American partner. The author analyzes the transformation of Spain from a relatively irrelevant partner of Brazil in the 20th century to one of the main investors directing significant resources to the Brazilian economy. We also assess the results and challenges of the Brazil – Spain strategic partnership in a broader context of the Brazil – EU relations.
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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.
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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.
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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain – Relations – France"
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Martin-Paneda, Pablo. "D’un incommode voisin. Les remodelages de l’appareil diplomatique français face à la réintégration de l’Espagne en Occident, 25 février 1957- 5 février 1979." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040082.
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La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaisesFrance's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites
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Varela, Fernandez Dario. "Les réseaux hispanistes français au début du XXème siècle : coopérations savantes et relations culturelles, France-Espagne-Amériques (1890-1930)." Thesis, Le Mans, 2019. http://cyberdoc-int.univ-lemans.fr/Theses/2019/2019LEMA3012.pdf.
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L'objectif de ce travail est d'étudier de manière novatrice les origines de l'hispanisme français. Une étude approfondie des premières revues savantes relevant du domaine de l'hispanisme (Revue Hispanique, Bulletin Hispanique, Revue de l'Amérique Latine) révèle le fonctionnement de ces entreprises et le rôle joué par plus de six-cents collaborateurs pour la période 1890-1930. Ces informations ont été croisées avec l'étude des publications et des correspondances publiées et manuscrites. 4.804 articles et comptes rendus, 529 ouvrages et 1.712 lettres échangées entre hispanistes ont été consultés dans 25 institutions de sept pays (France, Espagne, Argentine, Chili, Colombie, Mexique, États-Unis). Ces documents permettent de construire une prosopographie des acteurs et de mener une analyse de leurs réseaux, donnant un aperçu des relations savantes et du poids de chacun au sein du nouveau domaine. L'étude des correspondances autorise aussi à entrer dans le contenu des échanges entre les hispanistes français et leurs homologues européens et américains. Ce travail met en lumière les centres d'intérêts des différents acteurs, leurs appartenances à des groupes divers, leurs motivations, leurs idées politiques, leurs accords et leurs désaccords lorsqu'il s'agit de définir ce qu'est un hispaniste. La thèse révèle que l'hispanisme français est à ses origines un domaine où deux pôles académiques (Bordeaux-Toulouse et Paris) et un pôle extra universitaire s'opposent et tentent d'imposer leur vision de l'avenir du domaineThe purpose of this work is to study in an innovative way the origins of French Hispanism. A study of the first scholarly journals in thefield of Hispanism (Hispanic Journal, Bulletin Hispanic, Latin American Review) reveals how these companies operate and the role played by more than six hundred employees within the period 1890-1930. This information was cross-referenced both with the study ofpublications and with published and handwritten correspondence. 4,804 articles and reviews, 529 books and 1,712 letters exchangedbetween Hispanists were examined in 25 institutions in seven countries (France, Spain, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, UnitedStates). These documents make it possible to build a prosopography of the actors and to lead an analysis of their networks, giving anoverview of the scholarly relationships and the importance of each person in the new field. The correspondence study also allows one toaccess the content of exchanges between French Hispanists and their European and American counterparts.This work highlights the interests of the different actors, their belonging to diverse groups, their motivations, their political ideas,agreements and disagreements when it comes to defining what a hispanist is. The thesis reveals that French Hispanism is at its origin afield where two academic poles (Bordeaux-Toulouse and Paris) and an extra-university center are opposed and trying to impose theirvision of the future of the domain
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Fett, Denice Lyn. "Information, Intelligence and Negotiation in the West European Diplomatic World, 1558-1588." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275425139.
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Lloret, Sylvain. "Entre princes et marchands : les agents généraux de France à Madrid dans les interstices de la diplomatie (1702-1793)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL069.
