Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Spain – History – 1975-'
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Shaw, Duncan Richard. "The political instrumentalization of professional football in Francoist Spain 1939-1975." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1988. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1899.
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The objective of this thesis is to be the first systematic study of the political instrumentalization of football in Francoist Spain from 1939 to 1975. Seven separate and contrasting aspects of this political instrumentalization may be isolated, and, accordingly, this thesis will consist of a chapter examining each one of these seven aspects in turn. After a first introductory chapter, Chapter Two will examine the application of Fascist concepts to Spanish football. In the third chapter, the questions of whether and to what extent football was used by the Franco regime as a political soporific will be discussed. The theme of Chapter Four is the lack of democracy within the structures of the game, a situation that is alleged to have been deliberately imposed by the regime in order to not create an uncomfortable comparison for itself with the lack of national and local political democracy. The poor working conditions of the footballers, which mirrored those of the great majority of Spanish workers during the Franco period, are the subject of Chapter Five. In the sixth Chapter, the political significance of the presence in Francoist Spain of a group of refugee players and coaches from Europe will be examined. The diplomatic and ambassadorial significance of football, in particular of the spectacular international triumphs of the Real Madrid club, will be discussed in Chapter Seven. The political significance of football as a focus for Basque and Catalan nationalist sentiment, in opposition to the centralist Madrid regime, is the subject of Chapter Eight.
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ROMANOS, Eduardo. "Ideologia libertaria y movilización clandestina : el anarquismo español durante el franquismo (1939-1975)." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10455.
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Defence date: 11 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Peter Wagner, (Università degli Studi di Trento and former EUI) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, (EUI) ; Prof. Demetrio Castro, (Universidad Pública de Navarra) ; Prof. Adrian Shubert, (York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Este trabajo examina el conjunto de creencias, valores e ideas políticas de los libertarios que en España se movilizaron contra la dictadura franquista entre 1939 y 1975. La tesis principal de la investigación es la emergencia de un proceso de cambio en la ideología libertaria durante ese periodo de clandestinidad que cuestionó algunos de los presupuestos esenciales del pensamiento anarquista clásico. Este cambio y la resistencia al mismo serán analizados teniendo en cuenta la experiencia histórica y las expectativas de los actores que compartieron la ideología, el contexto político y social que rodeó su movilización y la tradición política de la que provenían y a la que éstos de una u otra forma se vincularon.
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Balfour, Sebastian Michael. "The remaking of the Spanish labour movement : social change, urban growth and working class militancy, Barcelona, 1939-1976." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1987. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.714455.
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Milquet, Sophie. "Ecrire le traumatisme: mémoire féminine dans les fictions sur la guerre civile espagnole :représentations, formes, enjeux, 1975-2011." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209501.
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La présente étude porte sur l'expression de la mémoire féminine dans les fictions traitant de la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939) et du franquisme. Elle s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux œuvres publiées depuis la fin de la dictature (1975) jusqu’en 2010, en français (Agustin Gomez-Arcos et Mercedes Deambrosis) et en espagnol (Dulce Chacón, Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños et Ángeles Caso). Nous nous attachons d’abord à l’étude globale des représentations des expériences féminines de la guerre et de la répression. Dans l’écriture des violences subies comme dans celle des luttes et résistances, la double dimension politique et de genre émerge. L’analyse se resserre ensuite sur les représentations du traumatisme, entre manifestations pathologiques et tentatives de ritualisation. Nous montrons à cet égard comment le récit peut assumer une fonction rituelle.
La « poétique du traumatisme » mise au jour dans le corpus d’étude qualifie des réalisations formelles diverses, rassemblées en trois ensembles, correspondant à autant de lieux possibles d’ancrage du traumatisme :le rapport générationnel, le corps et la voix. Une attention spéciale est accordée à la figure de la victime. Des phénomènes tels que la répétition et la délinéarisation, apparaissant à divers niveaux du récit, éclairent le rapport que les fictions entretiennent avec le passé ainsi que leurs positions éthiques et politiques dans le présent de la démocratie.
The current study explores the expression of women’s memory in literary works dealing with the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and Francoism. It focuses on the fictional narratives published between the end of the dictatorship (1975) and 2010, in French (Agustin Gomez-Arcos and Mercedes Deambrosis) and Spanish (Dulce Chacón Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños and Ángeles Caso).
The thesis first conducts a global analysis on the representations of women’s experiences of war and repression. In the writing of violence, struggle and resistance, the double political and gendered dimension emerges. The research focuses subsequently on the trauma representations, between pathological manifestations and ritual attempts, and shows how narrative can assume a ritual function.
The « poetics of trauma » characterises various formal realisations, divided into three groups. Each of them embodies a possible space for the inscription of trauma :the generational link, the body and the voice. Special attention is given to the figure of the victim. Phenomena such as repetition and delinearisation, that appear at various levels, clarify the relationship that fictional narratives build with the past as well as their ethical and political positions in the democracy.
Doctorat en Langues et lettres
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LeMaitre, Alfred. "British apologists for Franco, 1936-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63832.
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Gassner, Patricia. "Icons of war photography : how war photographs are reinforced in collective memory : a study of three historical reference images of war and conflict." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2461.
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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.There are certain images of war that are horrific, frightening and at the same time, due to an outstanding compositional structure, they are fascinating and do not allow its observers to keep their distance. This thesis examines three images of war that have often been described as icons of war photography. The images “children fleeing a napalm strike” by Nick Ut, “the falling soldier” by Robert Capa and Sam Nzima’s photograph of Hector Pieterson are historical reference images that came to represent the wars and conflicts in which they were taken. It has been examined that a number of different factors have an impact on a war photograph’s awareness level and its potential to commit itself to what is referred to as collective consciousness. Such factors are the aesthetical composition and outstanding formal elements in connection with the exact moment the photograph was taken, ethical implications or the forcefulness of the event itself. As it has been examined in this thesis, the three photographs have achieved iconic status due to different circumstances and criteria and they can be described as historical reference images representing the specific wars or conflicts. In this thesis an empirical study was conducted, questioning 660 students from Spain, South Africa and Vietnam about their awareness level regarding the three selected photographs. While the awareness level of the Spanish and the South African image was rather high in the countries of origin, they did not achieve such a high international awareness level as the Vietnamese photograph by Nick Ut, which turned out to be exceptionally well-known by all students questioned. Overall, findings suggest that the three selected icons of war photography have been anchored in collective memory. Ut, Robert Capa, Sam Nzima, semiotics, Spanish Civil War, the falling soldier, Vietnam War
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Leitz, Christian. "The economic relations between Nazi Germany and Franco Spain, 1936-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4b43eb26-a59b-4b94-ad66-1f00dafc2ba5.
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During the course of the Spanish Civil War Nazi Germany's intervention on behalf of General Francisco Franco and his fellow insurgents became increasingly dominated by economic considerations. National Socialist policies vis-à -vis Nationalist Spain developed into a programme of large-scale economic exploitation. Under the command of Hermann Goring two companies were founded in Spain in late July 1936 (HISMA) and in Berlin in early October 1936 (ROWAK) to take control not only of National Socialist supply operations for Franco but also of the whole economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Nationalist Spain. During the course of the civil war HISMA/ROWAK managed to alter the trading pattern between Spain and Germany away from mainly fruit imports towards a substantial increase in raw material supplies. As British companies controlled most of the pyrite and iron ore mines of Spain and were therefore directly affected by Franco's redirection of ore exports to Germany, this development was challenged by the British government. The Nazi regime was only partly successful in reducing non-German economic influence in Spain. Aware of the temporary nature of Franco's dependence on German war matériel, Hermann Goring initiated the MONTANA project in 1937 to build up a German-owned mining empire in Spain. While the purchase of Spanish mines by HISMA/ROWAK was reluctantly accepted by Franco in late 1938, the Nazi regime was left with very little time to proceed even further with its economic "colonization" of Spain. The outbreak of war in September 1939 put an effective halt to German-Spanish economic relations until the defeat of France in summer 1940 led to a reopening of rail links to Spain. Subsequent - unsuccessful - negotiations on a Spanish entry into the war were dominated by economic considerations. From 1941 onwards an increasing trade and clearing imbalance developed in favour of Spain. Germany was desperate to import certain goods from Spain, particularly wolfram ore, a vital raw material for German armaments producers. Yet, the Allied economic warfare campaign in Spain led to huge price increases and during the period 1942 to 1944 the Nazi regime found itself forced to export growing amounts of war matériel to Spain. The Allied invasion of France in 1944 finally led to the effective end of German-Spanish trade relations, although both regimes tried to maintain them until Hitler's final defeat.
