Academic literature on the topic 'Spain – Politics and government – 1939-1975'
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Journal articles on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 1939-1975"
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Linder, Daniel. "The Censorship of Sex: A Study of Raymond Chandl er’s The Big Sleep in Franco’s Spain." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 17, no. 1 (December 22, 2005): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011977ar.
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Abstract During the period when General Francisco Franco ruled Spain (1936-1975), official censorship kept a watch on all books that were published in the country. The main objective of this censorship was to conceal from the Spanish people political manifestations that might be ultimately threatening for the dictatorial government politically. However, under heavy influence of the Catholic Church, the censors also veiled for the moral health of the Spanish people by intervening in all matters of sexual morality, decency, obscenity and vulgarity. Research has shown that during this period censors were as vigilant for sexual content as they were vigilant for political content. In this study I will examine censorship and sex by studying Raymond Chandler’s first novel, The Big Sleep (1939) and the three Spanish-language translations published during this period (1949, 1958, 1972). Chandler’s novel contains no potential political offenses to Franco’s Regime and its allies, but it does contain references to male homosexuals, scenes of female nudity, and sexually suggestive dialogues involving the detective and a female character. All of the Spanish versions were censored, whether by government censors or the translators/editors prior to presenting the manuscript to the censors. I will discuss the government-censored and self-censored passages in the Spanish versions of the novel, and show that all of the references to the homosexual characters, much of the nudity, and many of the sexually-suggestive dialogues have been manipulated and/or suppressed, producing undesirable and often unexpected effects.
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Medina Rojo, Óscar. "La política al margen de la política (Julián Besteiro, 1936 – 1938) = Politics Outside Politics (Julian Besteiro, 1936 – 1938)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.27081.
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Julián Besteiro es un político clave para entender la España que transita desde la crisis de 1917 hasta la Guerra Civil, y como tal ha sido ampliamente estudiado por la historiografía. Sin embargo, su figura se nos presenta algo desdibujada desde finales de 1935, cuando deja de publicarse Democracia (principal órgano de expresión de su corriente socialista), hasta su participación en el golpe de estado contra Negrín de marzo de 1939. El presente artículo intenta mostrar que este periodo de su vida no fue de total inactividad política, ya que aun desde fuera de los puestos de responsabilidad, intentó ejercer su influencia dentro del socialismo español; en concreto se analiza su actuación en dos momentos clave: el semestre anterior al estallido de la Guerra Civil, y la crisis socialista de 1938. Para algunos de sus contemporáneos, la opción Besteiro existió en diferentes momentos y para diferentes puestos, tales como presidente de la República en 1936, o presidente del PSOE y miembro de un Gobierno de la paz en 1938.AbstractJulián Besteiro is a key politician to understand Spain from the crisis of 1917 until the Civil War, and as such he has been widely studied by the historiography. But there is a period less known in Besteiro’s life: the years running from the closure of Democracia (the main publication of his wing of Spanish socialism) at the end of 1935, to his involvement in the coup d’etat that would overthrow Negrin’s government in March 1939. This article attempts to show that this period in Besteiro’s life was not of total political inactivity: even from outside the positions of responsibility, he tried to exert his influence within Spanish socialism; in particular, this article analyses Besteiro’s stand in two key moments: the semester prior to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, and the crisis of the socialist party in 1938. For some of his contemporaries, the Besteiro option existed at different moments and for different roles, namely as President of the Republic in 1936, President of PSOE and member of a government to negotiate peace in 1938.
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Alexeeva, Tatiana A. "HEAD OF FRANCO STATE: FROM THE "SOVEREIGN" DICTATOR TO THE "INSTITUTIONALIZED" RULER." RUDN Journal of Law 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 481–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2018-22-4-481-505.
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The article is devoted to the development of the institute of the head of state in Spain in 1939-1975. The importance of the analysis is determined by the increased role of the heads of state in domestic and international affairs and the popularity of the term. The Spanish experience seems to be useful for research of this phenomenon. Franco's main post was named "head of state" (Jefe del Estado) legally, and the officially recognized institution with the same name (Jefatura del Estado) formalized his status. In comparison with the "head of state" in the doctrine of Constant, he did not function in the system of separation of powers, but named a ruler with a personal absolute lifelong power. The legal term "head of state" became a synonym for the political term "dictator". Franco’s experience demonstrated the non-democratic nature of the institute of head of state. It was also emphasized by the title "caudillo", indicating its leadership and its mission to restore the former "greatness" of Spain. Franco’s government was to be characterized by the features of "sovereign dictatorship", described by C. Schmitt. By analyzing features of the institution of the post, formation of the same institute and their development, the author notices the potential of the institute of head of state during Franco's authoritarian regime. Two periods are distinguished in the history of the institute. During the first, after the Civil War (1939) and before the adoption of the law "On Succession" (1947), Franco's constitutional activity was aimed to create a "new" nationalist state, struggling against internal and external enemies. Unlimited power in a militarized state became the basis for the domination of “decessionism”, and the state itself was identified with its head personally. In the course of the second period, 1947-1975, the constitutional power of the caudillo began the "institutionalization" of a "social and representative" state which was proclaimed as a monarchy again. Franco’s "fundamental" laws not only created a quasi-constitutional facade of the regime, but consolidated the head of state's self-limited powers and its status in the system of established state bodies, a mechanism to transfer his power to the future king. Spanish state was no longer identified with the head of state. He was declared a representative of the nation and ensured the unity of state power. Franco remained an extraordinary head of state till the end of his life. The mechanism he introduced "worked" after his death in Spain and created the opportunity for a transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one, from "institutionalization" to constitutionalism.
