Journal articles: 'Spain – History – 1975-'

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Настусевич, Валерия Игоревна. "Catholic organisation Opus Dei in Spain: origin and formation (1928–1975)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 3 (August 9, 2022): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2022-3-71-81.

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The article examines the history of the emergence and development of the Catholic organisation Opus Dei. The key stages of its development are determined, the social and political, educational and intra-church activities of Opus Dei members during the Franco period are analysed. Special attention is given to the history of the origin of the organisation, its structure and institutionalisation, its influence on economic policy and education in Spain, as well as obtaining the official standing of Opus Dei in the hierarchy of the Catholic Church. The problems of opening the first centers of the organisation, the foundation of the Priestly Society of the Holy Cross, the formation of legal mechanisms that allowed regulating the activities of Opus Dei are considered. It also examines the economic policy of the Spanish government during the period of the second Francoism, in which the main places were occupied by members of Opus Dei. The economic reforms carried out according to the stabilisation plan (1959) and development plans (1964–1967, 1968–1971, 1972–1973) are analysed.

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Payne, Stanley G., and Joe Foweraker. "Making Democracy in Spain: Grass-Roots Struggle in the South, 1955-1975." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21, no. 3 (1991): 524. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204969.

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Ruiz, J. "Spain Transformed: The Late Franco Dictatorship, 1959-1975." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 505 (November 10, 2008): 1611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen332.

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Pérez, Oscar A. "Un plaguicida en el franquismo: comunicación de riesgos tóxicos en España, 1945-1975." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 29, no. 2 (June 2022): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702022000200007.

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Resumen En este trabajo se analizan las representaciones de los riesgos tóxicos del hexaclorociclohexano, un ingrediente activo de plaguicidas de uso común en los campos españoles durante el franquismo. Se hace énfasis en las prácticas que visibilizaron e invisibilizaron dichos riesgos en España entre 1945 y 1975, buscando establecer los actores que las fomentaron y los medios que emplearon. Desde la perspectiva de la agnotología, se analizan los procesos de creación de ignorancia e incertidumbre relacionadas con este compuesto. Asimismo, se examinan las estrategias retóricas utilizadas para abordarlos. Para ello se utilizan tres fuentes primarias principales: la revista de agronomía dirigida a expertos Boletín de patología vegetal y entomología agrícola, la revista dirigida a agricultores Agricultura y el periódico ABC.

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Terron, Aida, Josep M. Comelles, and Enrique Perdiguero-Gil. "Schools and health education in Spain during the dictatorship of General Franco (1939-1975)." History of Education Review 46, no. 2 (October 2, 2017): 208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-01-2016-0007.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the evolution and characteristics of health education in schools in Spain during the dictatorship of General Franco (1939-1975). Design/methodology/approach The analysis of two kinds of sources has been performed. First, the reports from international organizations on health education in schools published in the 1950s and 1960s. Second, journals, books and official documents published by public health and education organizations in Franco’s Spain. Findings Health education in schools evolved in three stages under Franco’s dictatorship. In the first stage (1939-1953), Spanish schools maintained an outdated “school health” approach in the teaching programmes. In the second stage (1953-1965), the agreements with the USA in 1953 ended Spanish isolation, and the regime sought to follow the recommendations of international organizations. Efforts were made to “import” the WHO/UNESCO version of health education in schools but it failed to materialize. A programme that sought to enhance citizen participation and to acknowledge their idiosyncrasies was unlikely to prosper in a dictatorship. However, the less threatening food and nutrition education programme, encouraged by the FAO/UNICEF, did succeed. In the last stage (1965-1975), the Spanish education system entered a period of modernization in which the contents and methods of health education in schools were reformed in order to introduce the less conflictive aspects of the international recommendations. Originality/value The paper highlights the tensions between the aspirations to follow international programmes and the recommendations on health education in schools and the difficulties of implementing such schemes under a dictatorship.

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de la Escosura, Leandro Prados. "Growth and structural change in Spain, 1850–2000: a european perspective." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 25, no. 1 (2007): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900000082.

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ResumenEn este ensayo se examina el progreso económico a largo plazo de la España contemporánea y se sitúa en perspectiva europea. En siglo y medio, la renta per capita aumentó quince veces. Tres grandes fases pueden distinguirse: 1850–1950, 1951–1974 y 1975–2000. El peor comportamiento relativo de España en el largo plazo se debió fundamentalmente al lento crecimiento durante etapas concretas del siglo anterior a 1950. En la segunda mitad del siglo XX, y en particular, durante 1959–1974, España acortó distancias. El cambio estructural contribuyó significativamente a la aceleración del crecimiento, en tanto la falta de exposición a la competencia internacional constituyó un elemento recurrente de atraso.

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Shubert, Adrian, and Carolyn P. Boyd. "Historia Patria: Politics, History, and National Identity in Spain, 1875-1975." American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (December 1998): 1617. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650040.

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Tilley-Lubbs, Gresilda A. "Fear and Silence Meet Ignorance." Ethnographic Edge 3 (December 4, 2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/tee.v3i1.53.