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Alonso, García María del Rosario. "Historia, diplomacia y propaganda de las instituciones de la República española en el exilio (1945-1962) /." Madrid : Fundación Universitaria Española, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/499505026.pdf.
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Herranz, Loncán Alfonso. "Infrastructure and economic growth in Spain: 1845-1935." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/586315.
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This thesis analyses the impact of infrastructure on Spanish economic growth during the period 1845-1935. It is aimed at overcoming two shortcomings that have characterised historians’ interpretations on the subject so far. Firstly, it adopts an aggregate approach, as opposed to most previous analyses, which focused on only one type of asset. Secondly, it offers some answers to the main ongoing debate on the matter, i.e. the conflict between the high social saving of Spanish railways and the apparent failure of the railway system, as reflected in the results of the private companies.
The thesis describes the evolution of infrastructure investment over the period and shows the prominent role of railways at least until 1895. The establishment of the railway network in a relatively short period of time was the most outstanding event in the process of infrastructure construction and gave an intense boost to the Spanish infrastructure endowment.
The thesis also shows that infrastructure was relatively scarce in Spain compared to other European countries. However, despite that scarcity, the response of the economy to infrastructure increases was sluggish. Apparently, although infrastructure was essential for Spanish industrialisation, the country was very slow to adapt to new conditions, due to the presence of serious constraints in other areas of the economy. These results are confirmed by the analysis of railways, as the economic impact of the Spanish railway network seems to have been very high, but to have taken a long time to be reached. In addition, the thesis also indicates that the underdevelopment of the Spanish institutions precluded adequate regulation of railway construction and operation. As a consequence, the situation of railway companies was always critical and their ability to offer an adequate service was limited. These findings shed some light on the debate on the economic role of Spanish railways.
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Liedtke, Boris Nikolaj. "International relations between the U.S. and Spain 1945-53 : economics, ideology and compromise." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1430/.
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This is a study of the relations between Spain and the United States from the end of the Second World War to the conclusion of the Madrid Agreements which were signed in September 1953. Through these agreements Spain obtained military and economic aid from the US. At the same time she was integrated into the western defence structure. In return Franco authorized the US to construct and use military bases, some of which were situated near Spanish cities. Furthermore the agreements limited Spain's foreign, economic and monetary policies. The structure of the thesis is determined by the chronological events of the late 1940s and early 1950s. The international background is analysed in the first part of the thesis, running up to July 1951. The second part covers the negotiations between the two countries. By following the chronological events of the negotiations, the thesis tries to assess which of the two parties was willing to compromise in key aspects. Most of the thesis is based on American primary sources throughout the period. Many of the arguments developed contrast directly with those already put forward, notably by Spanish historians. The picture which emerges indicates that Washington, as well as Spain, had great military and strategic interests in signing the Madrid Agreements. This is surprising given the findings by other investigators that Spain was forced almost by circumstances into these agreements. The thesis tries to develop a counter-argument which, hopefully, lays the foundation for a constructive discussion on the issue.
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Cerezales, Nathalie. "Exposer le patrimoine culturel d'origine religieuse en Espagne : de la muséologie à la muséographie." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H057.
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Cette thèse traite de l’exposition du patrimoine d’origine catholique dans l’Espagne contemporaine. Elle a pour ambition d’étudier et de circonscrire les différents modes d’exposition de ce patrimoine — musée public, collection privée, musée d’art religieux, musée de confrérie, exposition temporaire etc. — et leur histoire. Les objets d’origine catholique semblent être dans les pays de tradition latine à la racine de la conception de patrimoine culturel. Pourtant, en Espagne, leur intégration dans l’héritage culturel national ne s’est pas déroulé sans heurts. Il est alors question dans cette thèse de retracer les deux trajectoires parallèles de patrimonialisation et de muséification et d’étudier dans quelle mesure elles se nourrissent et contribuent à définir l’objet religieux en patrimoine culturel national. Il est ainsi question de revenir sur les conditions de création des institutions par leurs différents acteurs : les pouvoirs publics, le clergé, ou encore les associations religieuses de laïcs. Enfin, il est question de voir comment politiques culturelle, d’évangélisation et touristique s’entremêlent, dans un pays où aujourd’hui encore les célébrations religieuses rythment le temps. Cette thèse s’articule autour de trois périodes chronologiques qui permettent de retracer les évolutions majeures de ces projets : une première période caractérisée par la confrontation entre le clergé et une classe intellectuelle et politique, à l’origine d’une politique sécularisatrice ; les années 1939-1970, temps de l’alliance entre l’Église et le régime franquiste ; et enfin la période 1970-2007, pendant laquelle on assiste à une politique conjointe de mise en valeur culturelle et touristiqueThis thesis deals with the exhibition of catholic heritage in contemporary Spain. Its goal is to study and delineate the different ways in which this patrimony is exposed – public museum, private collections, religious art museums, guilds museums, temporary exhibition, etc. – and their history. Artifacts of catholic origin seem to be, in countries of Latin tradition, at the root of the conception of cultural heritage. Yet, in Spain, their integration into the national culturalheritage has not been entirely smooth. Therefore this thesis aims to chart the two parallel trajectories of patrimonialization and museumization and to study how they both take form and contribute to the definition of religious artifacts as part of the national cultural heritage. This thesis also tracks the conditions of creation of the institutions by their stakeholders: public authorities, clergy, as well as religious and secular associations. Finally, this thesis explores how cultural, evangelization and touristic policies intertwine in a country where religious celebrations still rhythm daily life. This study is based on three chronological periods to trace the main changes of these projects: the first period characterized by the confrontation between the clergy and the intellectual and political classes; the period between 1939 and 1970 when the Church and Franco’s regime allied; finally the period between 1970 and 2007 during which there is a joint policy to emphasize the cultural and touristic value of the religious heritage
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Hanley, Patrick Michael, and Patrick Michael Hanley. "Privileged Nature: Ornithologists, Hunters, Sportsmen and the Dawn of Environmental Conservation in Spain, 1850 to 1935." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621470.
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This dissertation argues the foundation of Spain's first national park, the Parque Nacional de la Montaña de Covadonga, was the culmination of a four-century-long historical development in which Spaniards redefined the manner in which they conceived of and interacted with nature. The establishment of the Parque Nacional de la Montaña de Covadonga resulted from two different historical processes, the formation of empirical science in Spain and the pursuit of noble hunting, which converged in the late nineteenth-century in the form of species protection and the environmental conscience it reflected. This environmental conscience permeated discourses on Spanish reinvigoration including those of nobleman, sportsman, and politician Pedro José Pidal y Bernaldo de Quirós whose own articulation of this environmental consciousness materialized in the form of the Parque Nacional de la Montaña de Covadonga which legislatively meshed species and landscape protection for the first time in Spain in 1916.
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Chartier, Chantal. "Entreprise de presse et journalisme économique en Espagne [1975-1990] [Étude de El País Negocios de 1985 à 1990]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030130.
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Cette étude aborde l’évolution de l’entreprise de presse en Espagne pendant la Transition démocratique et sous le pouvoir socialiste de Felipe González. Renouveau démocratique et continuité en lien avec la tradition culturelle libérale du début du XXe siècle marquent les changements qui s’opèrent au sein du journalisme espagnol. Le milieu des années 1980 voit l’émergence du marché très convoité de la presse économique. El País, fondé sur un projet régénérationniste, parangon de la presse écrite dite de qualité, diversifie ses publications et crée El País Negocios, supplément économique hebdomadaire. Ce périodique de l’organe d’influence qu’est devenu El País s’adresse en priorité aux nouvelles élites socio-économiques, un public d’entrepreneurs et de cadres en quête de modernité économique. Politiques économiques, relations salariales, représentations managériales illustrent les modifications vécues dans le monde de l’entreprise au sein d’une Espagne qui intègre pleinement l’environnement européen et adopte les modèles néolibéraux. L’analyse du discours politique et économique éclaire l’évolution idéologique du périodique, reflet d’une démarche consensuelle et d’une société civile en constructionThis study focuses upon the press industry and its evolution in Spain during the Democratic Transition and under the Socialist power of Felipe González. Democratic renewal and continuity with early 20th Century culturally liberal tradition illustrate the changes which marked Spanish journalism. Markets emerging in the mid-1980s were highly coveted by the economic press. Founded upon a regenerationist project and making a claim to quality, El País diversified its publications to create the weekly economic supplement El País Negocios. A periodical of this media organ of influence, El País Negocios targets in particular socio-economic elites, a public of young executives and entrepreneurs in quest of economic modernity. Economic policies, employment relations just as managerial representations portray the transformations underway in Spain’s business world, one which fully integrates the framework of Europe and appropriates neo-liberal models. Our analysis of political and economic discourse sheds light upon the periodical’s ideology, an approach which enhances consensus and reflects the difficult construction of civil society
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Solé, Soldevila Josep Maria. "Bandera Roja (1968-1974)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666895.