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Renshaw, Layla. "Unrecovered objects: Narratives of dispossession, slow violence and survival in the investigation of mass graves from the Spanish Civil War." Journal of Material Culture 25, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 428–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359183520954499.
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The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was triggered by a military uprising against the democratically elected Popular Front government. Away from the battlefield, this war was characterized by the politically-motivated murder of thousands of civilians, many of whom were buried in clandestine graves throughout Spain. Following Franco’s victory and subsequent dictatorship, there were strong prohibitions on commemorating the Republican dead. A radical rupture in Spain’s memory politics occurred from 2000 onwards with the founding of the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory and other similar pressure groups that have organized the exhumation and reburial of the Republican dead. This article is based on fieldwork conducted in communities in Castile and León, and Extremadura as they underwent mass grave investigations. It examines the experience of theft and dispossession that occurred as part of the Francoist repression of Republicans. Accounts of these episodes focus on stolen and looted objects robbed from the dead during the killings, from the graves’ post-mortem, or from surviving relatives as part of the systematic dispossession of Republican households that occurred during the war and immediate post-war period. These narratives surface with frequency during the investigation and exhumation of mass graves. Despite the fact that many are lost forever, these stolen possessions can function as powerful mnemonic objects with a strong affective and imaginative hold. The narratives of dispossession explore themes of survival, the experiences of women and children, and the impact of slow violence. By invoking theft and stolen objects, these stories highlight forms of trauma and forms of memory that may not be represented fully by the dominant investigative paradigm of the mass grave exhumation with its inherent focus on death, cataclysmic violence and the tangible, physical traces of the past.
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Zaratiegui, Jesus M. "Interest groups and government growth in Spain during Franco's dictatorship (1939‐1975)." International Journal of Social Economics 31, no. 11/12 (November 2004): 996–1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290410561113.
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Swyngedouw, Erik. "Technonatural revolutions: the scalar politics of Franco's hydro-social dream for Spain, 1939?1975." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 32, no. 1 (January 2007): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5661.2007.00233.x.
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Aymamí Reñé, Eva. "Kissing the Cactus: Dancing Gender and Politics in Spain." Congress on Research in Dance Conference Proceedings 2012 (2012): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cor.2012.16.
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In Bésame el Cactus (2004), Sol Picó, modern dancer and choreographer, simultaneously performs flamenco music and dance. Using her body, her shoes, castanets, and hands, she is integrating flamenco—as a cultural symbol of Spain—into a contemporary performance. In a Spain impacted by Franco's dictatorship (1939–1975), the peculiar ambiguous choice of using flamenco in a modern performance raises questions about the construction of national and gender identity, both during the dictatorship and now. Franco's regime promoted a centralized nationalism, and imposed it on the other cultures that were part of the Spanish state. These were cultural regionalisms linked to the historic communities of Catalonia, Galicia, and the Basque Country. During Francoism, popular and folk music and dances were employed as an effort to construct a unified Spanish culture. This paper will address the problems of gender and national construction in contemporary Spain through a close reading of this choreographic piece. A methodological analysis of Bésame el Cactus will be presented using applied performing arts theories. I will also draw upon interview material with the choreographer/performer, Sol Picó. In conclusion, this paper will illustrate the ways in which the heritage of Francoism still informs choreographers' choices, and thereby creates an artificial national music and dance in Spain.
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Munton, Alan. "Wyndham Lewis and the Meanings of Spain." Journal of English Studies 5 (May 29, 2008): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.131.
