Academic literature on the topic 'Spain – Politics and government – 19th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Filatov, Georgy. "Catalonia and Regional Self-Government in the First Quarter of the 20th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016155-9.
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The Mancomunitat represents the first experience of self-government in Catalonia in the 20th century. This idea began to form among Catalan intellectuals in the second half of the 19th century, when the interests of the local bourgeoisie and the cultural elite of the region unexpectedly coincided in connection with the need to defend their interests before the central authorities. The Mancomunitat emerged at a time when the political system of the restoration was in crisis as the main monarchist parties were ousted from the political life of the region by Catalanists and Republicans. In these conditions, the Spanish government preferred to satisfy the demands of the nationalists, since they were a more conservative force and did not pretend to change the political system of Spain. As a result, the Catalan provinces were able to create the Mancomunitat, which allowed them to coordinate efforts to deal with administrative issues.
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Gavrilova, S. M. "The Problem of Separatism in Modern Spain: the Catalan Question." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 2 (September 5, 2022): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-2-213-229.
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Catalan nationalism, rooted in the 19th century, transformed into separatism in the 1980s, threatening the existence of the Spanish state. The unstable political situation in the country caused by the crisis of the party system and serious economic problems is noticeably aggravated by the Catalan issue. The separatists representing the autonomy are not distinguished by unity, which provokes additional tension in the region, but they have a serious impact on the central government. The instability of the current Spanish government, formed by socialists, is compounded by the need to seek support from representatives of Catalan nationalist pariahs in the country’s parliament. This fact also makes it necessary for the ruling party not only to enter into a dialogue with the Catalan separatists, but also to agree to certain concessions.The situation is complicated by the fact that in the autonomy itself, the separatists are not supported by the majority of the population, and some residents of the region openly speak from unionist positions. The whole complex complex of contradictions of the Catalan question is critically connected with the problem of reforming the constitutional system of the Kingdom of Spain. The current Constitution of the country – which has become very obvious at the current stage of the development of the political and social crisis in Spain – requires a partial revision, primarily from the point of view of resolving the issue of the powers of a number of autonomies in the state and their interaction with the center.
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Volosyuk, Olga. "Inter Arma Silent Musae: the Role of Public Diplomacy in Relations between Russia and Spain." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023487-4.
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The article deals with the role of public diplomacy in Russian-Spanish relations; puts forward a hypothesis, that public diplomacy plays an independent role, sometimes even replacing traditional diplomacy, in the “political vacuum”, when political ties between the two countries were frozen or even broken off. The author points out that some examples of public diplomacy can be traced in Russian-Spanish relations in the 18—19th centuries, but they transferred into state policy only in the 20th century. It was at that time that the Soviet government started to maintain a purposeful public policy aimed at “creating a positive image of the country” through the development of cultural and scientific contacts. This is demonstrated in the article on a number of examples: The October Revolution, which divided the world into two opposing blocs, in which there was no place for political relations; the period of Francoism, when both states publicly declared their irreconcilable ideological confrontation, but in fact were pragmatically building economic relations and strengthened scientific and cultural contacts. In those years, the personal support of prominent scientists and public figures played a huge role in building official diplomatic relations after the death of Franco. The author pays special attention to the role of the diplomacy of science and education, the importance of which. increased noticeably in the 21st century. From this point of view, the evolution of relations between Russia and Spain in the first quarter of this century is considered, especially during the period of cooling of relations as a result of the Ukrainian crisis.
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Peláez Berbell, José Jaime. "Rafael de Labra y la política educativa de la Restauración." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2017 (January 28, 2018): 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.17.7.
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This article contrasts two viewpoints about education during the Spanish Bourbon Restoration: on the one hand, the official one of the Government, and on the other hand, that of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza (Free Educational Institution), especially regarding the pedagogical ideas of one of its members, Rafael de Labra (1840–1918). After a brief overview through the educational landscape in Spain during 19th century, it is mentioned the Public Instruction Act of 1857. Next the main features of the educational system of the Restoration are summarised and it is also taken into account the alternative offered by the Institución. As to Labra’s insight on education, three main ideas are underlined: that education must be a main political issue; that academic freedom must be warranted; and that primary education must be the keystone of any educational system, due to its importance in forming the ethical and moral character of the person.