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La tesis doctoral Bandera Roja (1968-1974) té per objecte l’estudi d’aquesta organització comunista nascuda a Barcelona sota la influència dels moviments revolucionaris de la segona meitat de la dècada dels seixanta i, particularment, d’aquells més propers en l’espai, com ara els que es van desenvolupar als estats francès i italià. Amb una presència destacada de militants a la Universitat de Barcelona, Bandera Roja va desplegar alhora una acció política de masses amb accent propi tant a barris com a fàbriques. El desenvolupament d’aquests plantejaments, preocupació fonamental del nostre estudi, va coincidir en el temps amb el despertar i reorganització dels moviments veïnal i obrer durant el tardofranquisme, i va permetre a l’Organització créixer i arrelar entre els sectors més combatius de les classes populars i obreres.
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Fernandez, Soriano Victor. "Le fusil et l'olivier: l'Espagne franquiste, la Grèce des colonels et les droits de l'Homme en Europe, 1949-1977." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209476.
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La consolidation des droits de l'Homme comme principe politique du processus d'intégration européenne fut articulée par les relations entre la Communauté économique européenne et les dictatures franquiste en Espagne et des colonels en Grèce. Ces deux régimes aspiraient à maintenir un statut d'États associés à la CEE :les débats politiques qui furent tenus à leur égard contribuèrent à la fixation d'une conditionnalité politique pour la participation au processus d'intégration européenne.Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
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Fasey, Rosemary J. "Writers in the service of revolution : Russia's ideological and literary impact on Spanish poetry and prose, 1925-36." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14655.
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This thesis is a comparative literary study which is conducted by placing the reception of Russian literature in Spain during the period 1918-36 within the context of the interplay of literature and the social and political situations in which it is written. It first places the boom in the publication of Russian literature in the late 1920s and 1930s within the context of the history of the reception of Russian literature in Spain, providing a comprehensive survey of that history. Next, it describes the impact of the Russian Revolution and the formative years of the Soviet Socialist state on the political situation in pre-Civil War Spain, including the ideological links between the political situations of both countries. In pre-Civil War Spain, the revolutionary atmosphere changed the mood, subject matter and style of literature, and certain writers, recognizing their civic duty, began to produce literature that had a socially critical and didactic role. During that period, given the political context and the development of politically committed literature, Spanish intellectuals and artists of a Marxist persuasion derived incentive from their Russian counterparts. Russian literature has traditionally been the forum for social criticism, and has had a profoundly revolutionary dimension. Pre-revolutionary writers such as Dostoevsky and Andreev have been perceived by outsiders as revolutionary writers, and, in that capacity, have enjoyed great popularity abroad, including Spain. In the Soviet era, Mayakovsky was often considered to be the "Poet of the Revolution", and Gorky was the chief spokesman in the promotion of socialist ideals in literature in the twenty years following the Revolution. In Spanish pre-Civil War fiction, both the social novel and poetry were instrumental in conveying overtly Marxist messages. The thesis concludes with a comprehensive study about certain Spanish writers and their works, in the domains of poetry and the novel, specifically seeking evidence of the impact of the literature and ideology which was emanating from Russia in the first third of the twentieth century.
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Foehn, Salomé. "Les philosophes de l'exil républicain espagnol de 1939 : autour de José Bergamín, Juan David García Bacca et María Zambrano (1939-1965)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2551.
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Spanish Republican philosophers in exile defended the Second Republic, legally proclaimed on April 14, 1931. They embraced the anti-fascist cause rising in the 1920s and the 1930s in Europe. During the Civil War, which lasted three years, they stood among the people. 1939 saw the victory of General Francisco Franco, supported by Nazi Germany and the Italy of Mussolini. Threatened with death, they had no choice but to escape from Spain. Some intellectuals experienced French concentration camps but, for the most part, they found refuge in Latin America, especially in Mexico and Venezuela. In exile, they swore to remain loyal to the Second Republic and to the spirit of the Spanish people. Moved by liberal views and humane ideals, these philosophers belonged to the vanquished, as those everywhere in Europe who rose against Fascist barbarity. As a result, their respective works are still widely unknown today – despite relentless efforts made to promote their thought to a larger audience for over half a century. In addition to the historical context of crisis during the interwar period, the situation of Spanish philosophy itself is suggestive. Indeed, Spanish philosophy was institutionalised at the beginning of the twentieth century only: the Schools of Madrid and Barcelona were created. These politics of cultural and intellectual renovation are first bestowed upon the generation of philosophers I study, born in the 1900s. When the Spanish War erupts, they had become professionals of international recognition. This shows the actual limits of academic philosophy, incapable of acknowledging unorthodox ways of philosophising. The experience of exile itself serves in my opinion as a catalyst: Spanish Republican philosophers in exile seek emancipation from academic conventions to philosophise freely; that is, in Spanish and according to the spirit of the people. No doubt “poetic reason” – the true invention of Spanish Republican exile – stems from this ideal of autonomous thinking.
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Fernandez, Marisa. "The enigma of the Spanish Civil War : the motives for Soviet intervention." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79763.
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The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.
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Hernández, Ferrer Francisca Isabel. "Análisis epidemiológico de la mortalidad en Cartagena (1871-1935) y semántico - documental de las expresiones diagnósticas." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10738.
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Utilizando como fuente los libros de defunción del registro civil de Cartagena, se ha extraido una muestra aleatoria de 4040 registros (el 2'5% de todas las defunciones del período). De cada caso se han registrado los datos sociodemográficos (sexo, domicilio, edad, profesión...) que han sido puestos en relación con la causa de defunción. Para alcanzar este objetivo ha sido necesario elaborar un tesauro que permitiera una correcta ordenación y comprensión de las expresiones diagnósticas que informan sobre la causa de muerte. La tasa de mortalidad media fue del 27'5 por mil, con un alto peso de la mortalidad infantil (el 43% de las defunciones se dan en menores de 8 años), infecciosa (33'7%) y respiratoria (22'4%), si bien a lo largo del período se comprueba un desplazamiento hacia edades avanzadas y causas relacionadas con "senilidad" y accidentes vasculares; entre las causas específicas sobresale la tuberculosis (10% de las defunciones), y por su importancia relativa, el paludismo. Con el método de Louis Henry se comprueba una estacionalidad de máximos invernales y mínimos estivales. El método de Dupaquier ha permitido identificar 10 crisis de mortalidad, algunas ya documentadas con anterioridad, como la causada en 1918 y 1919 por la gripe, y en 1885 por el cólera. Esta última se prolonga con dos nuevas crisis en 1887 y 1888 Y viene precedida por una anterior en 1877; otras han sido identificadas y estudiadas en 1897, 1906, 1910 y 1928.A random sample of 4,040 records (2.5% of all deaths in the period) was obtained from the Death Record at the Register Office in Cartagena (Murcia, Spain). Social and demographic data (sex, address, age, profession, etc) were obtained from each case and related to death cause. In order to reach this objective it was necessary to elaborate a thesaurus that allowed a correct arrangement and understanding of diagnosis terms informing on death cause. Rate of mortality was 27.5 by thousands, with a high percentage of children mortality (43% of deaths occurred below 8 years of age), infectious causes (33.7%) and respiratory diseases (22.4%). A displacement of mortality to middle aged and elderly and to causes related to senility and vascular illnesses was verified throughout the period. Tuberculosis (10% of deaths) and malaria excelled among specific causes of death. Louis Henry's method verifies the maximum rate of mortality in winter and the minimum in summer. The method of Dupaquier allowed us to identify 10 mortality crises, some previously documented -like those in 1918 and 119 by influenza and also in 1885 by cholera. The latter emerged with two new crises in 1887 and 1888, which was preceded by another in 1877. Finally, others have been identified and studied in 1897, 1906, 1910 and 1928.
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Bringas, Gutiérrez Miguel Angel. "La producción y la productividad de los factores en la agricultura española, 1752-1935." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Cantabria, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10657.