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Wyndham Lewis (1882-1957) visited Spain at least five times. The impact of these visits on his work was very significant. His novel The Revenge for Love (1937) is partly set in Spain, and is an important political novel of the 1930s; his painting The Siege of Barcelona (1936-37) is a significant statement about Spanish history and the Civil War. Less happy is the polemical essay Count Your Dead: They are Alive! (1937), which takes sides against the legitimate government. (He changed his mind the following year.) This discussion is based on themes apparent in Lewis’s understanding of Spain: his experience at the centre and on the margins; his overcoming of well-known clichés about Spain; his grasp of the importance of Spanish Anarchism; his recognition of the gaze or mirada as an element in life; and a final discussion of The Siege of Barcelona – which after 1939 was renamed The Surrender of Barcelona. That significant change indicates the seriousness of Lewis’s understanding of Spain.
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Макарин, А. В., and С. В. Рац. "МЕСТО И РОЛЬ СССР ПО РАЗРЕШЕНИЮ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА В ИСПАНИИ (1936–1939)." Konfliktologia 15, no. 1 (April 27, 2020): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-1-66-73.
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Nowadays, there is a strong need for the multidimensional socio-political comprehension of the Russia’s modern stage development. This stage allows us making a research on the reforms’ results in the context of the state institutions. The process of the certain results and meaning rethinking of these changes both on the post-soviet space en bloc and in Russia in particular. This article in this sense is aimed at the investigation of the state’s role and place in the historical dimension. The permanent interest to the state’s role and place as well as the variety of its interactions with other countries is caused in the modern world by the modern states’ crisis. The article in this case is very topical and does cover the military political conflict in Spain and the participation of the USSR in it throughout 1936–1939. The main reason of the republicans’ defeat, according to the authors’ opinion, was the change in the USSR’s foreign policy line and as a result the cease of the economic and military help to the republicans government, the remoteness of the civil war combat fields in Spain and also the all-round military and economic help of the fascist coalition which did take part in the direct intervention on the Iberian peninsula. Alongside with this during the period since august 1939 until march 1939 USSR by lending the military and economic help to Spain did clearly demonstrate its priorities which were the fight against the international fascism and trotskyism, militarism and the unhidden aggression against the republic. The military counselors under the conditions of the modern state war did gain the experience in the planning and participation in the big-scale strategic operations. Lastly, on the threshold of the World War ΙΙ the civil war in Spain is considered to be the largest military political conflict of the mid-30s in the 20th century. The subjects of this conflict was from one side the Spanish republic and from the other one the united forces of the coupists and their allies whereas the object of the conflict was all the absoluteness of the political power.
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Molina, Sergio. "¿Competitivas o complementarias? El debate agrario francoespañol en la transición democrática, 1975-1982." Historia Agraria Revista de agricultura e historia rural, no. 80 (January 2, 2020): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.080e06m.
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Delays in the accession of Spain to the EEC have always been attributed to agricultural issues between France and Spain, involving market competition involving crops from both countries. More than forty years later, the economic factor is still thought to be the most critical in this issue. However, there are scarcely any quantitative studies to date that have shown whether the competitive situation was real. The aim of this paper is to analyse and compare agricultural production and yield statistics from France and Spain, in order to determine if agriculture was competitive or complementary in these two countries. Opinions from both governments are also included, to better understand political factors in this situation. This took place during the Spanish transition to democracy (1975-1982), a time of internal instability accompanied by the difficulties of integration in the EEC and within the international context of the Cold War.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 1939-1975"
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ROMANOS, Eduardo. "Ideologia libertaria y movilización clandestina : el anarquismo español durante el franquismo (1939-1975)." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10455.
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Defence date: 11 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Peter Wagner, (Università degli Studi di Trento and former EUI) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, (EUI) ; Prof. Demetrio Castro, (Universidad Pública de Navarra) ; Prof. Adrian Shubert, (York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Este trabajo examina el conjunto de creencias, valores e ideas políticas de los libertarios que en España se movilizaron contra la dictadura franquista entre 1939 y 1975. La tesis principal de la investigación es la emergencia de un proceso de cambio en la ideología libertaria durante ese periodo de clandestinidad que cuestionó algunos de los presupuestos esenciales del pensamiento anarquista clásico. Este cambio y la resistencia al mismo serán analizados teniendo en cuenta la experiencia histórica y las expectativas de los actores que compartieron la ideología, el contexto político y social que rodeó su movilización y la tradición política de la que provenían y a la que éstos de una u otra forma se vincularon.
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Goméz, María Teresa. "El largo viaje the long journey : the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain, 1920-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36016.
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El largo viaje/The Long Journey deals with the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain from 1920, when Communism first emerged in the country, until 1939, when the Spanish Civil War ended. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. On the one hand, by looking at the Party's cultural discourse, its attempts to provide the working class with a political education, and its relationship with communist intellectuals, it aims at explaining the Party's evolution from its original proletarian line in the early 1920s to its democratic line in the mid-1930s, after it joined the anti-fascist Popular Front alliance. On the other, it aims at investigating how, between the years of 1936 and 1938, the Communist Party ended up fulfilling the democratic revolutionary dream of the Spanish bourgeoisie. Through its work in the Ministry of Public Instruction, the Party brought back to life the cultural discourse and aspirations which the reformist and Republican bourgeoisie had been holding on to since the mid- and late nineteenth century. In doing that, Spanish Communists were using cultural practice to further advance the cause of the democratic revolution, and, perhaps more importantly, to make the Spanish people full participants in that revolution for the very first time.