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Zholudeva, Natal’ya R., and Sergey A. Vasyutin. "Employment Problems of Muslim Migrants in France (Exemplified by Paris). Part 1." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 6 (December 20, 2021): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v137.
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The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.
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Stinchcombe, Arthur L. "Class Conflict and Diplomacy: Haitian Isolation in the 19th-Century World System." Sociological Perspectives 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389407.
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The article argues that Haiti's diplomatic isolation after its revolution and independence was due to two different processes, its place in the symbolic system of domestic politics in the United States, and its place in the lives and experience of people intensely concerned with Haiti in France, Britain, and Spain. The result was that the diplomatic isolation was ended first in the 1830s by Europe, by the countries materially damaged by the Hatian Revolution. It was ended later by the United States and its Spanish-American client states, who were only symbolically damaged by Haiti as an antislavery black power symbol after the Emancipation Proclamation in the 1860s. A theory of the politics of diplomacy with two parts, the role of a foreign country as a symbol in the domestic politics of other countries, and the role of people with extensive contact and interest in particular parts of another country in the diplomatic milieux of other countries, is developed to explain this case.
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Mullenix, Elizabeth Reitz. "Private Women/Public Acts: Petticoat Government and the Performance of Resistance." TDR/The Drama Review 46, no. 1 (March 2002): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402753555886.
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Feminists in 19th-century America performed their politics by storming taverns, holding mock elections at polling sites, and lecturing in public. These performances exacerbated fears concerning the “Woman Question” as antebellum feminists exposed gender as ritualized acts and employed performativity as a way to enact their resistance.
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Schulz, Carsten-Andreas. "Territorial sovereignty and the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier”." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 3 (December 10, 2018): 878–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066118814890.
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European politics at the turn of the 19th century saw a dramatic reduction in the number and diversity of polities as the territorial nation-state emerged as the dominant form of political organization. The transformation had a profound impact on the periphery. The study examines how embracing the principle of territoriality transformed relations between settler societies and indigenous peoples in South America. As this shift coincided with independence from Spain, Creole elites rapidly dismantled the remnants of imperial heteronomy, ending centuries of inter-cultural diplomacy. The study illustrates this shift in the case of the “Southern frontier,” where Spain had maintained a practice of treaty making with the Mapuche people since the mid-17th century. This long-standing practice broke down shortly after Chile gained independence in 1818. What followed was a policy of coercive assimilation through military conquest and forced displacement — a policy that settler societies implemented elsewhere in the 19th century. In contrast to explanations that emphasize the spread of capitalist agriculture and racist ideologies, this study argues that territoriality spelled the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier.”
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CAPELLAN, GONZALO. "Krausism in Spain Beyond Philosophy: Religious Tolerance, Social Harmony, Political Reformism and Modern Pedagogy." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 12 (December 17, 2021): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.12.3.
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Krause's philosophy had a deep and long influence in Spain, where krausism went beyond academia to turn their ideas into reality by means of different associations and institutions. The reception of krausean thought took place in a really hostile context, especially due to the rejection by intransigent Catholicism that vilified Spanish krausism in terms of Religion, morals, politics and education. Despite that fact, krausism proved to be very influential in social theory, politics and education from the second half of the 19th century to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936. This work is a summary presentation, a revisitation and an updated account of the history of krausism in Spain (with some references to Latin America) focusing on íts practical dimension.
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Aguirre, Rodolfo. "The Indians and Major Studies in New Spain: Monarchical Politics, Debates, and Results." Social Sciences 10, no. 4 (March 25, 2021): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040115.