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En esta tesis se estudia la producción agrícola y la productividad de los factores en la agricultura española (tierra, trabajo y simiente) desde 1752 hasta 1935. La tendencia a largo plazo de la producción agrícola se analiza desde una estimación directa (datos sobre cantidades), otra estimación indirecta (a través de los datos sobre precios). La productividad de los factores se estudia desde una doble perspectiva: la productividad simple de los factores y la productividad total de los factores. Para analizar la productividad simple de los principales factores de la agricultura se ha recurrido tanto a examinar la productividad media (vía de las cantidades) como la productividad marginal (vía de los precios, es decir, renta de la tierra y salarios agrícolas).Además de la utilización de nuevas fuentes en esta investigación (Cuadernos generales de la Riqueza, boletines oficíales provinciales, cartillas evaluatorias, etc.) y de la aplicación de la teoría económica para deducir cantidades a partir de la información disponible sobre precios, las principales conclusiones que se han alcanzado en esta tesis se centran en la constatación de un importante crecimiento de la producción agrícola (a una tasa anual acumulada entre 0,8 y el 1,5 por 100 desde 1799/1800 hasta 1900/05) y en el incremento de la productividad de la tierra, de la simiente y de la productividad total de los factores antes de finalizar el siglo XIX.This thesis studies agricultural production and the productivity of factors for Spanish agriculture (land labour, and seed) from 1752 to 1935. The long-run trend of agricultural production is approached from direct estimates (information on quantities) and indirect estimates (information on prices). The productivity of factors is considered from a twofold viewpoint: the single productivity of factors and the total productivity of factors. In order to analyse the single productivity of the main agricultural factors, the thesis examines average productivity (quantities method) as well as marginal productivity (prices method), i.e. land rent and agricultural wages. To this goal, this research has extensively used new sources (Cuadernos de Riqueza, Boletines Oficiales Provinciales, cartillas evaluatorias) and has applied economic theory to deduce quantities from the available historical information on prices. The main conclusions obtained by this thesis deal with the existence of an important growth of agricultural production (annual rates accumulate between 0.8 and 1.5 per cent from 1799/1800 to 1900/1905) and an increase in land productivity, seed productivity and total factor productivity in Spain well before the end of the nineteenth century.
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Picco, Pauline. "Histoire entrecroisée des extrêmes droites françaises et italiennes : cultures politiques, itinéraires, réseaux (1960-1984)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040184.
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Le soutien des militants italiens au combat « Algérie française » puis OAS entraîne, à partir de 1960, la création de réseaux franco-italiens d’extrême droite. Les solidarités internationales qui se constituent à la faveur du combat OAS, les contacts et circulations militantes, l’émergence d’une pensée d’extrême droite qui place ses objectifs au-delà du cadre strictement national, l’apparition de combats communs liés au processus de décolonisation et des échanges intellectuels inédits contribuent à mettre en place des réseaux d’extrême droite initialement fondés sur des relations personnelles. L’institutionnalisation progressive de ces contacts, la difficile reconversion des activistes OAS en exil en Europe, leurs relations troubles avec certains services de renseignements déterminés à contrer l’avancée socialiste dans le Tiers-Monde entraînent la formation de réseaux européens qui lient notamment groupes français et italiens d’extrême droite. Au-delà des renouvellements générationnels qui affectent la période, ces relations étroites permettent aux terroristes italiens d’extrême droite qui prennent part à la « stratégie de la tension », de 1969 à 1982, de bénéficier du soutien constant de leurs camerati français. Parallèlement, le Movimento sociale italiano (MSI) entretient avec la nébuleuse française d’extrême droite, entre 1960 et 1984, des relations constantes et exerce sur elle une influence certaine qui n’exclut toutefois pas certaines formes de réciprocités en matière de circulations politiques et culturelles et d’échanges militantsThe support of Italian activists in the “Algérie française” fight, and then with the OAS, gave birth to French-Italian far-right networks from 1960. International alliances that favoured the OAS struggle were formed, contacts and militants were exchanging ideas, the emergence of a far-right way of thinking whose goals went beyond strict national frameworks, a common political outlook on the issue of decolonisation, and new intellectual debates contributed to the growth of far-right networks that were initially based on personal relationships. The gradual institutionalisation of these contacts, the difficult integration of OAS activists in exile in Europe, and their ambiguous relationships with intelligence services determined to counter the socialist movement in the Third World brought about the creation of European networks that united French and Italian far-right groups. Beyond generational changes during this period, these close relationships enabled Italian far-right terrorists who were involved in the « Strategy of Tension », from 1969 to 1982, to benefit from the consistent support of their French camerati. In parallel, the Movimento sociale italiano (MSI) maintained consistent relationships with French far-right cells between 1960 and 1984. Whilst they exerted a considerable amount of influence, they maintained reciprocal alliances with regards to their political and cultural agenda, and continued to exchange militant forces
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Figueroa, Marie-Thérèse. "De la transition vers la démocratie : cinq romanciers espagnols en quête d'un passé récent." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10109.
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La « Transition vers la démocratie » est une période-clé dans l’Histoire récente de l’Espagne. Cette thèse s’attache à l’aborder à travers l’étude de six romans contemporains [publiés soit pendant la Transition soit après elle], dus à des écrivains aussi différents que Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza et Antonio Muñoz Molina. Ces romans se penchent sur une période allant des années 60, époque dite du "Tardo-franquisme", à 1986, année de l’intégration de l’Espagne dans la CEE. Le choix de cette périodisation fait d’ailleurs l’objet d’une réflexion liminaire. Ces auteurs offrent des visions contrastées de ces bouleversements politiques, économiques et sociaux du pays d'une manière globale, mais aussi dans les deux Autonomies les plus « sensibles » en termes socio-politiques et culturels : Pays basque et Catalogne. Par-delà leur perception du contexte historique proprement dit, ils s’interrogent sur la transmission du passé et de la mémoire ainsi que sur le concept de culture et la notion d’identité individuelle et collective.L’ultime réflexion porte sur la combinaison Histoire-Littérature. Ces deux domaines sont-ils antinomiques ou complémentaires ? Enfin, ces romans de la mémoire ne rendent-ils pas compte également d’une sensibilité individuelle et intime ?"Transition to democracy" is a key period in the recent history of Spain. This thesis endeavours to treat this period through the study of six contemporary novels (either published during or after the transition), by authors who are very different: Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza and Antonio Muñoz Molina.These novels look into a period that goes from the 1960s, an era called "Late Francoism", to 1986, the year Spain joined the EEC. Moreover, the choice of this periodisation is the subject of an introductory reflection. These authors offer contrasted visions of these political, economic and social upheavals in a comprehensive manner as well as a look at the two most sensitive autonomy movements in cultural and socio-political terms: the Basque Provinces and Catalonia.Beyond their perception of the historical context itself, they ponder the transmission from the past and memory as well as the concept of culture and the notion of individual and collective identity.The final reflection deals with the History-Literature mix. Are these two domains paradoxical or complementary? Finally, do these memory novels also not give an account of an individual and intimate sensitivity?
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Lopata, Marine. "Le journal satirique El Papus (1973-1987) : expressions de la contre-culture dans la bande dessinée de la Transition espagnole." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA175.