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Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932." Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
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Vaz, Céline. "Le franquisme et la production de la ville : politiques du logement et de l’urbanisme, mondes professionnels et savoirs urbains en Espagne des années 1930 aux années 1970." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100196.
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Urbanisation désordonnée, manque d’équipements urbains, prééminence de la promotion privée dans la production de logements, domination de la propriété d’occupation, telles sont les caractéristiques du développement urbain et immobilier sous le régime franquiste, qui ont perduré jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour certaines d’entre elles. Cette ville « sans qualité » constitue un objet de préoccupation sociale majeur et une voie de contestation du régime dans les dernières années de la dictature franquiste. Le mode de production de la ville qui se met en place durant l’époque franquiste, et la question urbaine sur lequel il débouche, constituent l’objet de cette thèse. Cette recherche repose sur l’analyse conjointe des politiques nationales d’urbanisme et du logement, et du groupe professionnel des architectes. Ce choix a été guidé par un double constat. L’interventionnisme du régime franquiste s’est en effet aussi concrétisé dans les domaines du logement et de l’urbanisme : un ensemble d’organismes centraux, de dispositions et de dispositifs officiels ont ainsi encadré et déterminé le mode de production urbaine. Les architectes, par la position particulièrement privilégiée qu’ils occupent dans le secteur de la construction en Espagne, jouent un rôle clé dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. Des membres du groupe professionnel sont par ailleurs les fers de la critique urbaine à la fin de la dictature. Ce dispositif de recherche permet d’étudier la constitution de l’espace urbain et immobilier en catégorie de l’action publique et les effets de ce processus sur les champs professionnel et scientifique sur l’ensemble de la période franquiste. Il offre les bases d’une histoire sociale des politiques urbaines qui éclaire à la fois l’histoire du régime franquiste, l’histoire des sciences sociales de la ville, ainsi que la sociologie de l’action publique et des groupes professionnelsFrancoism and urban production. Housing and urban policies, professionals and urban sciences in Spain from the 1930's to the 1970's.An urban model oriented towards growth, lack of public facilities and infrastructure, high proportion of owner-tenancy, shortage of public housing, or the relevance of real state in the national economy are some of the characteristics of Spain’s urban development during Franco’s dictatorship. It became a main social concern and way to criticize Franco’s regime at the end of the dictatorship. The aim of this PhD thesis is to study the mode of production of Spanish cities during the dictatorship and the social urban movement at the end of the regime. This research is based on the double analysis of national urban planning and housing policies and of the role of one of their principal actors: the architects. During the Franco’s era, State’s intervention was indeed reflected on housing and town-planning through a set of central institutions or bodies, of legal provisions and official measures. Theses decisions determined the mode of urban development. Owing to their privileged position in the building sector in Spain, architects play a key role in the definition and implementation of these policies. Moreover, some architects were years later the leaders of urban criticism and urban social movement. This set-up brings into light the development, if not the constitution, of the urban space as a category of public action during the Franco years, as well as its effects on the professional and scientific fields. This PhD thesis intends to constitute a social history of urban policies during the Franco’s era (1939-1975). Through this approach, it contributes to a better knowledge of the history of this period, of the history of urban social sciences and public action and of the sociology of professions
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Cerezales, Nathalie. "Exposer le patrimoine culturel d'origine religieuse en Espagne : de la muséologie à la muséographie." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H057.