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This article studies some stages and debates about the access of New Spain’s Indians to major studies: The discussion about their mental capacity in the 16th century, the impulse of Carlos II to the indigenous nobility in the 17th century, or the reticence in the Royal University of Mexico and the Church to their acceptance in the 18th century. It also analyzes the responses given by the Crown to the interest of the Indians elites in superior studies, degrees and public positions, protected by their rights as free vassals of the kingdom and as nobles, comparable to the Spanish nobility. Despite the insistent resistance of sectors of the colonial government and society to the rise of Indians, they firmly defended, in the 18th century, the rights and privileges granted to them by the monarchy since the beginning of New Spain, thereby achieving their entry into the university, colleges, and clergy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Middleton, Alexander James. "British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
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Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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ENA, SANJUÁN Íñigo. "The vertebrae of the Leviathan : municipal debt and state formation in the eighteenth-century Crown of Aragon." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74919.
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Defence date: 28 September 2022Examining Board: Prof. Pieter Judson (European University Institute); Prof. Tamar Herzog (Harvard University); Prof. Christopher Storrs (University of Dundee); Prof. Regina Grafe (European University Institute)
Why and how did modern states emerge in Southwestern Europe? These are the main questions that this thesis answers by examining the debt of six municipalities of the Crown of Aragon during the 18th century through a multiscale, transversal, and comparative approach. The ancient practices which constituted the Aragonese polity appeared in the mid-fourteenth century and survived at least until the mid-eighteenth century partially thanks to the debt of the municipalities. Towns and kingdoms were in many cases ruled by assemblies of creditors by virtue of debt restructuring agreements. Debt accounts for the long survival of the Aragonese polity, but also for its sclerosis. The financial situation of the debtholders, mostly ecclesiastical institutions, prevented rulers from defaulting on municipal debt and adopting drastic measures against the Church, as they feared a financial meltdown. The emergence of the modern state was an intricate process which started by 1750, mainly due to the collapse of the ancient mechanisms. The modern state appeared as a set of practices devised and implemented by a myriad of actors who tried to recompose social and political life. State formation was first and foremost a local process in which municipal debt proved crucial too. The examination of local dynamics reveals that modern states in Southwestern Europe followed similar paths during the early phases of their formation.
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ROMANOS, Eduardo. "Ideologia libertaria y movilización clandestina : el anarquismo español durante el franquismo (1939-1975)." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10455.
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Defence date: 11 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Peter Wagner, (Università degli Studi di Trento and former EUI) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, (EUI) ; Prof. Demetrio Castro, (Universidad Pública de Navarra) ; Prof. Adrian Shubert, (York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Este trabajo examina el conjunto de creencias, valores e ideas políticas de los libertarios que en España se movilizaron contra la dictadura franquista entre 1939 y 1975. La tesis principal de la investigación es la emergencia de un proceso de cambio en la ideología libertaria durante ese periodo de clandestinidad que cuestionó algunos de los presupuestos esenciales del pensamiento anarquista clásico. Este cambio y la resistencia al mismo serán analizados teniendo en cuenta la experiencia histórica y las expectativas de los actores que compartieron la ideología, el contexto político y social que rodeó su movilización y la tradición política de la que provenían y a la que éstos de una u otra forma se vincularon.
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Thompson, Stephen John. "Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
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Rees, Timothy John. "Agrarian society and politics in the province of Badajoz under the Spanish Second Republic, 1931-1936." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9a57d34-b448-434e-ab32-726a19aeffea.
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This thesis analyses rural social and political conflict in the province of Badajoz (Extremadura) during the Spanish Second Republic of 1931 to 1936. It takes a broad approach to social and political change in a province typical of southern Spain, but focusses particularly on the under-explored role of powerful agrarian elites opposed to the reforms introduced by the new liberal-democratic regime. The study begins with two complementary chapters covering the period 1870-1930; they consider the evolution of the autocratic rural order presided over by the elite and discuss the growth of the challenge to agrian power from organised rural labour. In the following chapters covering in detail the period 1931 to 1936 the partial transformat ion of the rural order that accompanied the transition to the Republic, the subsequent processes of social and political struggle, and the polarisation that followed are documented. A final epilogue considers the Civil War as a rural counter-revolution that involved the resurgence of agrarian autocracy in Badajoz. The thesis draws on a wide range of primary materials, from archives and printed sources to memoirs, and utilizes the relevant secondary literature. In general the study forms part of a movement to reach a deeper understanding of social and political change during the Republic and in particular offers new perspectives on the contribution of the 'agrarian question' to the breakdown of the regime and the origins of the Civil War.