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When I studied in Spain in 1969 and 1970, I knew about the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), briefly mentioned in my Spanish history books; General.simo Francisco Franco declared victory. I knew Spain through my graduate studies in Spanish literature and through Michener’s book Iberia (1968). In 2000, I met Jordi Calvera, a Catal.n whose post-war stories conflicted with that idyllic Spain. I returned to Spain in 2013, still with no idea of the impact of the totalitarian dictatorship based on fear and silence through which Franco ruled until his death in 1975, leaving a legacy of fear and silence. In Barcelona, I met a group of adults in their eighties who shared Jordi’s experience. My intrigue with these stories led me to learn more about the war, the dictatorship and the aftermath by interviewing people whose lives had been touched by those years. Through a layered account, I present some of the stories and examine my oblivion. Keywords: Critical autoethnography, autoethnography, ethnography, Spanish Civil War, Franco’s totalitarian dictatorship

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Ringrose, David. "Historia económica regional de España, siglos XIX y XX. Edited by Luis Germán, Enrique Llopis, Jordi Maluquer de Motes, and Santiago Zapata. Barcelona: Crítica, 2001." Journal of Economic History 63, no. 1 (March 2003): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703261805.

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This volume is a collection of nineteen essays, seventeen of which summarize the economic history of the individual autonomous regions established in Spain as part of the transition to democratic government that began in 1975. The last two essays are valiant efforts to synthesize some of the information in the first seventeen. The first of the concluding essays discusses the persistence of pre-nineteenth-century structures in Spain during the nineteenth century. The second examines the relationship of the various autonomous regions within Spain to the European Union.

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Laraña, Enrique. "Social Movements in Spain." Tocqueville Review 15, no. 1 (January 1994): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.15.1.119.

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Until recent years, the term "movement" had a peculiar meaning in Spain since it referred to an aggregate of political forces that supported the military coup against the Republic and got the victory after three years of Civil War in 1939. The "Movimiento Nacional" does not fit into most current conceptions of social movements, and was mainly a political instrument for the unification of these forces under the rule of general Franco (Tusell 1992). Its authoritarian principles were the legal basis for the Regime until 1975, when the former died and a peaceful process of democratic transition took place.

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Magnussen, Anne. "Introduction." European Comic Art 11, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/eca.2018.110201.

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The introduction offers an overview of English-language and Spanish-language scholarship about Spanish comics since 2000. This research is typically concerned with one of four main chronological periods, i.e. early comics history 1875-1939; the Francoist dictatorship 1939-1975; the Political Transition 1970-1985; and Democratic Spain from the early 1980s, and some of its recurrent themes are memory, gender, regional identities and history, and/or a focus on social or educational comics. The articles in the two special issues on Spanish comics (11.1 and 11.2) almost all relate to these periods and themes in different ways, and together they show that comics scholarship about Spanish comics is a fascinating field, and one that offers plenty of opportunities for further study.

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López Gómez, Pedro. "Archival science in Spain between 1975 and 2005: a review." Archival Science 7, no. 3 (September 2007): 245–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10502-008-9061-2.

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García, Eduardo Abad. "'Serving the people'. A short history of Spanish Maoism (1964-1980)." Twentieth Century Communism 22, no. 22 (September 12, 2022): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322835917883.

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1956 was an important date for Spanish communism. The Twentieth Congress of the CPSU was being held in Moscow, and the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) adopted the policy of 'National Reconciliation'. This became the starting point for Maoist dissidence and clashes with the party leadership, whom they accused of 'revisionism'. In 1964 the first Maoist party was formed, the PCE (marxist-leninist), made up of radicalised youth as well as some communist veterans. The influence of Maoism then slowly increased and it started to infiltrate other social sectors: workers, students and even Catholic groups. As a result of this influence, further organisations were created, such as the PCE (international), the Communist Movement, the Revolutionary Organisation of Workers, the Organisation of Spanish Marxist-Leninists and the Communist Organisation (Red Flag). During the final years of the Franco dictatorship a number of Maoist groups committed themselves to armed struggle. The first to take this type of action were the militants of the Revolutionary and Patriotic Antifascist Front (FRAP), a short-lived group created by the PCE (m-l), which lasted from 1973 to 1976. In response to the execution of several FRAP militants on 27 September 1975, the First October Revolutionary Antifascist Groups (GRAPO) were created. This organisation sought to overcome demoralisation in post-transition Spain through intensifying actions based on armed struggle, but it eventually became a marginal force, as a result of persecution by the police. This article reviews the history of the Maoist political subculture in Spain over two decades from a social and cultural perspective, and analyses multiple aspects of this communist current, including its transnational networks, collective memory and identity.

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Payne, Stanley G., and Frances Lannon. "Privilege, Persecution, and Prophecy: The Catholic Church in Spain, 1875-1975." American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1989): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862159.

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Edles, Laura Desfor. "A Culturalist Approach to Ethnic Nationalist Movements: Symbolization and Basque and Catalan Nationalism in Spain." Social Science History 23, no. 3 (1999): 311–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018113.