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Cette thèse traite de l’exposition du patrimoine d’origine catholique dans l’Espagne contemporaine. Elle a pour ambition d’étudier et de circonscrire les différents modes d’exposition de ce patrimoine — musée public, collection privée, musée d’art religieux, musée de confrérie, exposition temporaire etc. — et leur histoire. Les objets d’origine catholique semblent être dans les pays de tradition latine à la racine de la conception de patrimoine culturel. Pourtant, en Espagne, leur intégration dans l’héritage culturel national ne s’est pas déroulé sans heurts. Il est alors question dans cette thèse de retracer les deux trajectoires parallèles de patrimonialisation et de muséification et d’étudier dans quelle mesure elles se nourrissent et contribuent à définir l’objet religieux en patrimoine culturel national. Il est ainsi question de revenir sur les conditions de création des institutions par leurs différents acteurs : les pouvoirs publics, le clergé, ou encore les associations religieuses de laïcs. Enfin, il est question de voir comment politiques culturelle, d’évangélisation et touristique s’entremêlent, dans un pays où aujourd’hui encore les célébrations religieuses rythment le temps. Cette thèse s’articule autour de trois périodes chronologiques qui permettent de retracer les évolutions majeures de ces projets : une première période caractérisée par la confrontation entre le clergé et une classe intellectuelle et politique, à l’origine d’une politique sécularisatrice ; les années 1939-1970, temps de l’alliance entre l’Église et le régime franquiste ; et enfin la période 1970-2007, pendant laquelle on assiste à une politique conjointe de mise en valeur culturelle et touristiqueThis thesis deals with the exhibition of catholic heritage in contemporary Spain. Its goal is to study and delineate the different ways in which this patrimony is exposed – public museum, private collections, religious art museums, guilds museums, temporary exhibition, etc. – and their history. Artifacts of catholic origin seem to be, in countries of Latin tradition, at the root of the conception of cultural heritage. Yet, in Spain, their integration into the national culturalheritage has not been entirely smooth. Therefore this thesis aims to chart the two parallel trajectories of patrimonialization and museumization and to study how they both take form and contribute to the definition of religious artifacts as part of the national cultural heritage. This thesis also tracks the conditions of creation of the institutions by their stakeholders: public authorities, clergy, as well as religious and secular associations. Finally, this thesis explores how cultural, evangelization and touristic policies intertwine in a country where religious celebrations still rhythm daily life. This study is based on three chronological periods to trace the main changes of these projects: the first period characterized by the confrontation between the clergy and the intellectual and political classes; the period between 1939 and 1970 when the Church and Franco’s regime allied; finally the period between 1970 and 2007 during which there is a joint policy to emphasize the cultural and touristic value of the religious heritage
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LAMIKIZ, JAUREGIONDO Amaia. "Sociability, culture and identity : associations for the promotions of an alternative culture under the Franco regime (Gipuzkoa, 1960s-1970s)." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5871.
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Defence date: 22 April 2005Examining board: Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino (Supervisor) ; Prof. Ludger Mees, Universidad del País Vasco-Euskal Herriko Unibersitatea ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute ; Prof. Joseba Zulaika, Basque Studies Centre, University of Nevada, Reno
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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GUIRAO, Fernando. "Spain and European economic cooperation,1945-1955 : a case study in Spanish foreign economic policy." Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5825.
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Defence date: 15 March 1993Examining board: Prof. Richard T. Griffiths (supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Albert Carreras (European University Institute) ; Prof. Juan Pablo Fusi (Universidad Complutense, Madrid) ; Prof. Pierre Gerbet (Insitut d'Etudes Politiques, Paris) ; Alan S. Milward (London School of Economics)
First made available online: 7 June 2016
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BERNAL, GARCÍA Francisco. "El sindicalismo vertical : control laboral y represtación de intereses en la España franquista : la delegación nacional de sindicatos (1936-1945)." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10411.
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Defence date: 26 May 2008Examining Board: Prof. Jaime Reis (EUI-Instituto de Ciencias Sociais)-supervisor ; Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) ; Prof. Ismael Saz Campos (Universitat de València) ; Prof. Mary Vincent (University of Sheffield)
First made available online 05 December 2018