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Entre 1702 et 1793, onze hommes occupèrent la fonction d’agent général de la Marine et du Commerce de France à Madrid. Agissant sans statut officiel, ces envoyés du secrétaire d’État de la Marine étaient la pièce maîtresse d’un réseau d’information français en Espagne. Créés après l’avènement du Bourbon Philippe V au trône d’Espagne, ces experts, clé de voûte du réseau consulaire français dans la Péninsule, mirent leur compétence économique au service d’un rapprochement commercial entre les deux monarchies. Par leur action, leur surface sociale, leur connaissance de l’Espagne et leurs discours, ces intermédiaires s’appropriaient une fonction aux contours obscurs. Hommes de l’ombre sous les ordres de l’ambassadeur français, ils acquirent une dimension qui en fit les véritables artisans d’une diplomatie commerciale franco-espagnole au XVIIIe siècle. Ces instances de dialogue interrogent les interactions croissantes entre commerce et diplomatie. L’étude tend à montrer en quoi ces figures hybrides se situaient à l’interface entre plusieurs mondes : la France et l’Espagne d’une part, le négoce et la sphère politique d’autre part. Informateurs, négociateurs et médiateurs, ces agents interrogent le cheminement qui conduisait de l’information à la négociation. Il s’agit de montrer en quoi ces hommes, acteurs de l’interconnexion des deux monarchies, dessinaient les contours d’un espace de dialogue spécifique qui visait à combler les interstices entre les réalités du terrain et la discussion entre gouvernementsBetween 1702 and 1793, eleven men held the position of general agent of the Navy and Trade of France in Madrid. Acting without any official status, these envoys of the Secretary of State of the Navy were the centerpiece of a French informative network in Spain. Created after the advent of the Bourbon Philip V to the Spanish throne, these experts, keystone of the French consular network in the Peninsula, put their economic competence at the service of a commercial alliance between both monarchies. Their action, social surface, knowledge of Spain and discourse, helped these intermediaries seize a function with blurry outlines. Men of the shadow under the orders of the French ambassador, they acquired such a dimension that they became the true artisans of a Franco-Spanish commercial diplomacy in the eighteenth century. These go-between rise the matter of the growing interactions between trade and diplomacy. The study tends to show how these hybrid figures were perfectly in between several worlds : France and Spain on the one hand, trading and the political sphere on the other. Informants, negotiators and mediators, these agents encourage us to question the path that led from information to negotiation. Thus, what is at stake in this study is to show how these men, actors of the interconnection of the two monarchies, drew the frame for a specific dialogue which aimed to fill the interstices between the realities of the field and the more political debate between governments
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Leitz, Christian. "The economic relations between Nazi Germany and Franco Spain, 1936-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4b43eb26-a59b-4b94-ad66-1f00dafc2ba5.
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During the course of the Spanish Civil War Nazi Germany's intervention on behalf of General Francisco Franco and his fellow insurgents became increasingly dominated by economic considerations. National Socialist policies vis-à -vis Nationalist Spain developed into a programme of large-scale economic exploitation. Under the command of Hermann Goring two companies were founded in Spain in late July 1936 (HISMA) and in Berlin in early October 1936 (ROWAK) to take control not only of National Socialist supply operations for Franco but also of the whole economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Nationalist Spain. During the course of the civil war HISMA/ROWAK managed to alter the trading pattern between Spain and Germany away from mainly fruit imports towards a substantial increase in raw material supplies. As British companies controlled most of the pyrite and iron ore mines of Spain and were therefore directly affected by Franco's redirection of ore exports to Germany, this development was challenged by the British government. The Nazi regime was only partly successful in reducing non-German economic influence in Spain. Aware of the temporary nature of Franco's dependence on German war matériel, Hermann Goring initiated the MONTANA project in 1937 to build up a German-owned mining empire in Spain. While the purchase of Spanish mines by HISMA/ROWAK was reluctantly accepted by Franco in late 1938, the Nazi regime was left with very little time to proceed even further with its economic "colonization" of Spain. The outbreak of war in September 1939 put an effective halt to German-Spanish economic relations until the defeat of France in summer 1940 led to a reopening of rail links to Spain. Subsequent - unsuccessful - negotiations on a Spanish entry into the war were dominated by economic considerations. From 1941 onwards an increasing trade and clearing imbalance developed in favour of Spain. Germany was desperate to import certain goods from Spain, particularly wolfram ore, a vital raw material for German armaments producers. Yet, the Allied economic warfare campaign in Spain led to huge price increases and during the period 1942 to 1944 the Nazi regime found itself forced to export growing amounts of war matériel to Spain. The Allied invasion of France in 1944 finally led to the effective end of German-Spanish trade relations, although both regimes tried to maintain them until Hitler's final defeat.
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BOLOGNA, Silvio. "Il contratto collettivo aziendale in una prospettiva comparata. Italia, Francia, Spagna e Stati Uniti a confronto." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Palermo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10447/91302.