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Au cours des années soixante et soixante-dix, des mouvements de contestation sociale, politique et culturelle voient le jour dans différents pays occidentaux. Les nombreuses similitudes que présentent ces mouvements, en dépit de leur éloignement géographique, conduisent à s’interroger sur la circulation de pratiques et d’idées contre-culturelles. La présente étude apporte une pierre à cet édifice en construction à travers l’analyse de la partie graphique de la revue « satirique et neurasthénique » El Papus, qui voit le jour le 20 octobre 1973. Le parti pris dans cette étude est de considérer que la contre-culture ne se manifeste pas uniquement dans sa dimension underground et que des formes d’expression empruntent les circuits de production et de diffusion classiques. Pour atteindre l’objectif assigné dans ce travail, le concept de « contre-culture » sera le point de départ de notre réflexion. Nous retracerons dans la première partie le contexte de diffusion de la contre-culture en Espagne et proposerons des pistes de réflexion pour comprendre comment les collaborateurs de El Papus se sont familiarisés avec de nouvelles idées et esthétiques venues de l’étranger, et tout particulièrement de France et des États-Unis. L’analyse que nous proposons dans la deuxième partie reposera sur un double objectif : montrer dans quelle mesure El Papus présente les caractéristiques esthétiques de la contre-culture (transgression, laideur et « mauvais goût »), et mettre en lumière la façon dont les collaborateurs de la revue se sont appropriés trois sources d’inspiration esthétique : la revue satirique française Hara-Kiri, le magazine américain Mad, et la bande dessinée underground américaine égalementDuring the Sixties and the Seventies several social, political and cultural movements appear in different Western countries. The many similarities that these movements shared in spite of the geographical distance among them lead to wonder about the flows and exchanges of countercultural ideas and practices. This study adds its bit by means of the analysis of the « satirical and neurasthenic » magazine El Papus, which is born the 20th October 1973. The stance in this study is to consider that counterculture does not manifest only in its underground dimension and that some expression forms use classical production and distribution circuits. In order to attain the aim assigned to this work the concept of « counterculture » will be the starting point of our analysis. In the first part, we will explore the context of counterculture circulation in Spain and will propose clues to understand how El Papus cartoonists had access to the new ideas and aesthetic features coming from abroad, particularly from France and the United States. The analysis that we propose in the second part will have a double aim: to show how El Papus presents the aesthetic features belonging to counterculture (transgression, ugliness and « bad taste ») and demonstrate how the magazine cartoonists had three sources of aesthetic inspiration: the French satirical magazine Hara-Kiri, the American magazine Mad and also the American underground comic strip scene
Durante los años sesenta y setenta en diferentes países occidentales aparecen movimientos de contestación social, política y cultural. Las numerosas similitudes entre ellos, a pesar de la distancia geográfica que los separaba, suscitan reflexiones sobre la circulación de prácticas e ideas contraculturales. El presente estudio es una contribución a este edificio en construcción a través del análisis de la parte gráfica de la revista « satírica y neurasténica » El Papus, que aparece por primera vez el 20 de octubre de 1973. Este estudio considera que la contracultura no se manifiesta únicamente en su dimensión underground y que ciertas formas de expresión circulan a través de vías de producción y de difusión clásicas. El concepto de « contracultura » será el punto de partida de nuestro estudio. En la primera parte expondremos el contexto de difusión de la contracultura en España y propondremos pistas de reflexión para entender cómo los colaboradores de la revista llegaron a conocer las nuevas ideas y estéticas provenientes del extranjero, en particular de Francia y Estados Unidos. El análisis de la segunda parte tendrá un doble objetivo: mostrar en qué medida El Papus presenta las características estéticas de la contracultura (transgresión, fealdad y « mal gusto ») y poner de relieve de qué manera los colaboradores de la revista se apropiaron de tres fuentes de inspiración estética: la revista satírica francesa Hara-Kiri, la americana Mad y también el cómic underground americano
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Peyrony, Audrey. "La presse satirique en Catalogne (1970-1982) : spécificités et enjeux." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040120.
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L’objet de cette étude est d’offrir une vision à la fois d’ensemble et particulière sur les revues satiriques publiées durant les dernières années du franquisme et pendant Transition démocratique. En effet, de nombreux bouleversements politiques et sociaux s’opèrent entre 1970 et 1982, ce qui représente objectivement une période relativement courte mais très riche en événements dans l’histoire de l’Espagne et de la Catalogne. En ce qui concerne la presse, l’entrée en vigueur de la Ley de Prensa e Imprenta en mars 1966 marque un point d’inflexion car elle supprime la censure préalable et permet le développement de publications beaucoup plus critiques et irrévérencieuses au début des années 1970, tels que Mata Ratos, Barrabás ou Por Favor. Très imprégnées par la tradition satirique catalane (comme Xut!, El Be Negre ou ¡Cu-Cut!), les revues de cette époque sont aussi influencées par la presse française, américaine et anglaise (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Peu à peu, elles réussirent à fissurer le carcan de la censure au prix de nombreuses mises sous séquestre, jugements, suspensions et condamnations. Après deux années troublées entre 1976 et 1978 où les menaces d’attentats contre les rédactions sont de plus en plus oppressantes, l’avènement de la démocratie est le point de départ d’un nouveau type d’humour plus général et incarné par El Jueves, et basé sur des faits de société ou d’actualité. De par leur style particulier et les thèmes qu’elles abordent, ces revues satiriques marquent profondément la société et le moment politique dans lequel elles évoluent. Leur impact est toujours perceptible aujourd’hui puisqu’El Jueves continue d’être publiée en 2017The purpose of this thesis is to provide both an overview and an analysis of the satirical journals published during the last years of Francoism and the Democratic Transition. Indeed, the country underwent many dramatic political and social changes between 1970 and 1982, which objectively represents a relatively short, extremely eventful period in the history of Spain and Catalonia. As concerns the press, the coming into effect of the Ley de Prensa e Imprenta in March 1966 marked an inflection point by suppressing prior censorship and paving the way for much more critical and irreverent publications, such as Mata Ratos, Barrabás or Por Favor, at the beginning of the 1970’s. Very much in debt to Catalan satirical tradition (e.g. Xut!, El Be Negre or ¡Cu-Cut!), the publications of the time were also influenced by the French, American, and English press (Hara Kiri, Charlie Hebdo, National Lampoon, Punch, etc.). Gradually, they succeeded in breaking the straitjacket of censorship at the cost of numerous confiscations, trials, suspensions and condemnations. Following two troubled years between 1976 and 1978, when editorial offices were subject to increasingly oppressive threats of attack, the advent of democracy was the starting point of a new, more general type of humor embodied by El Jueves and based on societal and current events. Due to their specific style and to the themes they dealt with, these satirical journals made a deep mark on society and on the political period. Their impact has endured, since El Jueves is still published in 2017
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Mercier, Géraldine. "Equipo 57. Un art expérimental collectif au service d’une transformation de la société, entre l’Espagne franquiste et l’Europe (1957-1966)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040200.
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Dans une Espagne étouffée par la dictature de Francisco Franco qui tente de réintégrer la scène artistique internationale en promouvant à l’étranger certains artistes abstraits informels, la position de collectif d’artistes abstraits géométriques Equipo 57 est singulière. Désireux de découvrir un monde libre et assoiffés de savoir, les jeunes artistes Juan Serrano, José Duarte, Agustín Ibarrola et Ángel Duart se rencontrent à Paris en 1957. Partageant les mêmes affinités pour l’art construit, les avant-gardes russes et la même volonté de rénovation de la vie culturelle espagnole, ils décident de former une équipe de travail et de discussion. De retour à Cordoue, rejoints par Juan Cuenca, les cinq membres du collectif élaborent la théorie de l’Interactivité de l’espace plastique qui sous-tend leurs créations, où l’individualité de chacun est gommée au profit de l’oeuvre collective. À la recherche d’un art qui puisse se réintégrer dans la vie quotidienne tout en questionnant la responsabilité de l’artiste, Equipo 57 emploie un langage rationnel et objectif qui s’exprime aussi bien dans le champ de la peinture, de la sculpture que du design. Il tente ainsi de conjuguer recherches formelles et engagement social. Cette première étude monographique en français propose d’analyser le parcours d’Equipo 57, depuis sa formation à Paris en 1957 jusqu’à dissolution officielle en 1966, en le confrontant au contexte socioculturel de l’Espagne franquiste et de l’Europe occidentale au tournant des années cinquante et soixanteIn the 1950s, as Francisco Franco’s dictatorship tries to reintegrate its stifled country’s art scene onto the world stage by promoting certain Spanish abstract expressionists abroad, the position of Equipo 57, a collective of geometrical abstractionists, is unique. Eager to discover the free world, and thirsty for knowledge, the young artists Juan Serrano, José Duarte, Agustín Ibarrola and Ángel Duart meet in Paris in 1957. Sharing the same affinity for constructivist art and the Russian avant-garde, and united in their desire to renew Spanish cultural life, they decide to form a team of work and discussion. Upon their return to Cordoba, where they are joined by Juan Cuenca, the five members of the team elaborate a theory of the Interactivity of plastic space which guides their creation. The individuality of each member is thus erased for the good of the collective work. Aiming for an art that is able to enter into everyday life while questioning the responsibility of the artist, Equipo 57 uses a rational and objective language which takes form in painting, sculpture and design. They try to combine formal experiments as well as socio-political engagement. This premier monographic study in French aims to analyze the career of Equipo 57, from its inception in Paris in 1957 to its official dissolution in 1966. The group’s existence will be confronted with its sociocultural context in Franco’s Spain and Western Europe at the turn of the decade of the 1950s and 1960s
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Chainais, Adeline. "L'oeuvre dramatique de Francisco Villaespesa (1911-1917) : modernité et conservatisme dans le théâtre espagnol des années 1910." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030134.