Penetrar en el aparato de poder franquista implica conocer las raíces ideológicas de quienes lo integraban, su proyecto político y su praxis política. En el caso de la Organización Sindical ello supone analizar la trayectoria ideológica de la idea verticalista, las aspiraciones del grupo sindical en relación con su inserción dentro del complejo institucional franquista y el papel que, de una manera efectiva, terminaron desempeñando los sindicatos en el seno del régimen. Para cumplir tales objetivos, he estructurado mi trabajo en nueve capítulos, cada uno de los cuales se centra en un aspecto concreto de la trayectoria de la Organización Sindical durante el primer franquismo. El capítulo primero –“Estado de la cuestión e hipótesis de investigación”- constituye un análisis crítico de la bibliografía existente sobre el sindicalismo franquista y, al mismo tiempo, expone las principales hipótesis en torno a las cuales se ha desarrollado la investigación. A continuación, viene un bloque de dos capítulos de contextualización que analizan la relación del sindicalismo vertical con su entorno europeo y con las etapas inminentemente anteriores de la historia española. El capítulo segundo –“El contexto internacional: corporativismo y fascismo en la Europa de Entreguerras”- sitúa el nacimiento del sindicalismo vertical en una perspectiva internacional, investigando hasta qué punto el mismo fue un fenómeno específicamente español o bien una experiencia compartida con otros países. Por su parte, el capítulo tercero – “Corporativismo y fascismo en España. La construcción ideológica del sindicalismo vertical durante la 2ª República”- profundiza en las raíces ideológicas del paradigma verticalista y en los factores políticos que condicionaron su conformación. Acto seguido, se suceden tres capítulos de naturaleza eminentemente narrativa que diseccionan las distintas etapas que atravesó la Organización Sindical desde el inicio de la Guerra Civil hasta 1951. Así, el capítulo cuarto –“La cuestión sindical en la zona nacionalista durante la Guerra Civil”- pone de relieve que el problema de la faceta sindical del régimen ya fue planteado en plena contienda. El capítulo quinto –“El nacionalsindicalismo entre dos guerras: la primera Delegación Nacional de Sindicatos”- se centra en el período de 1939-1941 y constituye una interpretación de los acontecimientos que marcaron la evolución de la Organización Sindical durante el período en que estuvo dirigida por Gerardo Salvador Merino. Por su parte, el capítulo sexto –“Años decisivos: la consolidación institucional de la Organización Sindical”, 1942-1951”- constituye un análisis de la configuración institucional de la Organización Sindical durante la etapa en que Fermín Sanz Orrio se mantuvo al frente de la misma, momento en el que adquiriría los rasgos esenciales que habrían de distinguirla ya durante todo el período franquista. Finalmente, los últimos tres capítulos tienen una naturaleza sincrónica. En ellos estudio aspectos concretos de la actuación de los sindicatos verticales. El capítulo siete –“La burocracia sindical”- está dedicado a los dirigentes que, de una manera profesional, consagraban su actividad a los organismos sindicales. El capítulo ocho –“La función económica. Organización Sindical, autarquía y representación de intereses” – está dedicado a la relación entre los sindicatos verticales y los empresarios, Por su parte, el capítulo nueve –“La función sociolaboral. La Organización Sindical y las relaciones laborales”- abarca la relación entre los sindicatos y los trabajadores.
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MUÑOZ, SÁNCHEZ Antonio. "La política del SPD hacia el PSOE desde la dictadura a la democracia (1962-1977) : de la solidaridad a la realpolitik." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13280.
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Defence date: 12 January 2010Examining Board: Prof. Jaime Reis (Supervisor) Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) Prof. Mercedes Cabrera (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) - external Supervisor Prof. Fernando Guirao (UPF, Barcelona)
First made available online 15 April 2019
El estudio que aquí se presenta trata de la historia compartida por el Partido Socialdemócrata de Alemania (SPD) y el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) durante el periodo 1962 - 1977. Su objetivo es acercar al conocimiento de las diversas facetas de una relación desigual entre el partido de izquierdas más influyente de Europa Occidental en aquel tiempo y una pequeña organización que fue ilegal durante la práctica totalidad del periodo de estudio pero que emergió con extraordinaria fortaleza al final del mismo, jugando desde entonces un papel central en la construcción de la democracia en su país. Los contactos de estas dos organizaciones de muy distinto carácter, dimensiones y capacidad de influencia se expondrán aquí en el contexto que les da sentido, el de las relaciones hispano-alemanas. El hilo argumental de las páginas que siguen es el lugar que el SPD, partido con responsabilidades de gobierno en la RFA a partir de 1966, reservó al PSOE en el conjunto de su política hacia un régimen en decadencia que finalmente decidió transformarse en una democracia al desaparecer el dictador. Al adentrarse en el estudio de las motivaciones, los objetivos, los medios y los resultados del contacto entre el SPD y el PSOE, la investigación dará respuesta a una serie de cuestiones que resultan de interés para conocer la intrahistoria de dos de las organizaciones de la izquierda europea con más tradición y peso en la vida de sus países. Pero, por encima de ello, lo que esta tesis pretende es realizar una contribución a nuestra comprensión de la influencia que el país más poderoso en la Europa de los años setenta ejerció sobre el proceso que llevó a España de una dictadura a una democracia.
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ALARES, LÓPEZ Gustavo. "Las políticas del pasado en la España franquista (1939-1964) : historia, nacionalismo y dictadura." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32115.
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Defence date: 10 June 2014Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI/External Supervisor) Professor Lucy Riall (EUI) Professor Carlos Forcadell (Universidad de Zaragoza) External Supervisor Professor Martin Baumeister (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München/Deutsches Historisches Institut in Rom).
