Relevant bibliographies by topics / Spain – Politics and government – 17th century

Academic literature on the topic 'Spain – Politics and government – 17th century'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 17th century"

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Aguirre, Rodolfo. "The Indians and Major Studies in New Spain: Monarchical Politics, Debates, and Results." Social Sciences 10, no. 4 (March 25, 2021): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040115.

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This article studies some stages and debates about the access of New Spain’s Indians to major studies: The discussion about their mental capacity in the 16th century, the impulse of Carlos II to the indigenous nobility in the 17th century, or the reticence in the Royal University of Mexico and the Church to their acceptance in the 18th century. It also analyzes the responses given by the Crown to the interest of the Indians elites in superior studies, degrees and public positions, protected by their rights as free vassals of the kingdom and as nobles, comparable to the Spanish nobility. Despite the insistent resistance of sectors of the colonial government and society to the rise of Indians, they firmly defended, in the 18th century, the rights and privileges granted to them by the monarchy since the beginning of New Spain, thereby achieving their entry into the university, colleges, and clergy.
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Crailsheim, Eberhard. "Negotiating Peace and Faith Jesuit Mediators in the Inter-Polity Relations between Christians and Muslims in the 17th-Century Philippines." Philippiniana Sacra 56, no. 168 (May 1, 2021): 375–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.55997/2003pslvi168a2.

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In the overlay of Muslim and Christian geopolitical interest zones in the early modern Philippines, the missionaries of the Society of Jesus got to play a unique role as cultural intermediaries. This article analyzes some outstanding episodes of Jesuit diplomatic activities between the Spanish colonial government and the rulers on the islands of Mindanao and Jolo. In the setting of the Southeast Asian world, Spain found itself in a hostile environment in which the Muslim polities were a permanent factor. Slave raiders from both islands threatened the coastal villages of the Spanish Visayas, while on the other hand, Spanish imperial plans compromised the sovereignty of the sultans. By investigating Jesuit chronicles and additional contemporary sources, this study focuses on the Spanish side of this relation. It will contextualize the role of the Jesuits as ambassadors and, at the same time, as promoters of their own missionary interests. Thereby, it will assess the geostrategic considerations of the Jesuit order and their similarities with and differences from those of the colonial government in Manila. This article argues that in spite of a general overlap of interests, discrepancies existed and increased over the years, eventually effecting the outcome of negotiations.
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Schulz, Carsten-Andreas. "Territorial sovereignty and the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier”." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 3 (December 10, 2018): 878–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066118814890.

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European politics at the turn of the 19th century saw a dramatic reduction in the number and diversity of polities as the territorial nation-state emerged as the dominant form of political organization. The transformation had a profound impact on the periphery. The study examines how embracing the principle of territoriality transformed relations between settler societies and indigenous peoples in South America. As this shift coincided with independence from Spain, Creole elites rapidly dismantled the remnants of imperial heteronomy, ending centuries of inter-cultural diplomacy. The study illustrates this shift in the case of the “Southern frontier,” where Spain had maintained a practice of treaty making with the Mapuche people since the mid-17th century. This long-standing practice broke down shortly after Chile gained independence in 1818. What followed was a policy of coercive assimilation through military conquest and forced displacement — a policy that settler societies implemented elsewhere in the 19th century. In contrast to explanations that emphasize the spread of capitalist agriculture and racist ideologies, this study argues that territoriality spelled the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier.”
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Avango, Dag, Louwrens Hacquebord, Ypie Aalders, Hidde De Haas, Ulf Gustafsson, and Frigga Kruse. "Between markets and geo-politics: natural resource exploitation on Spitsbergen from 1600 to the present day." Polar Record 47, no. 1 (June 15, 2010): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247410000069.