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The Spanish transition to democracy after the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 is heralded as the “very model” of successful transition from authoritarianism to democracy (Gunther 1992), the epitome of “transition through transaction” (Share 1986, 1987). Spain is proclaimed “the country to be studied” (Przeworski 1986: 61) for good cause. Despite a long history of political turmoil, a notoriously brutal civil war, and nearly 40 years of dictatorship, Spain transformed itself into a democracy “from the inside out” using a remarkably quiescent process of reform called, significantly, the “strategy of consensus” (Carr and Fusi 1979; Payne 1985).

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Ruiz Carnicer, Miguel Ángel. "Late Spanish Fascists in a Changing World: Latin American Communists and East European Reformism, 1956–1975." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (August 2019): 358–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000079.

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AbstractThe main aim of this article is to show how the political evolution of Western and Eastern Europe during the Cold War cannot be fully understood without analysing the political experiences of countries like Spain, which were not at the centre of the period's political decisions but whose evolution was inspired and suggested by strategies outside the political mainstream. In this respect, the internal evolution of Francoist Spain from the mid-1950s through the 1960s portrays a peculiar political situation demonstrating the capillarity of political and social experiences across the Iron Curtain in Europe and Latin America. A minority of influential sectors linked to the Single Spanish Party, the Falange, pursued its own third way, ignoring the Cold War models. They instead looked to what was happening in Eastern Bloc countries, especially after the events in Hungary in 1956, as well as to the political experiments in Latin America, especially the Cuban revolution.

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Alcalá-Santaella, María, and Fernando Bonete Vizcaino. "Origen y evolución del modelo técnico-cultural en la enseñanza del periodismo en España (1887-1975)." INDEX COMUNICACION 12, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.33732/ixc/12/02origen.

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For much of the 20th century, journalism education in Spain has progressively moved towards its current university status. Traditionally, it has been thought that the model of higher education for Spanish journalists had a mixed character, combining subjects of a cultural nature with purely technical ones. The aim of this research is to research with scientific systematicity the origin and evolution process of this technical-cultural model in the higher education of journalism in Spain through the presentation of the pioneering nonformal or artisanal initiatives –from 1887 to 1926– and the analysis of the cultural and technical subjects contained in the study plans, from its earliest days until journalism is officially considered a university discipline. This retrospective longitudinal and descriptive study covers eight decades of the history of journalism education in Spain (1887-1975), and a total of fourteen syllabuses from seven educational institutions. The research empirically confirms that all the stages of journalism education in Spain have common grounds: the mixed nature of curricula.

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Vincent, Mary. "Nation and State in Twentieth-Century Spain." Contemporary European History 8, no. 3 (November 1999): 473–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399003094.

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Pamela Beth Radcliff, From Mobilisation to Civil War: The Politics of Polarisation in the Spanish City of Gijón, 1900–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 354 pp., £40, ISBN 0–521–56213–9.Carolyn Boyd, Historia Patria: Politics, History, and National Identity in Spain, 1875–1975 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 358 pp., $49.50, £35.00, ISBN 0–691–02656–4.Sebastian Balfour, The End of the Spanish Empire 1898–1923 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 269 pp., £35.00, ISBN 0–198–20507–4.Clare Mar-Molinero and Angel Smith, eds., Nationalism and the Nation in the Iberian Peninsula: Competing and Conflicting Identities (Oxford/Washington, DC: Berg, 1996), 281 pp., £34.95, pb £14.95, ISBN 1–859–73175–9.Michael Richards, A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco's Spain, 1936–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 314 pp., £40.00, $59.95, ISBN 0–521–59401–4.Gerald Howson, Arms for Spain: the Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War (London: John Murray, 1998), 354 pp., £25, ISBN 0–719–55556–6.During the long years of Francoism, Spanish historiography was dominated by a search for explanation. Against the regime's triumphalist account of the ‘essential’ Spain – resurgent in the form of the victorious general's authoritarian, confessional state – exiled intellectuals such as Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz and Américo Castro posed questions about the ‘problem’ of Spain, looking to the country's past to explain the political violence of the present. For those who won the Civil War of 1936–39, Spain's national destiny was to remain true to the imperial, Catholic legacy of the Habsburg monarchy. Eschewing modern ‘decadence’ and the false paths of secularism and democracy, Spain was to remain, according to Franco, the ‘spiritual reserve of the west’. Such a vision of history, in Mike Richards's words, ‘appropriated time itself in acknowledging no distinctions between past, present and future’ (Mar-Molinero and Smith, p. 152). To Francoist ideologues, both history and the nation were understood in terms of providential destiny: once understood, the national destiny would prove immutable.

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Porras, María Isabel, and María José Báguena. "The role of the World Health Organization country programs in the development of virology in Spain, 1951-1975." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 27, suppl 1 (September 2020): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702020000300010.

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Abstract Within the framework of recent historiography about the role of the World Health Organization (WHO) in modernizing public health and the multifaceted concept of global health, this study addresses the impact of the WHO’s “country programs” in Spain from the time it was admitted to this organization in 1951 to 1975. This research adopts a transnational historical perspective and emphasizes attention to the circulation of health knowledge, practices, and people, and focuses on the Spain-0001 and Spain-0025programs, their role in the development of virology in Spain, and the transformation of public health. Sources include historical archives (WHO, the Spanish National Health School), various WHO publications, the contemporary medical press, and a selection of the Spanish general press.