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Shoemaker, Fred C. "Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.
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VIDAL, Guillem. "The political consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe crisis and representation in Spain." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63265.
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Defence date: 13 June 2019Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Elias Dinas, European University Institute; Prof. Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Prof. Kenneth M. Roberts, Duke University
The Great Recession constituted a breaking point in several aspects of the cultural, economic and political life of southern European countries (i.e. Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain). This dissertation aims to shed light on the political consequences of the economic crisis in this region —with a specific focus on Spain as a paradigmatic case— by analysing different aspects of the political transformations that took place during the period of crisis. The underlying argument is that, albeit some relevant differences, the four countries experienced a common pattern: the incapacity of national politics to offer differentiated recipes to the deteriorating economic situation triggered a widespread crisis of representation that introduced new issues in the political agenda and drove the political transformations in these countries. The combination of a political and economic crisis at the national and European levels opened new political spaces that new parties capitalised by appealing to the need for democratic renewal and opposition to austerity politics. Furthermore, as illustrated by the Spanish case, and in particular the Catalan experience, the political crisis had far-reaching consequences beyond economic grievances, leading to the activation of different types of conflicts. Overall, the findings suggest that the transformations in the structure of political conflict in southern Europe in the aftermath of the Great Recession are not the by-product of a growing cultural divide —as is the case in several other continental and north-European countries—, but instead respond to the loss of credibility in the political system. Methodologically, the dissertation relies on an original dataset of media content as well as on several sources of survey data to test the empirical validity of the claims.
Chapter 2 'From Boom to Bust : A Comparative Analysis of Greece and Spain under Austerity' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter 'From boom to bust : a comparative analysis of Greece and Spain under austerity' (2018) in the book Living under austerity : Greek society in crisis.
Chapter 3 'Old versus new politics: The political spaces in Southern Europe in times of crisis' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Old versus new politics : the political spaces in Southern Europe in times of crises' (2018) in the journal 'Party politics'
Chapter 4 'Out with the Old: Restructuring Spanish Politics' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Challenging business as usual? : the rise of new parties in Spain in times of crisis' (2017) in the journal 'West European politics'
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Smith, Bruce H., and n/a. "Without motion there cannot be any life : the rise & fall of the 1889 Railway Commissioners : railway management & colonial politics in nineteenth century New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070619.154352.
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In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government.
While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.
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Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline. "Badagry 1784-1863 : the political and commercial history of a pre-colonial lagoonside community in south west Nigeria." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2641.
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By tracing the history of Badagry, from its reconstruction after 1784 until its annexation in 1863, it is possible to trace a number of themes which have implications for the history of the whole 'Slave Coast' and beyond. The enormous impact of the environment in shaping this community and indeed its relations with other communities, plays a vital part in any understanding of the Badagry story. As a place of refuge, Badagry's foundation and subsequent history was shaped by a series of immigrant groups and individuals from Africa and Europe. Its position as an Atlantic and lagoonside port enabled this community to emerge as an important commercial and political force in coastal affairs. However, its very attractions also made it a desirable prize for African and European groups. Badagry's internal situation was equally paradoxical. The fragmented, competitive nature of its population resulted in a weakness of political authority, but also a remarkable flexibility which enabled the town to function politically and commercially in the face of intense internal and external pressures. It was ultimately the erosion of this tenuous balance which caused Badagry to fall into civil war. Conversely, a study of Badagry is vital for any understanding of these influential groups and states. The town's role as host to political refugees such as Adele, an exiled King of Lagos, and commercial refugees, such as the Dutch trader Hendrik Hertogh, had enormous repercussions for the whole area. Badagry's role as an initial point of contact for both the Sierra Leone community and Christianity in Nigeria has, until now, been almost wholly neglected. Furthermore, the port's relations with its latterly more famous neighbours, Lagos, Porto-Novo, Oyo, Dahomey and Abeokuta, sheds further light on the nature of these powers, notably the interdependence of these communities both politically and economically. Badagry's long-standing relationship with Europe and ultimate annexation by Britain is also an area which has been submerged within the Lagos story. But it is evident that the, annexation of Badagry in 1863 was a separate development, which provides further evidence on the nature of nineteenth century British imperialism on the West Coast of Africa.