La presente tesis pretende responder al interrogante de cómo se articuló la cultura histórica nacional en la España franquista, las estrategias aplicadas por el régimen, las narrativas diseminadas, así como la función desempeñada por los historiadores como garantes cualificados del pasado nacional. Para ello, se analizan las políticas del pasado desplegadas por la dictadura y, en concreto, las diversas conmemoraciones históricas organizadas por el régimen. Al condensar de manera espectacular las narrativas sobre la historia, las conmemoraciones se erigieron en elementos de especial relevancia en la configuración del pasado nacional. Un análisis que efectuamos mediante una pluralidad de enfoques vinculados a la historia cultural, la historia de la historiografía y la historia cultural de la política. En cualquier caso, las conmemoraciones históricas se articularon como espacios dinámicos que permitieron la competencia de diferentes agentes -tanto individuales como institucionales- y la confluencia de una multiplicidad de agendas conmemorativas. Esta perspectiva, permite analizar el carácter complejo del régimen, la diversidad de esferas (local, nacional, internacional) involucradas en la celebración del pasado, así como los diferentes proyectos político-ideológicos implicados en la producción del pasado. A su vez, el estudio de las conmemoraciones y la activa participación en las mismas de los historiadores permite analizar la disciplina histórica de manera integral, superando diversas interpretaciones lineales, y atendiendo a los fenómenos de internacionalización, las dinámicas de intercambio y los procesos de articulación de una disciplina que, como territorio políticamente intervenido, se encontró supeditada a los condicionantes del régimen.
Books on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 1939-1975"
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Fear and progress: Ordinary lives in Franco's Spain, 1939-1975. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.
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Black, Stanley. Spain since 1939. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Paul, Preston. The triumph of democracy in Spain. London: Methuen, 1986.
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Paul, Preston. The triumph of democracy in Spain. London: Methuen, 1987.
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Paul, Preston. Triumph of Democracy in Spain. London: Routledge, 1987.
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Gómez, José Antonio Olmeda. Las fuerzas armadas en el estado franquista: Participación política, influencia presupuestaria y profesionalización, 1939-1975. Madrid: Ediciones El Arquero, 1988.
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E, Giles Mary, and Cuevas Tomasa 1917-, eds. Prison of women: Testimonies of war and resistance in Spain, 1939-1975. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998.
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Paul, Preston. The triumph of democracy in Spain. London: Methuen, 1986.
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Paul, Preston. The triumph of democracy in Spain. London: Routledge, 1990.
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Guilhem, Florence. L' obsession du retour: Les républicains espagnols, 1939-1975. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 1939-1975"
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Guijarro González, Juan Ignacio. "Nothing but Sex from Beginning to End: Censorship in Translating Vladimir Nabokov’s Novels in Spain During the Francoist Dictatorship (1939–1975)." In Translation and the Intersection of Texts, Contexts and Politics, 133–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53748-1_7.
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Simón, Juan Antonio. "Football, Diplomacy, and International Relations during Francoism, 1937–1975." In Soccer Diplomacy, 48–69. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179513.003.0004.
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Throughout the decades under Franco, Spanish foreign policy often used football as a diplomatic tool. In a totalitarian system where sport was subject to political government interests, football allowed the regime to show a positive image of Spain, favoring its progressive integration into the European context. Before the end of the Spanish Civil War in April 1939, Francoism started to implement a new model of sports politics. Franco understood that this activity might be a benefit to his international legitimation, an aid to the political control of the Spanish society, and a propaganda tool. Spain experienced a radical ostracism from the international sporting context during this period, reducing its international football relations to those countries ideologically close to Francoism such as Germany, Italy, and Portugal.
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Guirao, Fernando. "Marketing the 1970 Agreement." In The European Rescue of the Franco Regime, 1950-1975, 301–18. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861232.003.0007.
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The basic feature of the 1970 Agreement between the EEC and Spain, Chapter 6 explains, was the negotiated asymmetry in favour of Spain. Franco’s governments succeeded in securing irreversible access to the Common Market, with the most favourable terms possible for a non-EEC country. This was despite the increasing political costs for the Six/Nine and Madrid not having to pay the price of political evolution. The Spanish administration accepted that the Franco regime should evolve but only if the speed and the destination were left up to Madrid. The 1970 Agreement represented a shield granted by the Six in favour of Franco Spain. The Six and the EEC Council and Commission dealt with a relatively weak partner. Meanwhile, Spain faced a set of countries that together formed an omnipotent trading bloc and embodied the highest democratic values. Despite this, Franco’s negotiators succeeded in imposing the essential aspects of their objectives.
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Guirao, Fernando. "Franco Spain at the Origins of the European Agricultural Community." In The European Rescue of the Franco Regime, 1950-1975, 52–100. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861232.003.0003.
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Chapter 2 shows that Madrid faced serious risks when integration threatened agriculture. A West-European agricultural trade bloc threatened Spain’s economy and political system. Fortunately for Franco Spain, the governments promoting agricultural integration soon deserted supranational features and moved into trade talks to offer other west European countries the surpluses they had generated after 1947. Spain concluded a purchasing contract for wheat with France. This and the prospects of wheat from the International Wheat Agreement and the United States, allowed Madrid to avoid bread rationing after the spring of 1952. By the end of the Green Pool episode, Spain had been granted de facto OEEC treatment in agricultural trade. Thus, the proposed European Agricultural Community provided the Franco regime with the opportunity to improve food consumption and overcome a critical threat to its survival.