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Gutiérrez Lozano, Juan Francisco. "Spain Was Not Living a Celebration." Europe on and Behind the Screens 1, no. 2 (November 29, 2012): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2012.jethc014.

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Franco’s Dictatorship (1939-1975) used Spanish Television (TVE) as a key element in the political propaganda of its apparent ‘openness’ during the 1960s. The propaganda co-existed with political interest in showing the technological development of the media and the international co-operation established with other European broadcasters, mainly in the EBU. In a country ruled by strong political censorship, the Eurovision Song Contest was used as a political tool to show the most amiable image of the non-democratic regime. Spain’s only two Eurovision wins (1968 and 1969) are still, 50 years on, two of the building blocks of the history of TVE and of televised entertainment and popular memory in Spain.

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Prados de la Escosura, Leandro, Joan R. Rosés, and Isabel Sanz-Villarroya. "Economic reforms and growth in Franco's Spain,." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 30, no. 1 (August 30, 2011): 45–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610911000152.

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AbstractThis paper is an attempt at assessing the economic impact of market-oriented reforms undertaken during General Franco's dictatorship, in particular the 1959 Stabilisation and Liberalisation Plan. Using an index of macroeconomic distortions, the relationship between economic policies and the growth record is examined. Although a gradual reduction in macroeconomic distortions was already in motion during the 1950s, the 1959 Plan opened the way to a new institutional design that favoured a free market allocation of resources and allowed Spain to accelerate growth and catch up with Western Europe. Without the 1950s reforms and, especially, the 1959 Plan, per capita GDP would have been significantly lower in 1975.

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Malet, Antoni. "Science and power: Francoist Spain (1939–1975) as a case study." Centaurus 61, no. 1-2 (February 2019): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1600-0498.12210.

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Balan, Elena G. "Key Trends in the Memorial Urban Toponymy of Francoist Spain in the 20th – 21st Centuries." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v155.

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The paper studies urban place names of the era of the Spanish Civil War (from 1936 to 1939) and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (from 1939 to 1975) in the context of the historical memory in contemporary Spain. The material included academic articles on historical memory, publications in the mass media, pieces of legislation, and data from the National Statistics Institute (Spain). Turning to toponyms allows us to provide insights into the problem of historical memory in Spain after the end of the dictatorship in 1975. The 1977 Amnesty Law (Ley de Amnistía de 1977) stipulated the oblivion of the events of the Franco period so as not to provoke conflict in society. In the late 20th century, the history of the Civil War and Francoist dictatorship needed to be re-examined. The research demonstrates that the current legal framework for memory in Spain is based on the Historical Memory Law (Ley de memoria histórica), adopted in 2007. The paper found that the number of urban toponyms containing symbols of the period under study, such as the names of participants in and events of the Civil War and Francoist dictatorship, has decreased significantly in recent years. However, changes in Francoist toponyms are inevitably accompanied by discussions and polemics at the level of local legislatures as well as public commemorative organizations, which are often covered in the media. Thus, the process of renaming continues to be a topical problem for Spain.

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Mayoral Blasco, Susana. "Los enfoques de la educación para el desarrollo en España." Acciones e Investigaciones Sociales, no. 30 (May 29, 2012): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_ais/ais.201130604.

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• Son varios los autores que han escrito sobre el contexto y la evolución general de la educación para el desarrollo en los llamados países del Norte industrializados, describiendo que a nivel internacional se han dado cinco enfoques. Tras leerlos nos preguntamos si España podría constituir un caso particular debido a nuestra historia política (una dictadura de 1939 a 1975). Para averiguarlo reconstruimos la evolución de la educación para el desarrollo en España y sus enfoques a fin de poder compararla con la evolución general. Nuestra conclusión es que España sí constituye un caso particular ya que debido a nuestra historia política no se da un enfoque que sí se da a nivel internacional. • Several authors have written on the context and overall evolution of education for development in the so-called northern industrialised countries, describing five approaches that have emerged on an international scale. After reading such works, we wonder whether Spain might be a special case on account of our political history (being a dictatorship from 1939 to 1975). In order to find out, we reconstructed the evolution of education for development in Spain and its various approaches so as to compare it with the general trend. We concluded that Spain is indeed a special case since, on account of our political history, we lack a perspective that is found in in the international arena, namely the “developmental approach”, moving instead from the “charity or welfare approach” directly to the “critical and supportive approach”.

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Soro, Javier Muñoz. "The media in the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–82)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 33, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2020): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00024_1.

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The transformations in Spain from the 1960s onwards in relation to communication resulted in a new legislation that allowed a certain liberalization to try to legitimize the Franco regime. Despite the information repression, some media outlets (especially magazines) became channels for the dissemination of democratic ideas and spaces for debate. In addition, the lack of consolidation in the socialization of the values of the ‘18 of July’ in the first stages of the dictatorship led to a more successful technocratic socialization to favour the depoliticization and demobilization of Spanish society. The interpretations on how this communication pseudo-space was decisive, during the last years of the Franco regime, for the formation of public opinion in democratic Spain have not taken into account a significant factor that allows overcoming the opposition between the emergence of civil society and the persistence of some values from Francoism. This factor is the enormous disparity in culture and media consumption, with its reflection in education and, more generally, in economic inequality.