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Sulla scorta del metodo comparato, la tesi analizza le recenti modifiche alla disciplina del contratto collettivo aziendale in Italia, Francia e Spagna, introdotte dalla legge e dagli accordi interconfederali; l'obiettivo è dimostrare un tendenziale avvicinamento degli stati europei analizzati al sistema nord-americano di relazioni industriali, in cui il rapporto di lavoro è regolato non tanto dalla legge o dall'accordo di categoria, ma dal contratto aziendale.Vengono inoltre analizzati i recenti accordi collettivi firmati alla Fiat ed alla Chrysler a partire dal processo di integrazione iniziato nel 2009.According to the comparative method, the thesis analyses the recent changes to the discipline of the collective agreement at plant and company level in Italy, France and Spain, introduced by the law and the bargaining process; the work is aimed to demonstrate that these countries nowadays have an industrial relations system more closed to the north-american one, where the employment relationship is basicly regulated by the plant or company agreement, and not by the law or the multi-employer bargaining pratice.Finally,in order to demonstrate this common trend, the author focuses on the recent agreements signed at Fiat and Chrysler after the merger.
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Balfour, Sebastian Michael. "The remaking of the Spanish labour movement : social change, urban growth and working class militancy, Barcelona, 1939-1976." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1987. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.714455.
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Grau, i. Segú Martí. "Relat històric i multilateralisme: la construcció de l'espai euromediterrani, 1995-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285607.
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La present recerca estudia l'ús d'analogies històriques en els discursos dels màxims responsables de la política exterior de França, Espanya i Itàlia per a defensar l'existència i evolució d'un marc multilateral euromediterrani a partir de la Declaració de Barcelona el 1995. Malgrat l'aparença continuista i formulària d'aquestes referències al passat, el seu significat varia amb els interessos de l'agenda política. L'evolució es produeix enmig de la contradicció insoluble de presentar la Mediterrània com el locus fundacional de la civilització -com a una regió, per tant, capaç de regenerar el món amb el seu exemple- i al mateix temps observar la història mediterrània com a fonamentalment marcada pel conflicte entre grans blocs culturals. Les pròpies bases del discurs feien difícil, doncs, que els representants polítics poguessin proporcionar fonaments històrics als objectius declarats d'inclusió cultural i cohesió regional. L'anàlisi revela, en canvi, com el relat històric preparà la progressiva desaparició del diàleg polític a la regió, propiciant el decandiment del propi marc multilateral poc després d'haver entrat en contacte amb la nova realitat de la primavera àrab.This research looks at the use of historical analogies concerning the Mediterranean in the political speeches of top foreign-policy decision-makers in France, Spain and Italy since the Barcelona Declaration of 1995. In spite of the consistent and formulaic appearance of such references to the past, their meaning shifted as political interests changed. This evolution took place in the midst of an unsolvable contradiction. While political leaders have largely presented the Mediterranean as the birthplace of civilization, and as such, as a region capable of regenerating the world by example, at the same time, conflict between cultural blocs has been perceived as the defining feature of Mediterranean history. The very basis of discourse, then, made it difficult for leaders to provide a historical ground for the stated political goals of cultural inclusiveness and regional cohesion. Analysis reveals, on the contrary, that historical narrative contributed to a progressive withdrawal of political dialogue, which ultimately entailed the waning of the multilateral framework itself as the Arab Spring unfolded.
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Galant, Ivanne. "Séville dans les guides de voyage français et espagnols (XIX-XXe siècles)." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016GREAL002.
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Sous le titre Séville dans les guides de voyage français et espagnols (XIX-XXe siècles), la thèse se propose d'analyser l'image de la capitale andalouse dans un corpus générique peu étudié, celui des guides de voyage, depuis leur émergence moderne jusqu'à l'avènement du tourisme de masse. La première partie de la thèse s’attache à analyser comment les relations politiques et culturelles franco-espagnoles ont façonné une ou des images de l'Espagne qui varient au cours de la période étudiée, de la « légende noire » (1700-1823) à la « légende rose » (1905-1962) en passant par la « légende rouge » (1823-1905), période à laquelle s’affirme le genre du guide de voyage. La deuxième partie montrera qu’en tant que vecteurs de diverses représentations temporelles, spatiales, historiques, artistiques, sociales, humaines, les guides sont des sources