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ABSTRACTWhat are the driving forces behind large scale natural resource exploitation in the polar regions and how should we understand the relations between these forces? New historical-archaeological research performed during the International Polar Year (IPY) 2007–2009 on whaling, hunting and mining in Spitsbergen (1600–present) show both economic and geopolitical factors driving the development of those industries, both the whaling industries in the 17th century and 1900’s, and the mining industry of the early 20th century. However, the relation between these driving forces has differed, both between time periods and between actors. In most cases economic motives provided the main rationale for utilising resources and for government support for resource exploiters, but in some instances governments would support even unprofitable ventures in order to maintain a foothold on Spitsbergen.
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Dowling, John, and David Thatcher Gies. "Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain. Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent." South Atlantic Review 54, no. 1 (January 1989): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200090.

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Miller, Stephen, and David Thatcher Gies. "Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain: Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent." Hispania 72, no. 2 (May 1989): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/343128.

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Oakley, R. J., and David Thatcher Gies. "Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain: Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent." Modern Language Review 85, no. 4 (October 1990): 1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732748.

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Buck, Donald C., and David Thatcher Gies. "Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain. Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent." Hispanic Review 59, no. 3 (1991): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/474062.

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Londre, Felicia Hardison, and David Thatcher Gies. "Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain: Juan De Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent." Theatre Journal 41, no. 2 (May 1989): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3207875.

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BELTRAMO, Olga. "La estructura escolástica en el Tractatus de legibus et legislatore Deo / The Scholastic Structure in Tractatus de legibus et legislatore Deo." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 19 (October 1, 2012): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v19i.6058.

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Francisco Suárez was a Jesuit priest who lived between the mid 16th century and the begining of the 17th century, in Spain when it was governed bay the kings of the Austria House. His writings are mainly theological, but he also wrote about politics. In fact, proof of that can be found in De legibus et legislatore Deo and in the Defensio fidei catholicae adversus anglicanae sectae errores. In De legibus, a treatise which consists of ten books, he develops the topic of the law by using the scholastic method of his time. That’s why, before expressing his point of view and giving his necessary reasons, he analises, compares and makes the critic of phylosophers who dealt with the topic. His erudiction was very vast, because he mentions texts and authors before him, not only medieval but also Greek thinkers.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 17th century"

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Zweigman, Leslie Jeffrey. "The role of the gentleman in county government and society : the Gloucestershire Gentry, 1625-1649." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76528.

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This study presents a picture of the social, political and economic life of the Gloucestershire county community on the eve of, and during the civil war, and discusses the causes and effects of the conflict in the Gloucestershire context.
Chapter One describes the county in 1640, studying its physical features, wealth and pursuits and social structure. The second chapter offers a survey of the 'county community,' the prominent county families who formed a small but most powerful and influential group in the county.
Chapter Three attempts to classify the established county gentry in terms of landed income and to consider how far it is possible to describe the class as 'rising' during the early seventeenth century. The fourth chapter covers the personal lives of the resident peers and major gentry, considering the strength and impact of kinship and marriage bonds among the leading families.
Chapter Five considers the role of the gentry is governors of the shire. The sixth chapter traces the development of opposition in the county to the policies of the Caroline government.
Chapter Seven presents a narrative of 1640-42. The next chapter suggests that, at the beginning of the civil war, the elite gentry families began losing their predominance in county affairs due to external commitments and divisions among them.
The ninth chapter describes military rule in Gloucestershire between 1642 and 1646. Finally, the last chapter assesses some of the effects of civil war.
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ENA, SANJUÁN Íñigo. "The vertebrae of the Leviathan : municipal debt and state formation in the eighteenth-century Crown of Aragon." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74919.