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Cette étude propose une analyse du théâtre de Francisco Villaespesa (1877-1936) sous l’angle de l’histoire culturelle, c’est-à-dire une analyse qui prête une attention particulière aux conditions de production, de diffusion et de réception de ses oeuvres. Autour de 1900, Francisco Villaespesa apparaît comme un transmetteur culturel, qui a largement participé à l’introduction du symbolisme européen en Espagne. Pourtant, à partir de 1910, le discours du poète, qui avait rejeté en bloc l’ordre bourgeois, évolue : il décide de sortir de sa tour d’ivoire et de partir à la conquête du public, participant ainsi à l’adaptation du modernisme aux classes dominantes. C’est à ce moment qu’il écrit du théâtre, un théâtre emblématique des contradictions du modernisme espagnol. Ses oeuvres dramatiques s’apparentent au théâtre symboliste européen (et notamment à ses deux maîtres, Gabriele D’Annunzio et Maurice Maeterlinck), dans la mesure où le dramaturge en reprend nombre de thèmes, de modes d’expression et de problématiques. Pourtant, à bien des égards, son théâtre apparaît comme un échec de la rénovation de la scène espagnole : Villaespesa s’adapte aux goûts et à l’idéologie des classes dominantes ― celles qui assistent aux représentations de ses pièces ― et reprend des modèles hérités de la tradition théâtrale nationale, pour servir une idéologie clairement conservatrice. L’analyse de la diffusion de ses pièces ― par le biais du livre et de la scène ― et de leur réception ― par le public et par les critiques de théâtre ― permet de mettre au jour le rôle déterminant des facteurs matériels, d’une part, et sociaux, d’autre part, dans cette évolution conservatrice du modernisme espagnol dans les années 1910In this study of Francisco Villaespesa's theatre (1877-1936), directed towards cultural history, the analysis mainly focuses on the way his works have been issued, circulated and welcomed. Around 1900, Francisco Villaespesa was regarded as a writer who passed on culture, being largely involved in introducing European symbolism in Spain. However, from 1910 on, the discourse of the poet ― who had previously turned down the whole bourgeoisie ― started developing, in so far as he decided to get out of his ivory tower and to conquer the public at large, thus contributing to adapting modernism for upper classes. At that very moment, he started writing theatre plays, emphasizing the contradictions of Spanish modernism. His dramatic plays show similarities with the symbolic theatre in Europe – notably its two great masters, Gabriele D'Annunzio and Maurice Maeterlinck – since the playwright reproduced quite a great number of themes, writing styles and problematics. Yet, there is no doubt his drama has revealed a great failure in renovating the Spanish stage: Villaespesa adapted to the longings and ideology of the upper classes – those who attended the performances of his plays – and repeated the models which were inherited from the national drama tradition, with a view to fueling a straightforward conservative ideology. Analysing the circulation of his plays – through books and on stage – and their reception – by the public and the theatre critics – enables to point out the essential role played, on the one hand, by material factors, and on the other hand, by social ones, in that conservative evolution of the Spanish modernism in the 1910s
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Wood, Gareth. "Javier Marías's debt to translation : Sterne, Browne, Nabokov." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670143.
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Javier Marías has explained many times that working as a translator of literary works from English into Spanish helped shape him as a writer. This study explores those claims by analysing two things: firstly, his translations themselves; and secondly, seeing how those translations have left discernible traces in his own fiction.
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Pié, i. Valls Blai. "L’experiment d’Stern i Gerlach en el seu context teòric: la història d’una reorientació." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/347966.
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L'experiment d'Stern-Gerlach (SG) és considerat un dels més importants de la història de la teoria quàntica, i sovint s'utilitza en llibres de text de Mecànica Quàntica per il·lustrar el concepte d'espín i, fins i tot, els postulats de la teoria. Aquest ús didàctic tan estès ha fet que moltes vegades es confongui el rol que l'SG va jugar en el desenvolupament de la teoria quàntica: no és rar trobar fonts que afirmen que els resultats de l'SG es van rebre amb estupefacció o que van comportar el descobriment de l'espín.
Si busquem estudis historiogràfics sobre aquest episodi tan important, ens trobarem davant d'una mancança completa de fonts especialitzades. La majoria de publicacions contenen poc més que algunes anècdotes entorn de l'experiment i algunes fins i tot perpetuen les interpretacions incorrectes que hem esmentat. Segurament l'únic estudi historiogràfic complet de l'experiment d'SG es pot trobar a la recent tesi de Wolfgang Trageser (“L'efecte Stern-Gerlach. Gènesi, desenvolupament i reconstrucció d'un dels experiments fonamentals de la teoria quàntica entre 1916 i 1926” —en alemany), presentada el 2011 a la Johann Wolfgang Goethe–Universität a Frankfurt am Main. L'autor tracta en detall el treball experimental d'Otto Stern i Walther Gerlach, però passa per sobre els comentaris sobre la motivació teòrica de l'experiment, així com les seves conseqüències teòriques.
Analitzant en detall el context teòric que envoltava l'SG, intentarem recuperar la interpretació correcta del seu rol en el desenvolupament de la teoria quàntica; no ens ha de sorprendre trobar un relat completament nou amb importants conseqüències en l'àmbit didàctic.
En aquesta tesi comencem revisant l'estat de la qüestió de la Teoria Quàntica Antiga (TQA) durant la dècada dels 1910, posant especial èmfasi en les teories de Niels Bohr i Arnold Sommerfeld. És important tenir clars els principis fonamentals d'aquesta teoria per interpretar correctament l'SG.
Traçant les motivacions que van portar a l'experiment, estudiem l'efecte Zeeman i la quantització espacial. L'efecte Zeeman es pot considerar una de les principals guies dels desenvolupaments portats a terme per Bohr i Sommerfeld durant la construcció de les seves respectives teories. Precisament, una d'aquestes hipòtesis teòriques destinades a expilcar parcialment l'efecte Zeeman és la quantització espacial, proposada per Sommerfeld a mitjans 1916 i que ràpidament va ser adoptada per Bohr i incorporada a la teoria.
La conveniència d'aquesta hipòtesi, però, va ser posada en dubte en repetides ocasions, i algunes de les seves prediccions experimentals no podien ser verificades. És per això que el 1921 Stern va proposar un dràstic experiment per confirmar-la (o falsar-la) d'una vegada per totes. Amb l'ajuda de Gerlach, els dos físics van trigar gairebé un any a obtenir el resultat buscat, confirmant la quantització espacial i aportant també un cert artibtratge a certs debats que s'havien establert entre Bohr i Sommerfeld sobre el nombre d'orientacions que podia atènyer un àtom immers en un camp magnètic. Malgrat aquest experiment, l'experiment d'Stern-Gerlach, sovint es postula com una pedra angular de la TQA, topem amb una contradicció històrica quan estudiem les seves conseqüències històriques. L'única reacció significativa és un article d'Einstein i Ehrenfest que posava de manifest les immenses contradiccions amb què topava la teoria si s'intentava fer un càlcul acurat de les observacions d'Stern i Gerlach.
Malgrat el caire catastròfic d'aquest article, la seva publicació va obtenir una minsa resposta: breus discussions es van establir entre els dos autors i Bohr, Smekal, Born i Heisenberg. En cap es es pot considerar, però, que aquesta problemàtica s'incorporés a la naixent crisi que la TQA va patir durant el 1923–1924.In an attempt to explain the Zeeman effect within the quantum framework, in mid 1916 Arnold Sommerfeld presented a new concept: Space Quantization, which introduced a new quantum number related to the discrete orientation of orbits inside the atom when immersed in an external magnetic field. The increasing explanatory success of Space Quantization made it necessary for Niels Bohr to also account for it in his quantum theoretical foundations of 1918, and even extend its uses. Thus Space Quantization became inherent to the genetic code of the Bohr-Sommerfeld theory. Four years later, an experimental endeavor by Otto Stern and Walther Gerlach confirmed for the first time a separation of an atomic beam in a magnetic field, in accordance to the predictions of Space Quantization. This result is usually taken as another success of the quantum theory. However, a closer look will reveal a much more intricate account of events, motivations and reactions. A further motivation for this research can be found in the vast contemporary bibliography that uses the Stern-Gerlach experiment as a cornerstone upon which to build a didactic approach to Quantum Mechanics (specially to illustrate the concept of spin) but usually at the price of introducing historical confusions or inconsistencies. With the aim to challenge incomplete and misleading accounts found elsewhere, we will relocate the Stern-Gerlach within the theoretical framework that both motivated the experiment and gathered its results.
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Blázquez, Carretero Elena. "Helena Lumbreras et le Colectivo de Cine de Clase : une pratique cinématographique militante à la fin du franquisme et durant la transition en Espagne." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL173.