idéales pour l’histoire culturelle. Contrairement aux idées reçues, il n’existe pas de modèle unique de guide : nous en proposerons une classification. Enfin, la richesse du corpus exploré permet de montrer, dans une troisième partie, que les diverses formes que le guide adopte agissent sur la perception de la réalité et sur les représentations, en s'appropriant certains concepts tels que le pittoresque ou l'exotisme, et surtout en reprenant ou en réfutant les images stéréotypées d'une Espagne « fanfare et tambourin », selon l'expression du poète Antonio Machado. À ce double titre, l'examen des regards croisés que véhiculent les guides constitue une approche nouvelle de la question des relations entre la France et l'Espagne, en même temps qu'un point de départ fécond pour aborder la construction d’un discours sur le couple notionnel identité / altérité. La thèse s’intéresse à ces concepts par le biais de l’étude du patrimoine bâti et vivant, des relations entre l’auteur du guide et son lecteur ainsi qu’au travers de la lecture de l’Histoire dans le corpus convoqué. Mots clés : Histoire culturelle, Espagne, XIXe et XXe siècles, voyage, tourisme, guide de voyage, Séville, stéréotype, imageEntitled Séville dans les guides de voyage français et espagnols (XIX-XXe siècles) [Seville in French and Spanish Travel Guides (XIXth-XXth centuries)], this dissertation intends to analyze the image of the Andalusian capital in the barely studied corpus of travel guides, from their emergence in the modern times until the dawn of mass tourism. The first part is meant to study how Franco-Spanish political and cultural relations shaped one—or more—picture(s) of Spain that varied from the “Black Legend” (1700-1823) to the “Red Legend” (1823-1905)—when travel guides were established as a genre—to the “Pink Legend” (1905-1962). The second part shows that guides, as vehicles of various temporal, spatial, historical, artistic, social and human representations, are ideal sources for cultural historians. Contrary to common beliefs, there is no single pattern for travel guides and this work intends to classify them. In the third part, the richness of the sources enables us to show that by appropriating such concepts as the picturesque or the exotic for example, but mostly by taking up or refuting stereotypes such as that of Spain as all “fanfare and tambourine”—in poet Antonio Machado’s words—, the varied forms adopted by guides have an influence on our perception of reality and on our representations. Thus the examination of the intersecting perspectives provided by guides constitutes a new approach to the relations between France and Spain and a fruitful starting point to tackle the construction of a discourse on the dialectics of identity and alterity. These concepts are explored through the study of built and living heritages, of the relations between the guides’ authors and their readers but also through the reading of History in the studied corpus.Key words: Cultural history, Spain, XIXth and XXth centuries, travel, tourism, travel guide, Seville, stereotypes, image
Bajo el título Sevilla en las guías de viaje francesas y españolas (siglos XIX-XX), la tesis propone analizar la imagen de la capital de Andalucía en el corpus genérico poco estudiado de las guías de viaje, desde su emergencia moderna hasta el advenimiento del turismo de masas. La primera parte de la tesis muestra como las relaciones políticas y culturales franco-españolas crearon una o varias imágenes de España que variaron a lo largo del periodo estudiado, desde la « leyenda negra » (1700-1823) hasta la « leyenda rosa » (1905-1962), pasando por la « leyenda roja » (1823-1905), periodo durante el cual el género de la guía de viaje se afirma. La segunda parte considerará las guías como unas fuentes ideales para la historia cultural ya que se pueden apreciar como vectores de diversas representaciones temporales, espaciales, históricas, artísticas, sociales, humanas. En efecto, a pesar de las ideas preconcebidas al respecto, no existe un único modelo de guía: podemos establecer una clasificación. Por fin, la riqueza del corpus estudiado permite mostrar, en una tercera parte, que las diferentes formas que la guía puede adoptar actúan sobre la percepción de la realidad y sobre las representaciones, apropiándose conceptos como lo pintoresco y lo exótico, y sobre todo utilizando o desmintiendo las imágenes estereotipadas de una España « de charanga y pandereta », según la expresión del poeta Antonio Machado. Por este doble motivo, el examen de las miradas cruzadas constituye un acercamiento nuevo para explicar las relaciones entre Francia y España, y a la vez un punto de partida fecundo para abordar la construcción de un discurso acerca de la pareja nocional identidad/alteridad. Estos conceptos reivindican su presencia en la tesis mediante el tratamiento del patrimonio arquitectural y vivo, la relación entre autor y lector de guía, así como mediante la lectura de la Historia en nuestro corpus
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Falxa, Joana. "Le droit disciplinaire pénitentiaire : une approche européenne. Analyse des systèmes anglais, gallois, espagnol et français à la lumière du droit européen des droits de l'homme." Thesis, Pau, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PAUU2009.