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Defence date: 28 September 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Pieter Judson (European University Institute); Prof. Tamar Herzog (Harvard University); Prof. Christopher Storrs (University of Dundee); Prof. Regina Grafe (European University Institute)
Why and how did modern states emerge in Southwestern Europe? These are the main questions that this thesis answers by examining the debt of six municipalities of the Crown of Aragon during the 18th century through a multiscale, transversal, and comparative approach. The ancient practices which constituted the Aragonese polity appeared in the mid-fourteenth century and survived at least until the mid-eighteenth century partially thanks to the debt of the municipalities. Towns and kingdoms were in many cases ruled by assemblies of creditors by virtue of debt restructuring agreements. Debt accounts for the long survival of the Aragonese polity, but also for its sclerosis. The financial situation of the debtholders, mostly ecclesiastical institutions, prevented rulers from defaulting on municipal debt and adopting drastic measures against the Church, as they feared a financial meltdown. The emergence of the modern state was an intricate process which started by 1750, mainly due to the collapse of the ancient mechanisms. The modern state appeared as a set of practices devised and implemented by a myriad of actors who tried to recompose social and political life. State formation was first and foremost a local process in which municipal debt proved crucial too. The examination of local dynamics reveals that modern states in Southwestern Europe followed similar paths during the early phases of their formation.
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ROMANOS, Eduardo. "Ideologia libertaria y movilización clandestina : el anarquismo español durante el franquismo (1939-1975)." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10455.

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Defence date: 11 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Peter Wagner, (Università degli Studi di Trento and former EUI) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, (EUI) ; Prof. Demetrio Castro, (Universidad Pública de Navarra) ; Prof. Adrian Shubert, (York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Este trabajo examina el conjunto de creencias, valores e ideas políticas de los libertarios que en España se movilizaron contra la dictadura franquista entre 1939 y 1975. La tesis principal de la investigación es la emergencia de un proceso de cambio en la ideología libertaria durante ese periodo de clandestinidad que cuestionó algunos de los presupuestos esenciales del pensamiento anarquista clásico. Este cambio y la resistencia al mismo serán analizados teniendo en cuenta la experiencia histórica y las expectativas de los actores que compartieron la ideología, el contexto político y social que rodeó su movilización y la tradición política de la que provenían y a la que éstos de una u otra forma se vincularon.
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Rees, Timothy John. "Agrarian society and politics in the province of Badajoz under the Spanish Second Republic, 1931-1936." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9a57d34-b448-434e-ab32-726a19aeffea.

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This thesis analyses rural social and political conflict in the province of Badajoz (Extremadura) during the Spanish Second Republic of 1931 to 1936. It takes a broad approach to social and political change in a province typical of southern Spain, but focusses particularly on the under-explored role of powerful agrarian elites opposed to the reforms introduced by the new liberal-democratic regime. The study begins with two complementary chapters covering the period 1870-1930; they consider the evolution of the autocratic rural order presided over by the elite and discuss the growth of the challenge to agrian power from organised rural labour. In the following chapters covering in detail the period 1931 to 1936 the partial transformat ion of the rural order that accompanied the transition to the Republic, the subsequent processes of social and political struggle, and the polarisation that followed are documented. A final epilogue considers the Civil War as a rural counter-revolution that involved the resurgence of agrarian autocracy in Badajoz. The thesis draws on a wide range of primary materials, from archives and printed sources to memoirs, and utilizes the relevant secondary literature. In general the study forms part of a movement to reach a deeper understanding of social and political change during the Republic and in particular offers new perspectives on the contribution of the 'agrarian question' to the breakdown of the regime and the origins of the Civil War.
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VIDAL, Guillem. "The political consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe crisis and representation in Spain." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63265.