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Guirao, Fernando. "Finale." In The European Rescue of the Franco Regime, 1950-1975, 433–40. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861232.003.0010.
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The Nine failed to establish an industrial free-trade area with Spain and thus to gain access to the Spanish market, the largest west European industrial market outside their direct influence. The decision of the Council of Ministers of the European Communities, in October 1975, to suspend FTA negotiations with Spain, without denouncing the 1970 Agreement, meant the ultimate success of the Spanish government’s politico-economic strategy, the last episode of the European rescue of the Franco regime. The EC Council decision might have been inevitable in terms of public opinion and democratic morality, but it meant to permit Madrid to retain full control over the country’s import policy while fully exploiting the export prospects offered by the 1970 Agreement. In the end, the decision was detrimental for the overall interests of all the parties involved, whether the Spanish population or Western Europe. The final section of this book invites economic historians to estimate the costs of the Spanish EEC policy concerning the inefficient allocation of resources, weak technological transfer, lesser accompanying investment, and limitations to total-factor-productivity increases. Political historians, in turn, should explore what specific interests explain, in each case, why, if official Spanish trade practices in export promotion and import restriction gave the Six every incentive to denounce the 1970 Agreement, apart from obvious political reasons, they did not do so. Finally, scholars dealing with Spanish EEC-membership negotiations should determine the extent at which the Community experience over the 1970 Agreement explains Community attitudes towards some Spanish demands after 1979.
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Riley, Kathleen. "Michael Portillo’s Great Railway Journeys: Granada to Salamanca (1999)." In Imagining Ithaca, 221–51. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852971.003.0018.
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This chapter follows Michael Portillo’s pilgrimage to his late father’s native Spain as part of the BBC television series Great Railway Journeys. Luis Gabriel Portillo was a poet and law professor who stayed loyal to the Republican government when the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936. A liberal intellectual and a Catholic idealist, he refused to carry a rifle at the front for fear of killing one of his brothers, five of whom were enlisted on the Nationalist side. Instead he ran messages as a courier and acted as a political instructor to the troops. In January 1939, shortly before Madrid fell to Franco, he escaped across the Pyrenees, reaching England as an asylum-seeker. For two decades he was unable to set foot in Spain. Michael’s moving Telemachan odyssey took him back to the land of his father’s heroes, to the village of his formative years, to the front line of the civil war, and to the ancient university city of Salamanca, the Ithaca of which Luis dreamt during his long years in exile. The chapter also looks at examples of Luis Portillo’s deeply nostalgic poetry of exile, from his published volume Ruiseñor del destierro.
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Kirschbaum, Julie B., and Desirée Sideroff. "A Delayed Healing: Understanding the Fragmented Resilience of Gernika." In The Resilient City. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195175844.003.0013.
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For the 1937 Paris World’s Fair, Pablo Picasso unveiled a vivid portrayal of human suffering entitled Guernica. Inspired by the brutal civilian attack on a small Basque town in northern Spain, the painting became an artistic indictment of fascism, exposing the horrors of the Spanish Civil War to the world. Gernika suffered this major urban trauma on April 26, 1937, when Hitler’s Condor Legion demolished the town at the request of General Francisco Franco, leader of the National Forces and subsequent dictator of Spain. While the town of Gernika lacked the global prominence and political freedom to convey its own account of the bombing, the Picasso painting, in conjunction with the international press, exposed the brutality of the attack. In the ensuing decades, the painting traveled the globe promoting a message of martyrdom and suffering. This international attention occurred in sharp contrast to Gernika’s concealed recovery, which received little publicity under the censorship of Franco’s fascist regime. Franco deliberately targeted Gernika because of its cultural significance to the Basque people, for whom the town symbolized democracy and autonomy. In attacking this town, which held no military or strategic significance, Franco aimed to destroy the symbolic center of Basque self-rule and crush his enemy’s morale. This deadly assault affected the lives of all of Gernika’s citizens, killing many, scattering survivors, and almost completely destroying the town’s physical structure. Following the bombing, the town experienced a precarious recovery. The man who ordered Gernika to be destroyed guided its reconstruction and dictated the rules of the Spanish public realm from 1939 to 1975. Franco simultaneously directed a rapid physical restoration and a strict program of Basque cultural subjugation. The politics of recovery meant that decades passed before town members could publicly mourn or openly place blame. Under these circumstances, recovery in Gernika exhibited distinct physical, emotional, and cultural dimensions. Physical resilience denotes the ability of a city to rebuild its physical structure. It considers how the city was rebuilt, who was in charge of the rebuilding process, and the politics involved in physical reconstruction. Emotional resilience refers to the ability of individuals, families, and communities to cope and heal from trauma.