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La discipline, élément essentiel de la vie pénitentiaire, fut longtemps ignorée du droit. L’analyse comparée des systèmes anglo-gallois, espagnol et français en la matière permet cependant de constater la normativisation de la discipline pénitentiaire et un accroissement des garanties processuelles accordées au détenu, qui accède au statut de justiciable. Ce mouvement traduit une certaine recherche d’équité dans la procédure disciplinaire, qui est à mettre en relation avec le renforcement progressif des droits de l’homme en milieu fermé. Le droit européen des droits de l’homme, bien que timoré sous certains aspects processuels, n’est pas étranger à cette évolution et permet de dégager une idéologie pénitentiaire fixant des standards communs aux différents droits internes. L’examen des systèmes disciplinaires observés révèle néanmoins les difficultés auxquelles est confrontée l’entrée du droit dans le monde pénitentiaire. Le droit est en outre loin d’être le seul instrument de gestion employé en détention. La conjonction de ces divers facteurs incite à proposer un modèle disciplinaire global reflétant cette recherche d’équité dans le système disciplinaire pénitentiaireDiscipline is a key part of prison life which has long been ignored by the law. The comparative analysis of the English, Welsh, Spanish and French systems on this topic highlights however the prison discipline’s normativization and the increase of all the procedural safeguards for prisoners-litigants. This process reflects the search for a greater equity in prison adjudication, which could be connected to the progressive strengthening of Human Rights’ in prison. Although the European law on Human Rights is still timorous on some procedural aspects, it is part of this evolution, and it develops a global prison ideology by setting common standards for the different national laws in Europe. Nevertheless, the review of the different disciplinary systems enlightens the difficulties faced by the emergence of the rule of law in prison. Besides, the law is far from being the only mean for prison management. These factors’ convergence encourages to propose a new global disciplinary model, reflecting the search of a higher level of equity in the prison disciplinary system
Books on the topic "Spain – Relations – France"
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Der Pyrenäenfriede 1659: Vorgeschichte, Widerhall, Rezeptionsgeschichte. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010.
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Esparcia, Javier, and Almudena Buciega. New rural-urban relationships in Europe: A comparative analysis : experiences from the Netherlands, Spain, Hungary, Finland, and France. València]: Universitat de València, Instituto Interuniversitario de Desarrollo Local, 2005.
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The cultural realm of European integration: Social representations in France, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Westport, Conn: Praeger Publishers, 2004.
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Trautner-Kromann, Hanne. Shield and sword: Jewish polemics against Christianity and the Christians in France and Spain from 1100-1500. Tübingen: Mohr, 1993.
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Jonathan, North, ed. In the legions of Napoleon: The memoirs of a Polish officer in Spain and Russia, 1808-1813. London: Greenhill Books, 1999.
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Philip IV, King of Spain, 1605-1665. and Williams Lynn 1953-, eds. Letters from the Pyrenees: Don Luis Méndez de Haro's correspondence to Philip IV of Spain, July to November 1659. Exeter, Devon, UK: University of Exeter Press, 2000.
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L' Espagne républicaine: French policy and Spanish republicanism in liberated France. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2008.
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Atlantic Virginia: Intercolonial relations in the seventeenth century. Philadelphia: PENN/University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004.
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1925-, Martínez Pedro Santos, ed. Documentos diplomáticos sobre historia argentina, 1850-1945. Mendoza [Argentina]: C.E.I.H.C., 1994.
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Verhandeln in Briefen: Frauen in der höfischen Diplomatie des frühen 18. Jahrhunderts. Köln: Böhlau, 2013.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Spain – Relations – France"
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Jarty, Julie, and Karina Batthyány. "Recent Evolutions of Gender, State Feminism and Care Models in Latin America and Europe." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 361–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_12.
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AbstractThis chapter presents and characterises the way in which, in the twenty-first century, after years of feminist struggles inside and outside of institutions, gender relations are organised in the different countries of the INCASI project (on the European side, Spain, Italy, Finland, France and the United Kingdom, on the side of the South American Southern Cone, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay). It pays special attention to the implementation of feminist issues on political agendas, and in particular the assignment of women to unpaid care work—an aspect of the power continuum that we look to relate to other aspects. Gradually and for almost a century all countries in both continents have granted women the status of subjects, citizens and employees. However, the conditions, challenges and timelines of this process differ considerably from one continent to another, so they need to be addressed separately. The neoliberal era did not have the same impact in Europe as it did in South America (nor was it exactly the same between particular European countries or among South American ones).
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Rosendorf, Neal M. "The Franco Regime’s Postwar US Public Relations Strategies: Media, Messages and Relationships in America." In Franco Sells Spain to America, 80–118. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137372574_4.
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Barozet, Emmanuelle, Marcelo Boado, and Ildefonso Marqués-Perales. "The Measurement of Social Stratification: Comparative Perspectives Between Europe and Latin America." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 171–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_6.