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Defence date: 13 June 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Elias Dinas, European University Institute; Prof. Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Prof. Kenneth M. Roberts, Duke University
The Great Recession constituted a breaking point in several aspects of the cultural, economic and political life of southern European countries (i.e. Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain). This dissertation aims to shed light on the political consequences of the economic crisis in this region —with a specific focus on Spain as a paradigmatic case— by analysing different aspects of the political transformations that took place during the period of crisis. The underlying argument is that, albeit some relevant differences, the four countries experienced a common pattern: the incapacity of national politics to offer differentiated recipes to the deteriorating economic situation triggered a widespread crisis of representation that introduced new issues in the political agenda and drove the political transformations in these countries. The combination of a political and economic crisis at the national and European levels opened new political spaces that new parties capitalised by appealing to the need for democratic renewal and opposition to austerity politics. Furthermore, as illustrated by the Spanish case, and in particular the Catalan experience, the political crisis had far-reaching consequences beyond economic grievances, leading to the activation of different types of conflicts. Overall, the findings suggest that the transformations in the structure of political conflict in southern Europe in the aftermath of the Great Recession are not the by-product of a growing cultural divide —as is the case in several other continental and north-European countries—, but instead respond to the loss of credibility in the political system. Methodologically, the dissertation relies on an original dataset of media content as well as on several sources of survey data to test the empirical validity of the claims.
Chapter 2 'From Boom to Bust : A Comparative Analysis of Greece and Spain under Austerity' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter 'From boom to bust : a comparative analysis of Greece and Spain under austerity' (2018) in the book Living under austerity : Greek society in crisis.
Chapter 3 'Old versus new politics: The political spaces in Southern Europe in times of crisis' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Old versus new politics : the political spaces in Southern Europe in times of crises' (2018) in the journal 'Party politics'
Chapter 4 'Out with the Old: Restructuring Spanish Politics' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Challenging business as usual? : the rise of new parties in Spain in times of crisis' (2017) in the journal 'West European politics'
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Harty, Siobhán. "Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.

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Albers, Andrew D. "Ethno-nationalism and the Spanish state : a comparison of three regions in Spain /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12042009-020026/.

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Spurr, John. "Anglican apologetic and the Restoration Church." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670403.

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Monteyne, Joseph Robert. "The space of print and printed spaces in Restoration London, 1660-1685." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape2/PQDD_0019/NQ56588.pdf.

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Von, Maltzahn Nicholas. "Milton's History of Britain in its historical context." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:af28c7ae-01bf-4edf-a560-547fd19e1bf7.

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The prologue studies the Tory publication of Milton's Character of the Long Parliament (1681). It argues that the provenance of this tract is best explained if Milton did in fact attempt to include the Digression in his History of Britain. Further ambiguities in Milton's early reputation are discussed in a review of the History's reception. Chapter I surveys Milton's response to the long­ standing demand for a national history and briefly reconsiders his ideas on history and historiography. Chapter II proposes that his political sympathies led Milton to look to the British legends for his historical subject. The strong Protestant and Tudor associations of such native myth have been largely overlooked, and yet they bear strongly on Milton's proposals for a British historical poem. His reappraisal of the myths in the History indicates his disillusionment with his original historical project: and reflects his changing opinion of the national character. Chapter III charts Milton's response to the legends surrounding Lucius, Constantine and the early British church, and traces conflicts between his need to deny church history and his desire to rewrite it. It then turns to his curiously muted views on the Saxon church. Chapter IV compares the use of Gildas's De Excidio in the History with Milton's relative silence on Arthur. Milton's regard for this ancient British jeremiad recalls that of the Reformers and suggests the instability of his commitment to purely classical styles of historiography in his time. Chapter V surveys the conflicting ideological and religious pressures on the history of the Saxons and the Conquest and compares Milton's shifting response to these in his political tracts with his views in the History. The Epilogue returns to Milton's view of the national character, with special reference to the Digression. Presenting his references to climate theory in a wider context, it argues that in moving from a loosely predestinarian position to a belief in free will, Milton first sought some determining natural force to explain England's conduct through the ages.
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Books on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 17th century"

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Twentieth-century Spain: Politics and society in Spain 1898-1998. Houndmills, Basingstoke: St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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Salvadó, Francisco J. Romero. Twentieth-century Spain: Politics and society in Spain, 1898-1998. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

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Miller, John, 1946 July 5-, ed. Absolutism in seventeenth-century Europe. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.

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Union, revolution, and religion in 17th-century Scotland. Aldershot, Great Britain: Variorum, 1997.