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Santesmases, Maria Jesus. "Severo Ochoa and the Biomedical Sciences in Spain under Franco, 1959-1975." Isis 91, no. 4 (December 2000): 706–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/384946.

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MUÑOZ SÁNCHEZ, ANTONIO. "The Friedrich Ebert Foundation and the Spanish Socialists during the Transition to Democracy, 1975–1982." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731500051x.

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AbstractThis article explores the activities of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Spain during the transition to democracy. It describes the financial, logistical and training support with which this German Foundation contributed to the unexpected rebirth of the Spanish Socialist Party after Franco and its meteoric emergence as the leading left-wing party. It also assesses its cooperation with the Socialist trade union, which moved from irrelevance to a position of importance greater than the powerful Communist union. Finally, the article examines how the Foundation diversified its activities in order to meet the growing needs of and challenges faced by the Spanish Socialists in their path towards power.

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Zhukov, N. N. "Constitutional transition to democracy in Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-96-109.

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In this article the author analyses formation of the country's constitutional legislation system. In the 20th century Spain experienced three different periods: the years of the Second Republic in 1931-1939, the Franco's dictatorship of 1939-1975 and the period of transition to democracy or, as it is called ‘constitutional transit' of 1975-1980, when the basic laws and regulations of democratic Spain were adopted. Each of these periods corresponded with fundamentally different lawmaking processes, based on different legal judicial norms that were strongly influenced by the peculiarities of the political situation in the country. This article examines the background of the creation of Spanish constitutions in a particular historical period, the domestic and international situation and its influence on the peculiarities of lawmaking process. The author studies the history of the constitutional documents' adoption, considers and examines their structure and content in a highly detailed way. The author scrutinizes not only the logic, but also the sequence and reasons for the adoption of all Spanish constitutional and legal acts, as well as their meaning and influence on the legal system of the state. The Fundamental Laws of Frankish Spain, as well as the Spanish Constitution of 1978, the Political Reform Act, the rulings of the Spanish Constitutional Court and other acts, the peculiarities of the transition process to democracy and the legal break with the Frankish epoch and its system of lawmaking are studied in the article. It is worth noting that, at a time when the exist opinions that the Spanish Constitution is outdated and needs reforming, the conclusion about its fundamental role for the peaceful transition to a new Spain at the end of the 20th century and its legal relevance is the issue of utmost importance.

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del Palacio, Jorge. "Destra e sinistra in Spagna: il caso della II Repubblica." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041003.

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In this paper it is studied the formation of left and right political spaces in Spain during the twentieth century, especially on two stages: the '30s, since the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931 until the end of Civil War in 1939 (the terms left and right are then normally incorporated in the partisan denominations); and the democratic transition of current Spain from 1975 to 2012. Both cases emphasize the difficulty to develop a centre political space and a certain polarization. In the first case this situation led to war. In the second case has articulated a permanent opposition which, although it has changed in nature, it is still ruled by the right-left axis.

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Mendiola, Fernando. "The Role of Unfree Labour in Capitalist Development: Spain and Its Empire, Nineteenth to the Twenty-First Centuries." International Review of Social History 61, S24 (December 2016): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000407.

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AbstractThis article contributes to the debate on the persistence of forced labour within capitalist development. It focuses on Spain, which has been deeply rooted in the global economy, firstly as a colonial metropolis, and later as part of the European Union. In the first place, I analyse the different modalities of unfree labour that are included in the taxonomy established by the Global Collaboratory on the History of Labour Relations, taking into account the different political regimes in which they are inserted. Therefore, the legal framework regarding unfree labour is analysed for four different political contexts: liberal revolution with colonial empire (1812–1874); liberal parliamentarism with colonial empire (1874–1936); civil war and fascist dictatorship, with decolonization (1936–1975); and parliamentary democracy within globalization (1975–2014). The article goes on to deal with the importance of the main economic reasons driving the demand for forced labour: relative labour shortage and the search for increasing profits. In the conclusion, and taking the Spanish case as a basis, I suggest a series of challenges for furthering the global debate on the role of forced labour under capitalism.

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Moreno‐Seco, Mónica. "A Man Just Like Other Men? Masculinity and Clergy in Spain during Late Francoism (1960–1975)." Journal of Religious History 45, no. 4 (November 11, 2021): 603–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12803.

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Bermúdez-Figueroa, Eva, and Beltran Roca. "Silenced narratives of women’s participation in labour and political struggle in Spain, 1960–1975." Labor History 60, no. 5 (February 11, 2019): 415–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2019.1573976.

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Radcliff, Pamela Beth. "Imagining Female Citizenship in the 'New Spain': Gendering the Democratic Transition, 1975-1978." Gender History 13, no. 3 (November 2001): 498–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.00241.