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AbstractThis chapter analyses compared social stratification in three Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay) and four European countries (Finland, France, Spain, Great Britain). We focus on both external and internal borders of social classes, as well as on the challenges posed by their analysis for sociology. We compare social classes using EGP6 in relation to a variety of social indicators, to examine how social classes vary among countries. We include debates on production models and welfare state policies to understand the specific configurations and compare the conditions of some of the INCASI countries regarding social stratification. Lastly, we apply a latent class analysis to validate the number of social classes and to recognise class boundaries.
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Thomàs, Joan Maria. "The Relations Between the United States and Spain under Franco: From Pearl Harbor to the Beginnings of the Battle for Wolfram (December 1941–September 1943)." In Roosevelt, Franco, and the End of the Second World War, 1–33. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118676_1.
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Thomàs, Joan Maria. "Relations Between the U.S. and Spain from the Agreement of Wolfram Until the End of the Second World War in Europe (May 1944–May 1945)." In Roosevelt, Franco, and the End of the Second World War, 129–85. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118676_4.
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Börjesson, Mikael, and Pablo Lillo Cea. "World Class Universities, Rankings and the Global Space of International Students." In Evaluating Education: Normative Systems and Institutional Practices, 141–70. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7598-3_10.
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AbstractThe notion of World Class University suggests that this category of universities operates at a global and not national level. The rankings that have made this notion recognised are global in their scope, ranking universities on a worldwide scale and feed an audience from north to south, east to west. The very idea of ranking universities on such a scale, it is argued here, must be understood in relation to the increasing internationalisation and marketisation of higher education and the creation of a global market for higher education. More precisely, this contribution links the rankings of world class universities to the global space of international student flows. This space has three distinctive poles, a Pacific pole (with the US as the main country of destination and Asian countries as the most important suppliers of students), a Central European one (European countries of origin and destination) and a French/Iberian one (France and Spain as countries of destination with former colonies in Latin America and Africa as countries of origin). The three poles correspond to three different logics of recruitment: a market logic, a proximity logic and a colonial logic. It is argued that the Pacific/Market pole is the dominating pole in the space due to the high concentration of resources of different sorts, including economic, political, educational, scientific and not least, linguistic assets. This dominance is further enhanced by the international ranking. US universities dominate these to a degree that World Class Universities has become synonymous with the American research university. However, the competition has sharpened. And national actors such as China and India are investing heavily to challenge the American dominance. Also France and Germany, who are the dominant players at the dominated poles in the space, have launched initiative to ameliorate their position. In addition, we also witness a growing critique of the global rankings. One of the stakes is the value of national systems of higher education and the very definition of higher education.
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Leitz, Christian. "German—Spanish Trade from the Allied Invasion of France to the End of the Second World War." In Economic Relations between Nazi Germany and Franco’s Spain 1936–1945, 200–218. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206453.003.0007.
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Ruz, Andrés Baeza. "Invasions, Negotiations and Conspiracies." In Contacts, Collisions and Relationships, 26–66. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941725.003.0002.
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This chapter analyses the relations between Great Britain and Chile between 1806 and 1814. In this period, Chile was not yet an independent state, but still a Spanish colony. ‘Chileans’ were still subjects of the king of Spain, and this was the most significant factor that shaped their first attitudes and reactions towards Britain during these years. This period was characterized by quick political and geopolitical developments. The process of the Napoleonic wars in Europe brought about significant changes for the relationship between Chile and Great Britain. If in a first moment Spain and France were allies against Britain, the overthrow of King Ferdinand VII by Napoleon in May 1808 reconfigured relations between Spain and Britain, making the two powers staunch allies against the French threat. All this influenced the way Chileans thought about both Britain’s place in the world and their own identity.
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Guirao, Fernando. "The Decision to Grant the Preference (1964–1967)." In The European Rescue of the Franco Regime, 1950-1975, 170–234. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861232.003.0005.
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For the Six, Chapter 4 shows, the Spanish question boiled down to whether they would grant the preference rather than how. Documentary records and trade data show that the EEC did not discriminate against Spanish products. The EEC’s policy on Franco Spain was forged around the justification that relations with dictatorships of less-developed countries served to promote economic development and social change. These changes would naturally lead to a collective desire for political change. France and West Germany acted accordingly and exercised due influence on their peers. In the pursuit of their own interests, the European Community and its member-states opted to induce progressive reform towards West-European institutional standards over punishment or rupture. The political debate was limited to the speed of such changes, not to the validity of the assumption. The Europeanization/democratization binomial implied that closer relations with the EEC would promote convergence towards West-European standards, including democratization.
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Quintero Saravia, Gonzalo M. "Arrival in Louisiana and Preparations for War." In Bernardo de Gálvez, 79–136. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640792.003.0005.