Books on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 19th century"
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The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870-1945. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.
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Hispano-Británico, Seminario Histórico. La transición a la política de masas: V Seminario Histórico Hispano-Británico. [Valencia]: Universitat de València, 2001.
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Seminario Histórico Hispano-Británico (5th 1999 Valencia, Spain). La transición a la política de masas. [Valencia]: Universitat de València, 2001.
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Sombras del imperio: La nobleza indigena del Cuzco, 1750-1825. Lima: IEP, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2009.
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Twentieth-century Spain: Politics and society in Spain 1898-1998. Houndmills, Basingstoke: St. Martin's Press, 1999.
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Salvadó, Francisco J. Romero. Twentieth-century Spain: Politics and society in Spain, 1898-1998. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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Power and dissent: Larra and democracy in nineteenth-century Spain. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2009.
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Mediterranean diasporas: Politics and ideas in the long 19th century. London: Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2015.
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Is Spain different?: A comparative look at the 19th and 20th centuries. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2015.
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Society, politics and state formation in Southeastern Europe during the 19th century. Athens: Alpha Bank Historical Archives, 2011.
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Trampus, Antonio. "Francesco Saverio Salfi and the Eulogy for Antonio Serra: Politics, Freemasonry, and the Consumption of Culture in the Early 19th Century." In Antonio Serra and the Economics of Good Government, 263–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137539960_13.
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Taylor, Ian. "2. Pre-colonial political systems and colonialism." In African Politics: A Very Short Introduction, 11–24. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198806578.003.0002.
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Pre-colonial Africa had a wide diversity of politics and government, all related to the type of economic systems practised. Hunter-gatherers practised a form of primitive communism, while elsewhere three broad systems may be identified: large centralized kingdoms and empires; centralized mid-sized kingdoms; and widely scattered chiefdoms. ‘Pre-colonial political systems and colonialism’ explains that political and social identities were generally more related to affiliations, such as sharing a common language, than to being an inhabitant of a particular territory. It also outlines the impact of the slave trade, which began in the 15th century, and the different types of late-19th-century colonial rule on the African people and their politics.
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Levy, Daniel S. "Firemen and Politics." In Manhattan Phoenix, 192–204. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195382372.003.0013.
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This chapter examines politics in New York. Nationally, the early 19th century witnessed a series of major shifts in political control. All the jostling for power resonated in New York, where Tammany Hall developed into the most powerful political organization. But while it had become an important presence in the governing of the city, Tammany was far from monolithic. There was constant infighting, and the group struggled to keep its disparate factions in check. One obvious place of Tammany strength was the firehouse. That was where so many had their first taste of power and took their hesitant initial steps up the social and political rungs of society and politics. The chapter follows William Tweed's departure from the firehouse and into the world of New York politics with his election as an alderman in the early 1850s. It also considers the reign of the “Forty Thieves,” a nickname given to Tweed and many of the other Common Council members who abused their position in government to profit from their offices. While not everyone in Tweed's class of 1852 qualified as a grifter, the group ushered in the most corrupt council the city had ever seen.
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Urbanitsch, Peter. "Verfassung und Verwaltung. Landesfürst und Stände, Politiker und Beamte." In Niederösterreich im 19. Jahrhundert, Band 1: Herrschaft und Wirtschaft. Eine Regionalgeschichte sozialer Macht, 139–74. NÖ Institut für Landeskunde, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52035/noil.2021.19jh01.08.