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Novas-Ferradás, María, María Carreiro-Otero, and Cándido López-González. "Galician Female Architects—A Critical Approach to Inequality in the Architectural Profession (1931–1986)." Arts 9, no. 1 (March 4, 2020): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010033.

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The remoteness of Galicia, a cultural and linguistic bridge between Portugal and Spain, did not prevent it from playing a significant role in the history of female architects in the Iberian Peninsula. Nine Galician pioneers have carved the path since the first generation of Spanish female architects outlined the precedents during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939). They were also present in an initial period, even if housewifization theories were intensively fueled by the dictatorship (1939–1975); likewise during the continuity period in the transition to democracy (1975–1982), and the second wave of feminism. However, it would not be until progressive democratic institutionalization (1982–1986) that more women gained access to architectural studies in university (consolidation period); but what is the legacy of these pioneers? Are Galician female architects ‘in transition’ yet? Based on data primarily collected by research group MAGA and released publications, this piece explores how, despite their achievements, their recognition is still superficial. And even if the number of undergraduate students reached quantitative equality, female practitioners continue to leave architecture and these numbers are increasing. Towards a critical approach to inequality in the profession, this article researches the history—and stories—of Galician female architects to examine how far we are from effective equality in the Galician architectural world.

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WALTON, JOHN K. "Another face of ‘mass tourism’: San Sebastián and Spanish beach resorts under Franco, 1936–1975." Urban History 40, no. 3 (April 4, 2013): 483–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926813000370.

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ABSTRACT:Histories of the ‘mass tourism’ of sunshine and beaches, and of the ‘package holiday’, in post-war Europe have tended to focus on the activities of big international companies and the role of governments. This has certainly been the case in Spain. This article recovers an earlier version of the urban history of coastal tourism in southern Europe, focusing on the resort of San Sebastián in the Spanish Basque Country, and thereby drawing attention to the neglected Atlantic dimension of Spanish coastal tourism. It then examines the responses of an established resort and summer capital to the new developments of the post-Civil War years, and shows how the decline of an older model of aristocratic tourism was counterbalanced by the development of new holiday markets and practices, many of which arose spontaneously beyond the regulatory and promotional gaze of the local authorities.

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Herran, Néstor, and Xavier Roqué. "An Autarkic Science: Physics, Culture, and Power in Franco’s Spain." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 43, no. 2 (November 2012): 202–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2013.43.2.202.

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We discuss the rise of modern physics in Spain during Francoism (1939–1975) within the context of culture, power, and the ongoing historical assessment of science during the dictatorship. Contrary to the idea that Francoist policy was indifferent if not hostile to modern science, and that ideology did not go deeper than the rhetorical surface, we discuss the ways in which the physical sciences took advantage of, and in turn were used by, the regime to promote international relations, further the autarkic economy, and ultimately generate power. In order to understand what physics meant within the National Catholic political order, we contrast the situation in the post–Civil War decades with the situation before the war. First we discuss how the war transformed the physicists’ community, molding it around certain key fields. We then turn to the work of right-wing ideologues and conservative scientists and philosophers, who stressed the spiritual dimension of the discipline and argued for the integration of science into the Christian scheme of the world. The cultural realignment of the discipline coincided with the institutional changes that harnessed physics to the military and economic needs of the autarkic state, which we discuss in the final section. To conclude, we reflect upon the demise of autarkic physics in the late 1960s and the overall implications of our argument with regard to the development of physics in Spain.

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Domingo-Calabuig, Débora. "Dualities in architectural training: The Architecture School of Valencia (1968-1975)." Journal of Technology and Science Education 8, no. 3 (May 21, 2018): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.3926/jotse.366.

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The school of Valencia was a singular case study in the architectural training in Spain towards the end of the 60s. Like in Madrid, Barcelona, and Seville, the school also participated in the bustling political and social context, but while in these schools the curriculum of 1964 was extended until 1975, in Valencia the creation of the Instituto Politécnico Superior was the opportunity to launch an experimental curriculum introducing notable changes. Beginning in 1969, the new architecture students of Valencia shared a classroom and subjects’ contents with students from 3 other degrees (Industrial Engineering, Civil Engineering, and Agricultural Engineering) and underwent continuous evaluations following a semester calendar. The architecture school of Valencia thus became a dual organism since the previous plan coexisted with the new one, but each was taught in different venues, isolated from one another. This work puts in parallel both curricula, both university environments and the teaching practices received by both group of students and tries to reconstruct the first years of history of the architecture school of Valencia thanks to testimonies and the few existing documentary sources. In addition, a critical assessment of the results is developed which is compared to the recent reflections and changes that have been occurring in the teaching of architecture.

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González. "“I looked upon the Nile”—and the Ebro: Reconstructing the History of Langston Hughes Translations in Spain (1930–1975)." Langston Hughes Review 27, no. 2 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/langhughrevi.27.2.0137.

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Muxí, Zaida, and Daniela Arias Laurino. "Filling History, Consolidating the Origins. The First Female Architects of the Barcelona School of Architecture (1964–1975)." Arts 9, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010029.