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Power and dissent: Larra and democracy in nineteenth-century Spain. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2009.

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Society and politics in an Ottoman town: 'Ayntāb in the 17th century. Leiden: Brill, 2007.

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Canales Serrano, Antonio Francisco, 1966-, ed. Science policies and twentieth-century dictatorships: Spain, Italy and Argentina. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2015.

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Sebastian, Balfour, and Preston Paul 1946-, eds. Spain and the great powers in the twentieth century. London: Routledge, 1999.

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The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870-1945. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.

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Diggers, levellers, and agrarian capitalism: Radical political thought in 17th century England. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Spain – Politics and government – 17th century"

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Biosca, Antoni. "Catalan “Sedition” in the 17th Century." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 101–7. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-6614-5.ch007.

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The Latin poem Seditio Catalaunica, still unedited and lacking studies and translation, is a clear example of the anti-Catalan mentality typical of the Reapers´ War in 17th-century Spain. In this poem, kept in a 17th-century MS held at the Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, we can find clear references to Catalonia´s and Catalans´ guilt in the war, as well as accusation of treason and sedition. The epic poem, composed of over 1,200 Latin hexameters, is accompanied by five brief that insist on the same idea. This accusation of sedition has also served in recent times to try in a court of law pro-independence Catalan leaders in 2019, so that we can analyze this poem as a precedent of Spanish politics with regard to Catalonia.
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Jouve Martín, José R. "Religious Drama and the Polemics of Conversion in Madrid." In Performing Conversion, 110–39. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474482721.003.0006.

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16th- and 17th- century Spanish theatre became a vehicle through which to explore the politics and polemics of conversion in a multicultural empire that presented itself as the champion of Catholic orthodoxy. As the chapter suggests, the appeal of many of these works was not their didactic nature, but rather their playful recreation of the fundamental tensions that surrounded the idea of religious and social conversion in early modern Spain.
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Pielas, Jacek. "Podstarościowie i pisarze grodzcy w świecie wielkiej i małej polityki (na przykładzie urzędników grodzkich województwa sandomierskiego w XVII wieku)." In Władza i polityka w czasach nowożytnych. Dyplomacja i sprawy wewnętrzne. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8220-090-4.02.

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The article is devoted to the issue of the participation of the most important town officials – sub-elders and courts writers – in politics at the level of noble self-government as well as the parliament and central institutions of the noble state on the example of the officials of the strongholds of the Sandomierz province in the 17th century. The article presents the results of many years of source search, allowing to present the staffing of the above-mentioned offices in seven strongholds of the former Sandomierz region in the 17th century and to evaluate the involvement of those in these offices in small and large politics. The article presents typical manifestations of the involvement of these officials in public life, as well as spectacular careers and political activity of the most prominent representatives of this clerical group from the Sandomierz province.
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Duke-Evans, Jonathan. "Fair play in pre-industrial Britain." In An English Tradition?, 99–135. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192859990.003.0006.

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Abstract To recognise obligations of fair play to someone one must accept them as in some sense being of equal status. In England from the later Middle Ages virtually all were entitled to call themselves free; distinctions between nobles and commoners were less important than elsewhere; cooperative institutions flourished in town and countryside. Such habits and institutions allowed the idea of fair play to take root. By the early modern period virtually all English people were entitled to the protection of the common law, and six principles which enshrine procedural fair play had emerged: jury trial, open justice, the presumption of innocence, the right to silence, habeas corpus, and the principle that an Englishman’s home is his castle. It was in the 18th century that a kind of fair play began to permeate the political system. The intellectual roots of fair play in politics go back to the ancient ideas of government by consent and of the mixed constitution, which asserted themselves more effectively when religious conflict subsided in the late 17th century. The Church of England only emerged as a force for (comparative) moderation, and hence fairness, with the rise of the Latitudinarians after 1660. Neither the social system, nor the common law, nor the political system, nor the Church can fully explain the existence of the fair play tradition in England; all were heavily influenced by it, however, and the social structure and common law in particular helped to shape the way in which the tradition was to develop.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "Great-Power Debut, 1865–1914." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 121–55. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0005.