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Constitution and Administration. The Territorial Prince and Estates, Politicians and Officials. This chapter focuses on the bipolar political life in Lower Austria in the course of the long 19th century. Beginning with the constitutional realities before the revolution of 1848, it examines the constitutional developments after 1848 and 1861, and also offers a brief description of the various administrative organizational structures and their efforts and achievements. Prior to 1848, the aulic offices sought to minimize the political role of the estates and thus the participation of sections of the populace. Yet according to the constitutional settlement of 1861, some elements of the population hitherto not involved in politics were given the opportunity for self-determined activities. The “autonomous” administration of the land became a substantial part of public administration, being quite successful in supplying all kinds of services. Owing to a blurred assignment of remits between the “autonomous” administration of the land and that run by the central state government, this “dual-track” public administration diminished the effectiveness of its activities and became a nuisance for the public at large
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "Great-Power Debut, 1865–1914." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 121–55. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0005.
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In the five decades after the Civil War the American economy became the largest in the world and the country took part in the first great age of globalization. Its population grew rapidly, especially through immigration from Europe, and Americans in large numbers settled the lands acquired before 1861. All this gave the United States the basis for becoming a great power in the world. During that time America established a sphere of influence in Central America and the eastern Pacific Ocean. It also began to act as a great power in East Asia: American warships opened Japan to international commerce and American merchants pursued commercial opportunities in China, taking advantage of Britain’s victory in the Opium War. The American government issued the “Open Door” note in 1899 in order to preserve these opportunities. The United States acquired a formal empire in the Philippines and an informal one in Cuba through its victory in a war against Spain in 1898. In the early years of the twentieth century two presidents presented contrasting visions of America’s great-power foreign policy. Theodore Roosevelt, like Alexander Hamilton before him, put sustaining a stable balance of power at the center of his outlook. Woodrow Wilson, following in the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson, emphasized the need to transform international politics so as to make them more peaceful.
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Cropf, Robert A. "The Virtual Public Sphere." In Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 1525–30. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch206.
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The public sphere does not exist and operate in the same way everywhere. Every country is different with regard to its own economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations; therefore, each country’s public sphere has its own roots which grow and develop within a unique set of conditions and circumstances. As a result, the impact of information technology (IT) on a public sphere will also vary considerably from one country to another. According to the German social theorist, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere serves as a social “space,” which is separate from the private sphere of family relations, the commercial sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere, which is dominated by the activities of the state. Its importance is that it contributes to the strengthening of democracy by, in effect, serving as a forum for reasoned discussion about politics and civic affairs. Furthermore, Habermas regards the public sphere as embodying such core liberal beliefs as individual rights, that is, the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights” (Cohen & Arato 1992, p. 211), which he thought were needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state. Thus, for the purposes of this article, public sphere is defined as a “territory” of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties, and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ conception of the public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe, for example, England and France, as well as early America, and which went into decline in the 19th century as a result of the increasing domination of the mass media, which transformed a reading public that debated matters of culture into disengaged consumers (Keane, 1998, p. 160). Along the way, active deliberation and participation were replaced by passive consumption of mass culture. As an ideal type, however, the public sphere represents an arena, absent of class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical deliberation and reasoned dialogue about important matters regarding politics and culture. The emergence of IT, particularly in the form of computer networks, as a progressive social force coincides with the apex of mass media’s domination of the public sphere in liberal democracies. Since the creation of the World Wide Web (WWW) in the early 1990s, various observers have touted IT’s potential to strengthen democratic institutions (e.g., Barber 2003; Becker & Slaton, 2000; Benkler, 2006; Cleveland, 1985; Cropf & Casaregola, 1998; Davis, Elin, & Reeher, 2002). The WWW, it is thought, provides citizens with numerous opportunities to engage in the political process as well as to take a more active role in the governance process. Benkler (2006), for example, asserts the WWW encourages a more open, participatory, and activist approach because it enables users to communicate directly with potentially many other users in a way that is outside the control of the media owners and is less corruptible by money than are the mass media (p. 11). Fulfilling the promise of the virtual public sphere, however, depends on political will; governments must commit the resources needed to facilitate public access to the technology and remove legal and economic barriers to the free flow of information inside and outside national boundaries.
Conference papers on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 19th century"
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.