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After Francisco Franco’s death, the process of democratisation of public institutions was a key factor in the evolution of the architectural profession in Spain. The approval of the creation of neighbourhood associations, the first municipal governments, and the modernisation of Spanish universities are some examples of this. Moreover, feminist and environmental activism from some parts of Spanish society was relevant for socio-political change that affected women in particular. The last decade of Franco’s Regime coincided with the first generation of women that graduated from the Barcelona School of Architecture (ETSAB). From 1964 to 1975, 73 female students graduated as architects—the first one was Margarita Brender Rubira (1919–2000) who validated her degree obtained in Romania in 1962. Some of these women became pioneers in different fields of the architectural profession, such as Roser Amador in architectural design, Alrun Jimeno in building technologies, Anna Bofill in urban design and planning, Rosa Barba in landscape architecture or Pascuala Campos in architectural design, and teaching with gender perspective. This article presents the contributions of these women to the architecture profession in relation to these socio-political advances. It also seeks—through the life stories, personal experiences, and personal visions on professional practice—to highlight those ‘other stories’ that have been left out of the hegemonic historiography of Spanish architecture.

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Dávila, Paulí, Luis M. Naya, and Hilario Murua. "Tradition and modernity of the De La Salle Schools: the case of the Basque Country in Franco’s Spain (1937–1975)." Paedagogica Historica 49, no. 4 (August 2013): 562–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2013.799500.

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García Fernández, Mónica. "Representations of motherhood in late francoist Spain: From catholic discourses to early feminist critiques." Feminismo/s, no. 41 (January 2, 2023): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2023.41.06.

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This article examines changes and continuities in the representations of motherhood at the end of Franco’s regime (c 1960-1975). Influenced by the approaches of the history of emotions, this study looks at the emotional prescriptions and norms associated with Catholic representations of motherhood and family, but also at the emotional counter-narratives of second-wave feminism in Spain. It draws on various sources, including popular and religious magazines, films, medical discourses, advice literature, illustrated books and feminist writings. The first section focuses on the most conservative depictions of motherhood at the time, those linked to Opus Dei, which praised the joys of prolific motherhood and resisted any change in social attitudes towards birth control. Modern in appearance, but very reactionary at heart, these publications intended for a popular readership disseminated an ideal of the self-sacrificing mother who never lost her smile or optimism despite the hardships of everyday life. The second section deals with a new type of advice literature for mothers aimed at disseminating the so-called painless childbirth method, which contained a conservative message about the role and emotions women should perform during labour. Thirdly, the article assesses the evolution of the most progressive Catholic discourse on motherhood and family in the 1960s and early 1970s in the context of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Finally, it studies some early feminist writings from the end of the dictatorship. In opposition to the patriarchal narratives, these critiques drew attention to the various types of violence associated with the experience and institution of motherhood.

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Esenwein, George. "Fear and Progress: Ordinary Lives in Franco's Spain, 1939–1975. By Antonio Cazorla Sánchez. (Chichester, England: Wiley‐Blackwell, 2010. Pp. 279. $94.95.)." Historian 73, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 881–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2011.00308_64.x.

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Lagrée, Michel. "Frances Lannon, Privilege, persecution and prophecy. The catholic Church in Spain, 1875-1975, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1987, 276 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 46, no. 5 (October 1991): 1175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900068566.

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Ruiz, José Luis García. "Cultural resistance and the gradual emergence of modern marketing and retailing practices in Spain, 1950–1975." Business History 49, no. 3 (May 2007): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076790701295029.

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Muñoz López, Pilar. "Las publicaciones y la investigación sobre mujeres artistas en España." RAUDEM. Revista de Estudios de las Mujeres 3 (May 23, 2017): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/raudem.v3i0.633.

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Resumen: El tema de las mujeres artistas ha sido escasamente tratado en la abundante bibliografía de Historia del Arte. La mayor parte de las publicaciones que se han editado en los últimos años son fundamentalmente de carácter divulgatorio de la actividad de las artistas en el contexto internacional y en nuestro país. En el artículo se revisan los libros y artículos publicados y, finalmente, se exponen los contenidos de mi obra Artistas españolas en la dictadura de Franco. 1939-1975, que, desde una perspectiva histórica, trata de dar a conocer la actividad creativa de muchas artistas españolas en este periodo histórico. Publications and Research about Women Artists in Spain Abstract: The topic of Women Artists has been hardly presented in abundant bibliography of Art History. The majority of publications issued in latest years are popular science books about the activity of artists in an international context and in our country. In this paper I revise books and articles, and finally, I thoroughly explain thoroughly the contents of my book Artistas españolas en la dictadura de Franco. 1939-1975, which from an historic perspective, attempts to show the prominence of creative activity from many Spanish women artists in this historic period.

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Khenkin, S. M. "The Monarchy and the Transition to Democracy in Spain." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-82-97.