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Bernardo de Gálvez arrived to New Orleans at the end of 1776 and took office on January 1 of the following year. With the British colonies in open revolt, Spain needed to prepare for what it seemed to be unavoidable: another chapter in the centuries-old confrontation against Britain in the Americas. The Paris Treaty of 1763, which ended the Seven Years’ War, had transferred Louisiana from France to Spain, but shortly afterwards the former French colonists rebelled against their new rulers, therefore Bernardo de Gálvez’s first priority was to ensure their loyalty in order to prepare the province for war. With a combination of concessions to the rich planters and merchants with the tightening of the Spanish colonial administration control over the province, Gálvez was able to implement several reforms that increased Louisiana’s economy and its military preparedness for war. Following the precedents of the French and British relations with the Indian nations in North America, Gálvez introduced profound changes to the traditional Spanish “Indian policy”.
Conference papers on the topic "Spain – Relations – France"
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Ragulskaya, M., and E. Tekutskaya. "Solar-terrestrial relations: solar activity and the COVID-19 pandemic." In ASTRONOMY AT THE EPOCH OF MULTIMESSENGER STUDIES. Proceedings of the VAK-2021 conference, Aug 23–28, 2021. Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51194/vak2021.2022.1.1.130.
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COVID-19 pandemic took the start at the lows of the 11-year and quasi-century solar cycle. The genogeographic character-istics of the population have become one of the significant factors determining the development of the local epidemics. Thelargest number of victims per 1 million inhabitants is recorded in the territories with a dominant haplogroup R1b: Italy,Spain, France, Belgium, Great Britain, and the United States. The R1a haplogroup is characterized by the rapid develop-ment of the COVID-19 pandemic with low mortality and a large number of asymptomatic patients (Russia, Germany, andIran). The level of herd immunity achieved through vaccination also depends on the genetic makeup of the population andsolar activity. Its value is highest for countries with a dominant haplogroup R1b (about 80% for haplogroup R1b versus40% for haplogroup N). The resulting effect can be associated with the generation of reactive oxygen species and affectedhuman adaptive capabilities.
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Sharples, John. "STYLE: Comparison of Leak-Before-Break Methodologies Applied in Europe." In ASME 2012 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2012-78303.
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The paper presents results of a sub-task of the STYLE project currently running within the 7th Framework EU programme by way of an overview of leak-before-break (LBB) methodologies used in the nuclear industry of several European countries (Germany, France, UK, Netherlands, Czech Republic, Spain and Hungary). In relation to the various participating countries, the overview specifically focuses on: practices and procedures; regulatory position; evolution; application; past, present and planned future LBB research activities; and, future plans. A qualitative comparison of the different methods employed in the various countries is included with the commonalities and differences among the approaches being highlighted.
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García Martín, Fernando Miguel, Fernando Navarro Carmona, Eduardo José Solaz Fuster, Víctor Muñoz Macián, María Amparo Sebastià Esteve, Pasqual Herrero Vicent, and Anna Morro Peña. "Obsolescence of urban morphology in Villena (Spain). Spatial analysis of the urban fabric in the ISUD/EDUSI candidature." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6206.
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The Integrated Sustainable Urban Development strategy (English acronym ISUD, Spanish acronym EDUSI) is an urban planning tool that the municipalities with more than 20.000 inhabitants in Spain need to be funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) in the 2014-2020 period. The city of Villena is located south- east Spain, inland the province of Alicante. The Villena municipality developed this tool in order to have a holistic and integrated vision of the situation of the city from the urban, social, economic and environmental points of view. As a part of the analysis performed to develop this strategy, a spatial analysis of the urban fabric of Villena was carried out. This study employed concepts from the typomorphological schools of Italy, England and France (Moudon, 1994) as well as from the research on relation between density and urban form (Churchman, 1999, Berghauser & Pont, 2009, Steadman, 2014). The data and cartography of the Spanish Cadaster, processed with SIG software, allowed the study. The spatial analysis included different variables of the built environment, including building height and age; plots size; open space ratios, Not-built plots; type of built-plots according to height and built surface; and compactness of the fabrics. The results of this analysis showed a relationship between the morphological variables and the problems identified in the citizen participation meetings carried out for the elaboration of the ISUD. The identified aspects of urban morphology obsolescence allowed proposing strategies of action to update the built environment to current demands. References (100 words) Berghauser Pont, M., & Haupt, P. (2009). Space, density and urban form. TU delft. Retrieved from http://repository.tudelft.nl/view/ir/uuid%253A0e8cdd4d-80d0-4c4c-97dc-dbb9e5eee7c2/ Churchman, A. (1999). Disentangling the concept of density. Journal of Planning Literature, 13(4), 389–411. Moudon, A. V. (1994). Getting to know the built landscape: typomorphology. In K. A. Franck & L. H. Schneekloth (Eds.), Ordering space: types in architecture and design (pp. 289–311). New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Steadman, P. (2014). Density and built form: integrating “Spacemate” with the work of Martin and March. Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 41(2), 341–358.