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Ce travail propose une analyse de l’œuvre cinématographique qu’Helena Lumbreras a réalisée, de manière individuelle et au sein du Colectivo de Cine de Clase, entre la fin du franquisme et le début de la transition en Espagne. Cette analyse s’accompagne d’une description en détail de son parcours biographique, en mettant l’accent sur sa formation, artistique et cinématographique, en Espagne, mais aussi en Italie. Dans l’intention de mieux connaître la filmographie de cette pionnière du cinéma militant, l’étude est guidée par l’analyse de ses cinq documentaires principaux. D’une part, nous analysions ses deux documentaires réalisés à titre individuel, Spagna ’68 (1968) et El cuarto poder (1970) et, d’autre part, ses trois documentaires réalisés dans le cadre du Colectivo de Cine de Clase : El campo para el hombre (1975), O todos o ninguno (1976) et A la vuelta del grito (1978). Cette étude inclut également l’analyse d’un matériel inédit, son film de fin d’études España (1964), un court métrage de fiction réalisé pendant ses études en Italie. Au fil des pages, il apparaît clairement que son cinéma se caractérise par le fait d’être résolument clandestin et pauvre, et que la cinéaste prend, progressivement, position pour une approche collective, de classe et de genre. Étant donné qu’il s’agit de la première étude académique traitant de l’œuvre cinématographique d’Helena Lumbreras en profondeur, nous avons eu recours à des sources primaires. Cela a impliqué un travail de terrain comportant de nombreuses interviews et d’importantes recherches en archives. Ce travail de recherche vise à contribuer à la diffusion de l’œuvre cinématographique d’Helena Lumbreras, et à mettre à disposition de futurs chercheurs une monographie fournie à partir de laquelle il leur sera loisible de cheminer, en creusant et croisant les connaissancesThis research study proposes an analysis of the film practice that Helena Lumbreras carried out, individually and within the Colectivo de Cine de Clase, between the end of the Franco regime and the beginning of the transition to democracy in Spain. The analysis is accompanied by a detailed description of her biography that focuses on both her artistic and cinematographic training, undertaken in Spain, but also in Italy. With the intention of knowing more about the filmography of this pioneer of militant cinema, the study is guided by the analysis of her five main documentaries. On one hand, we analyze her two documentaries made individually: Spagna ’68 (1968) and El cuarto poder (1970). On the other hand, we analyze her three documentaries made within the Colectivo de Cine de Clase: El campo para el hombre (1975), O todos o ninguno (1976) and A la vuelta del grito (1978). This study also includes the analysis of unreleased material: her graduation film, España (1964), a short fiction film shot during her studies in Italy. Her cinema, characterized by being resolutely clandestine and low budget, gradually established a collective, working-class and feminist approach. Since this is the first academic study to deal with Helena Lumbreras’ cinematographic work in-depth, we have mainly used primary sources. This involved field-work involving numerous interviews and thorough research in the archives. This research work aims to contribute to the dissemination of Helena Lumbreras’ cinematographic work, and to provide future researchers with a monograph from which they will be able to build knowledge
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Treffot, Anne-Elisabeth. "L'Espagne, un nouveau pays d'immigration : l'exemple des immigrées roumaines (analyse comparative)." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00998655.
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Ce travail porte sur le phénomène de l'immigration en Espagne et son impact dans la société espagnole contemporaine. L'étude de l'arrivée de nombreux migrants en Espagne permet en effet de rendre compte de l'évolution de la société espagnole: D'une part en analysant comment et pourquoi un pays traditionnellement exportateur de main d'œuvre a pu attirer des immigrants; d'autre part en observant ce que l'Espagne a fait pour intégrer ces flux migratoires. L'analyse de ce phénomène se fait à travers un prisme particulier, celui des femmes roumaines. Les Roumains sont depuis quelques années la première nationalité étrangère en Espagne. Je présente ici les différentes étapes de l'immigration roumaine et ses caractéristiques, et enquête auprès de migrantes roumaines. Je veux en effet, à travers leur expérience, mettre en lumière certains aspects importants de la société espagnole contemporaine (dans la mesure où ils sont révélateurs de l'attitude de cette société face à des problèmes nouveaux). Je m'intéresse également à quelques cas particuliers, afin de présenter l'immigration roumaine dans toute sa diversité: j'analyse l'immigration des Roumaines roms et reviens également sur la situation de femmes roumaines en situation de marginalisation: les Roumaines victimes de réseaux de proxénétisme, et les Roumaines détenues en Espagne. Par ailleurs, il m'a semblé tout aussi essentiel de déterminer la vision que la société espagnole a des immigrés, et en particulier des Roumains à travers l'analyse d'un corpus journalistique qui reflète la période comprise entre la fin des années 90 et 2013, et complète cette analyse de l'immigration roumaine. Dans les années 50, des flux migratoires d'un tout autre ordre se sont dirigés vers l'Espagne franquiste: J'évoque l'exil en Espagne, sujet encore très inédit et très rarement objet de recherches. Ce travail, qui porte essentiellement sur l'immigration en Espagne, présente, en outre une comparaison ponctuelle avec la situation en France Cette brève analyse permet de comparer et de nuancer ce qui, dans l'expérience migratoire des Roumaines en Espagne et en France est semblable ou foncièrement différent.
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Chandanson, Muriel. "Les mythes dans l'oeuvre romanesque de Manuel De Lope." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20013/document.
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Cette thèse présente une étude mythocritique de la production romanesque de Manuel de Lope [1949] postérieure à son retour en Espagne en 1993 et jusqu’à aujourd’hui : El libro de piel de tiburón (Alfaguara,1995); Bella en las tinieblas (Alfaguara,1997), (Suma de Letras, 2000), (RBA, 2010) ; Las perlas peregrinas (Espasa-Calpe,1998), (RBA, 2007) ; La sangre ajena (Editorial Debate, 2000); Otras islas (RBA, 2008). En effet, un séjour de vingt-cinq ans hors d’Espagne lui a permis d’exercer un regard extérieur et fécond sur son propre pays où désormais, il vit et écrit. Son œuvre romanesque recourt aux mythes antiques pour développer les thématiques essentielles dans l’Espagne de ce début de XXI ème siècle que sont la mémoire et l’oubli face à l’Histoire, la quête identitaire à travers les mythes du labyrinthe, du caïnisme, de Dionysos, de Saturne et de Chronos. Tous ces mythes s’organisent autour d’un mythe dominant, celui de Chronos, grâce à une image phare qui éclaire l’identité collective espagnole, image déjà présente dans l’ œuvre goyesque : celle de Saturne dévorant ses filsThis thesis presents a mythocritical analysis of the novels written by Manuel de Lope (born in 1949) from 1993, when he returned home to Spain, until nowadays: El libro de piel de tiburón (Alfaguara,1995); Bella en las tinieblas (Alfaguara,1997), (Suma de Letras, 2000), (RBA, 2010) ; Las perlas peregrinas (Espasa-Calpe,1998), (RBA, 2007) ; La sangre ajena (Editorial Debate, 2000); Otras islas (RBA, 2008). As he had stayed away from Spain for twenty-five years, he was able to look with an external and creative perspective at his own country where he is now living and writing. In his fiction he resorts to ancient myths in order to develop the themes which are essential in the Spain of the early 21st century: memory and obliviousness as regards history as well as the search for identity through the myths of the Labyrinth, cainism, Dionysus, Saturn and Chronos. In Manuel de Lope's work, all these myths are structured around a dominant myth - that of Chronos- thanks to a highly influential image which sheds light on Spanish cultural identity, an image which was already present in Goya's work: Saturn devouring his sons
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Dietze, Markus. "Die Lukasevangelien auf Caló. Die Ursachen ihrer Sprachinterferenz und der Anteil des Spanischen." Master's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-152855.