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In the five decades after the Civil War the American economy became the largest in the world and the country took part in the first great age of globalization. Its population grew rapidly, especially through immigration from Europe, and Americans in large numbers settled the lands acquired before 1861. All this gave the United States the basis for becoming a great power in the world. During that time America established a sphere of influence in Central America and the eastern Pacific Ocean. It also began to act as a great power in East Asia: American warships opened Japan to international commerce and American merchants pursued commercial opportunities in China, taking advantage of Britain’s victory in the Opium War. The American government issued the “Open Door” note in 1899 in order to preserve these opportunities. The United States acquired a formal empire in the Philippines and an informal one in Cuba through its victory in a war against Spain in 1898. In the early years of the twentieth century two presidents presented contrasting visions of America’s great-power foreign policy. Theodore Roosevelt, like Alexander Hamilton before him, put sustaining a stable balance of power at the center of his outlook. Woodrow Wilson, following in the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson, emphasized the need to transform international politics so as to make them more peaceful.
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"monarch’s power, delegated to the Lord Chancellor, gave rise to a stream of English law known as equity, that area of law which rectifies the cruelties and injustices of the common law. An area of law where would-be litigants must prove their moral worth prior to the hearing of the case. It can be seen that it is the body of the sovereign that tacitly unites religion, law and politics. It is, of course, the Government that has acquired these powers in reality; the monarch is merely the symbol of their existence. English monarchs still retain, by law, the power to heal. The English system of secular justice, in terms of personnel, processes and rules, is steeped in the Judaeo-Christian justice as interpreted and mediated through English translations of the Greek translations of the Hebrew and Aramaic of the Bible. A Greek language whose vocabulary is shot through with the philosophy of dualism— light/dark, good/bad, good/evil, male/female, slave/free, gods/humans—a dualism not that apparent in Hebrew and Aramaic. This dualism has entered the law through language. So language is powerful, it enables the manifestation of the past in the present and the projection of the future into the present. Language, thus, facilitates easy discussion of complexities like time. Lawyers too, in a similar manner, have tried to prove that the integrity of the judge and/or legislator is carried in the words. A key problem in relation to the integrity of law is the maintenance of certainty despite the variability of language. Some legal doctrines relating to the interpretation of law deny that language has a flexibility, fearing that this would be a sign of its weakness and lack of certainty; others acknowledge the flexibility of language and look to the legislators intention. This, too, is a search for the mythical as legislation is changed for a variety of reasons during its drafting and creation stages. If language is seen to be too flexible, the law begins to look less certain. The root problem here is the language, not the law, yet the two are intimately connected, for the law is carried by the language; so is it not true that the law is the language? The following illustration of linguistic difficulties that concern translation, interpretation and application initially draws quite deliberately from religion to attempt to break preconceptions about language, and to illustrate the problems arising from the necessarily close relationship between language and law. There will be a return to law shortly. The Christian religion, rather than any other religion, is being considered because it is the religion that remains today at the core of English law. This is one reason why English law can have, and has had, difficulty with concepts from differing religious traditions that have presented themselves before the courts demanding acceptance and equality. Whilst English law states that it maintains neutrality in matters of religion and yet fails to resolve major tensions within it in relation to Christianity, discrimination remains at the heart of English law. The law’s understanding of Christianity has come from the collected texts that make up the Bible: texts that different Christian groups in England, Scotland and Wales went to war over in the 16th and 17th centuries. The wars were initiated and supported by differing political factions established after Henry VIII made his break with the authority, but not the theology, of Rome in the early 16th century. Henry VIII took for." In Legal Method and Reasoning, 27. Routledge-Cavendish, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843145103-14.

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