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Galia, Fabrice. "What do we know about Marketing Innovation and its Relation-ship with Technological and Management Innovations? Empirical Evidence for France and Spain." In 1st International Conference on Business Management. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/icbm.2015.1279.
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Kuznetsov, Andrey, Andrey Kuznetsov, Yury Fedorov, Yury Fedorov, Paul Fattal, Paul Fattal, Frederic Ebner, and Frederic Ebner. "SELF-CLEANING CAPACITY OF SEACOASTS IN CASE OF OIL POLLUTION." In Managing risks to coastal regions and communities in a changing world. Academus Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31519/conferencearticle_5b1b9441ab8c21.53053195.
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The sea coasts are especially exposed to the oil pollution harmful influence as they frequently suffer from oil spills relating to the tanker accidents, port and off-shore activities. The objective of the present research is to examine the rates of spilled fuel oil natural destruction on geographically different seacoasts and to evaluate their relationship with principal environmental factors such as climatic and hydrological conditions, coast exposure and geomorphology, sediment types, intensity of biogeochemical cycles. For this purpose, a number of contaminated sectors of the Atlantic coasts of France and Spain (areas of “Erika” and “Prestige” tanker accidents), the Strait of Kerch (“Volgoneft-139” tanker accident) and the Black Sea coast in Russia (area of Novorossiysk sea port) were studied. Long-term (from 6 to 15 years) field observations were carried out there. The oiled samples were analyzed with the use of thin layer and column chromatography, optical and gravimetric methods. The results show that in the course of time, the oil slicks demonstrate an exponential diminution in their size, number and in the ratio of labile hydrocarbons content to conservative asphaltic components content. The half-period of this diminution varies from less than 1 to 12 years, subject to the forms of fuel oil traces and geographical conditions. On the Strait of Kerch coast washed by shallow, slightly salted and highly bio-productive waters of the Sea of Azov the spilled fuel oil tends to disappear twice as rapidly as on French and Spanish coasts of the Atlantic Ocean. The joint examination of the observed rates of oil pollution natural destruction and the geographical conditions of studied sites shows that temperature and seawater salinity are the crucial environmental factors of self-cleaning process.
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Kuznetsov, Andrey, Andrey Kuznetsov, Yury Fedorov, Yury Fedorov, Paul Fattal, Paul Fattal, Frederic Ebner, and Frederic Ebner. "SELF-CLEANING CAPACITY OF SEACOASTS IN CASE OF OIL POLLUTION." In Managing risks to coastal regions and communities in a changing world. Academus Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21610/conferencearticle_58b43166a1b2f.
Full textAbstract:
The sea coasts are especially exposed to the oil pollution harmful influence as they frequently suffer from oil spills relating to the tanker accidents, port and off-shore activities. The objective of the present research is to examine the rates of spilled fuel oil natural destruction on geographically different seacoasts and to evaluate their relationship with principal environmental factors such as climatic and hydrological conditions, coast exposure and geomorphology, sediment types, intensity of biogeochemical cycles. For this purpose, a number of contaminated sectors of the Atlantic coasts of France and Spain (areas of “Erika” and “Prestige” tanker accidents), the Strait of Kerch (“Volgoneft-139” tanker accident) and the Black Sea coast in Russia (area of Novorossiysk sea port) were studied. Long-term (from 6 to 15 years) field observations were carried out there. The oiled samples were analyzed with the use of thin layer and column chromatography, optical and gravimetric methods. The results show that in the course of time, the oil slicks demonstrate an exponential diminution in their size, number and in the ratio of labile hydrocarbons content to conservative asphaltic components content. The half-period of this diminution varies from less than 1 to 12 years, subject to the forms of fuel oil traces and geographical conditions. On the Strait of Kerch coast washed by shallow, slightly salted and highly bio-productive waters of the Sea of Azov the spilled fuel oil tends to disappear twice as rapidly as on French and Spanish coasts of the Atlantic Ocean. The joint examination of the observed rates of oil pollution natural destruction and the geographical conditions of studied sites shows that temperature and seawater salinity are the crucial environmental factors of self-cleaning process.