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In the 1970s, the Spanish monarchy, represented by King Juan Carlos I, appeared in an unexpected role of the initiator of radical social change. Juan Carlos, the grandson of King Alfonso XIII, deposed in 1931, was brought up by Franco. After the death of Caudillo in November 1975, he assumed the post of head of state. Initially, the king, who shared liberal views, was in a very difficult situation. He was considered as a heir of Franco, he was deprived of democratic and dynastic legitimacy. Juan Carlos managed to appoint his trustees – T. Fernandez-Miranda and A. Souares to key government posts. They had carried out a number of reforms and as a result dismantled the authoritarian Franco regime and led the country to democracy. The king himself, remaining behind the scenes, acted as an arbiter, a “motor” and patron of the process of changes. In Spanish society, the indifference and even the negative attitude towards the monarchy was replaced by confidence in the necessity and usefulness of this institution. Unfortunately, in the last years of the reign of Juan Carlos, his popularity fell sharply due to corruption scandals in the royal family. However, giving an overall assessment of the role of Juan Carlos in Spanish history, the first place should be given to his services, not mistakes. The Spaniards at one time adopted a monarchy, because they were subdued by the king, and not by the monarchy as an institution.

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Gorshkova, K. G., and O. A. Masalova. "The History of Formation and Development of the National Museum of Roman Art in Mérida (Spain)." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 163, no. 6 (2021): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2021.6.157-167.

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The article is devoted to the history of preservation of the archaeological monuments of the city of Mérida that keep the memory of the former greatness of the capital of the Roman province of Lusitania. The Archaeological Museum of Merida was founded under the Royal Decree of 1836. Subsequently, it transformed from a small collection of local artworks into the National Museum of Roman Art, i.e., it was recognized and declared as being of national importance. On July 10, 1975, the Royal Decree was adopted to open the National Museum of Roman Art in Mérida. The latter became the first museum to receive the national status outside the Spanish capital of Madrid. Its collections and activities revolve around the Roman period, to which a permanent exhibition in a new specially designed building is dedicated. The Visigothic collection is housed in a separate building of the Santa Clara Church, for which a new exhibition space is currently being planned. The history of the museum’s collections is inseparable from the work of people who made a great contribution both to the replenishment of the funds and to the evolution of the exposition discourse. The museum has embarked on a rich research program to study and popularize Roman history and culture. By continuing as the National Center for the Study of the Roman World, it remains true to the original research task. Therefore, the National Museum of Roman Art in Mérida can be defined as the largest cultural center of all aspects of the daily life of Augusta Emerita, one of the main cities on the western border of the Roman Empire.

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Hennessey, Anna M. "Rebirth and the Eternal Return in Modern and Contemporary Catalan Art and Identity." Religions 14, no. 1 (January 9, 2023): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010086.

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This article explores how themes of birth, rebirth, genesis and coming into being are present in modern and contemporary Catalan art, focusing on the works of Eugènia Balcells (b. 1942), Xicu Cabanyes (b. 1946), Mari Chordà (b. 1942), Salvador Dalí (1904–1989), and Joan Miró (1893–1983). In particular, the article looks at how these themes emerged for the artists as a way of expressing Catalan identity in the wake of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco in Spain (1939–1975), as well as following Catalonia’s broader history as a nation without a state in Europe. In exploring the artists’ lives and works, the article also considers the topics of rebirth and the eternal return as they occur in the philosophy and history of religion of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900), Albert Camus (1913–1960) and Mircea Eliade (1907–1986). Ultimately, the author interprets the artworks of the study as physical representations of rebirth that relate in part to a longstanding Catalan sentiment of an eternal recurrence to life after destruction.

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Román Ruiz, Gloria. "‘Democracy builders’: Conflictivity and democratic learning in the educational and cultural spheres during the late-Francoist and Transition periods." International Journal of Iberian Studies 34, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00037_1.

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The early 1960s in Spain saw the beginnings of a cycle of protest against the dictatorship of Francisco Franco that would end by rendering its continuity unviable after the dictator’s death in 1975. The process of building democracy was undertaken bidirectionally, both from ‘above’ and from ‘below’, and it involved multiple actors. This article pays special attention to those ‘democratizing agents’ in civil society who acted in the cultural and educational spheres, as teachers, students, protest singers or members of the cultural centres and neighbourhood associations that emerged at that time, especially in rural Andalusia. It argues that through day-to-day micro-conflicts and micro-mobilizations, those actors acquired and transmitted civic–democratic guidelines and values.

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Rodríguez Milán, Roberto. "Joan Fuster y Julián Mariás : dos intelectuales frente a la transición española a la democracia." Acta Hispanica 20 (January 1, 2015): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2015.20.79-89.

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From autumn 1975 onwards, political change becomes a tangible possibility in Spain. In the face of a quite unpredictable scenario for the Iberian country, filled with concerns, uncertainties and expectations, many intellectuals take a step forward in what they regard as their social role, attempting to engage a dialogue with the society they belong to by proposing a personal reading of the political and social reality of the time. We highlight here the dissimilar prominence of two intellectuals, both of them veteran in their dissent versus General Franco’s dictatorship: the writer Joan Fuster and the philosopher Julián Marías. Through their constant “emergency” essays which are here under consideration, these two intellectuals intensify their effort so as to contribute to shape a public opinion informed about the past and committed with the present and the future, able to become an active subject of History once again.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Spain – History – 1975-'

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