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Die Arbeit behandelt die beiden Übersetzungsversionen des Lukasevangeliums ins Caló, die George Borrow 1837 und 1872 anfertigte. Sie hat mehrere Zielstellungen. Der erste Teil geht der Frage nach: Wie kam es zu den beiden Schriften? Er legt dar, welche Einflussfaktoren das authentische Caló im Spanien der 1830er Jahre herausgeprägt haben konnten und welche Einflüsse durch den Übersetzer George Borrow auf die Übersetzungen wirkten. Als extralinguistische Faktoren wird dafür die (Kultur-)Geschichte der Gitanos herangezogen, werden Borrows Biographie sowie seine Sprachkenntnisse untersucht und werden die Aufsätze namhafter Autoren über die Entstehung des Calós diskutiert und gegeneinander abgewogen. So entsteht zum ersten Mal eine komplexe Zusammenfassung der Vorgeschichte des Calós der Evangelien. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit ist einerseits eine Anleitung, die das Caló anhand von Textbeispielen für Hispanisten lesbar macht, und prüft andererseits, ob und wie die Aussage zutrifft, dass Borrows Purifizierungsbestrebungen in der zweiten Übersetzungsversion ein Caló schufen, das einen wesentlich geringeren Anteil an spanischer Sprache hat als in der ersten Version. Die Frage nach der Purifizierung erscheint vor dem Hintergrund der damaligen verklärenden Zigeunermode, der Afición, in Spanien sowie angesichts des Polyglotten Borrow bedeutsam. Um ihr nachzugehen, werden die ersten siebeneinhalb Kapitel beider Übersetzungen mit Hilfe von Textanalyseprogrammen wortartenspezifisch untersucht. Das Ergebnis bestätigt die Annahme bei zehn von sechzehn Wortarten und zeigt auf, dass besonders bei den Autosemantika Purifizierungsversuche unternommen wurden. Wahrscheinlich war aber schon die erste Übersetzungsversion purifiziert.
Die Arbeit liefert einen ersten detaillierten linguistischen Vergleich eines Teiles der beiden Versionen und stellt das Caló der Evangelien in einem sehr umfassenden Kontext vor, wodurch sich eine Vernetzung linguistischer, kulturwissenschaftlicher und literaturwissenschaftlich interessanter Aspekte ergibt.
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HUMLEBAEK, Carsten. "Rethinking Spain : continuities and ruptures in national discourse after Franco." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5840.
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Defence date: 1 June 2004Examining board: Prof. Paloma Aguilar Fernández, Universidad Nacional a Distancia, Madrid ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, Università di Roma "La Sapienza" ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Enrique Ucelay Da-Cal, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
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RODRIGO, Javier. "Prisoneros de Franco : campos de concentraciíon y trabajo forzoso en Espa?a, 1936-1947." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5960.
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Defence date: 15 December 2004Examining board: Prof. Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer, Universidad de Zaragoza (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino (supervisor) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, SPS Department, European University Institute ; Prof. Paul Preston, London School of Economics and Political Science
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Gonzalez, Pendas Maria. "Architecture, Technocracy, and Silence: Building Discourse in Franquista Spain." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8028RNC.
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This dissertation explores the modernization of architecture in Spain in relation to the ideological, cultural, and institutional evolutions of Francisco Franco’s regime (1939-1975). It traces the ways in which buildings, images, and ideas about the built environment participated in the distinct form of technocracy—a Catholic technocracy—that conformed the Franquista State at mid-passage. In so doing, it provides an interpretation of the historical development of Franquismo as seen through the lens of architecture as much as of the politics of the architecture of the period. Throughout its thirty-six year span, the authoritarian state led by General Franco transitioned from the fascist military autarky that came out of the Civil War (1936-1939) to a technocracy that retained the ultra-conservative values that were essential to its inception. Members of the organization Opus Dei, the lay Catholic movement founded in Spain in the late 1920s, came in the 1950s to control the cultural and governing apparatus of the regime. As non-party technocrats, they were called upon to rationalize the government, advance sciences and technology, liberalize the economy, and bring forth the country’s geopolitical realignment with the democratic West. The ambiguous combination of conservative Catholicism and modernization they promoted best suited the regime, as it sustained the reactionary apparatuses of the dictatorship while allowing for partial reforms. Through a series of close analyses of four buildings now canonical of the period—the Camino Chapel designed in 1954, the Tarragona Government Building of 1956, the national pavilion of Expo 58, and the Pallars housing block for workers built in 1959—this dissertation makes buildings speak of the shifting politics of Franquismo and its governing techniques, of the dislocations of Catholicism that were essential to these changes, and of the distinct architectural culture that emerged within these processes. This history thus reveals the structural role certain buildings played in the advent of Spain’s Catholic technocracy, arguing that the intersection of aesthetics and politics assumed the paradoxical discursive form of silence.
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BERNAL, GARCÍA Francisco. "El sindicalismo vertical : control laboral y represtación de intereses en la España franquista : la delegación nacional de sindicatos (1936-1945)." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10411.
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Defence date: 26 May 2008Examining Board: Prof. Jaime Reis (EUI-Instituto de Ciencias Sociais)-supervisor ; Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) ; Prof. Ismael Saz Campos (Universitat de València) ; Prof. Mary Vincent (University of Sheffield)
First made available online 05 December 2018
Penetrar en el aparato de poder franquista implica conocer las raíces ideológicas de quienes lo integraban, su proyecto político y su praxis política. En el caso de la Organización Sindical ello supone analizar la trayectoria ideológica de la idea verticalista, las aspiraciones del grupo sindical en relación con su inserción dentro del complejo institucional franquista y el papel que, de una manera efectiva, terminaron desempeñando los sindicatos en el seno del régimen. Para cumplir tales objetivos, he estructurado mi trabajo en nueve capítulos, cada uno de los cuales se centra en un aspecto concreto de la trayectoria de la Organización Sindical durante el primer franquismo. El capítulo primero –“Estado de la cuestión e hipótesis de investigación”- constituye un análisis crítico de la bibliografía existente sobre el sindicalismo franquista y, al mismo tiempo, expone las principales hipótesis en torno a las cuales se ha desarrollado la investigación. A continuación, viene un bloque de dos capítulos de contextualización que analizan la relación del sindicalismo vertical con su entorno europeo y con las etapas inminentemente anteriores de la historia española. El capítulo segundo –“El contexto internacional: corporativismo y fascismo en la Europa de Entreguerras”- sitúa el nacimiento del sindicalismo vertical en una perspectiva internacional, investigando hasta qué punto el mismo fue un fenómeno específicamente español o bien una experiencia compartida con otros países. Por su parte, el capítulo tercero – “Corporativismo y fascismo en España. La construcción ideológica del sindicalismo vertical durante la 2ª República”- profundiza en las raíces ideológicas del paradigma verticalista y en los factores políticos que condicionaron su conformación. Acto seguido, se suceden tres capítulos de naturaleza eminentemente narrativa que diseccionan las distintas etapas que atravesó la Organización Sindical desde el inicio de la Guerra Civil hasta 1951. Así, el capítulo cuarto –“La cuestión sindical en la zona nacionalista durante la Guerra Civil”- pone de relieve que el problema de la faceta sindical del régimen ya fue planteado en plena contienda. El capítulo quinto –“El nacionalsindicalismo entre dos guerras: la primera Delegación Nacional de Sindicatos”- se centra en el período de 1939-1941 y constituye una interpretación de los acontecimientos que marcaron la evolución de la Organización Sindical durante el período en que estuvo dirigida por Gerardo Salvador Merino. Por su parte, el capítulo sexto –“Años decisivos: la consolidación institucional de la Organización Sindical”, 1942-1951”- constituye un análisis de la configuración institucional de la Organización Sindical durante la etapa en que Fermín Sanz Orrio se mantuvo al frente de la misma, momento en el que adquiriría los rasgos esenciales que habrían de distinguirla ya durante todo el período franquista. Finalmente, los últimos tres capítulos tienen una naturaleza sincrónica. En ellos estudio aspectos concretos de la actuación de los sindicatos verticales. El capítulo siete –“La burocracia sindical”- está dedicado a los dirigentes que, de una manera profesional, consagraban su actividad a los organismos sindicales. El capítulo ocho –“La función económica. Organización Sindical, autarquía y representación de intereses” – está dedicado a la relación entre los sindicatos verticales y los empresarios, Por su parte, el capítulo nueve –“La función sociolaboral. La Organización Sindical y las relaciones laborales”- abarca la relación entre los sindicatos y los trabajadores.
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LAMIKIZ, JAUREGIONDO Amaia. "Sociability, culture and identity : associations for the promotions of an alternative culture under the Franco regime (Gipuzkoa, 1960s-1970s)." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5871.
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Defence date: 22 April 2005Examining board: Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino (Supervisor) ; Prof. Ludger Mees, Universidad del País Vasco-Euskal Herriko Unibersitatea ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute ; Prof. Joseba Zulaika, Basque Studies Centre, University of Nevada, Reno
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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ALARES, LÓPEZ Gustavo. "Las políticas del pasado en la España franquista (1939-1964) : historia, nacionalismo y dictadura." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32115.
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Defence date: 10 June 2014Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI/External Supervisor) Professor Lucy Riall (EUI) Professor Carlos Forcadell (Universidad de Zaragoza) External Supervisor Professor Martin Baumeister (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München/Deutsches Historisches Institut in Rom).
La presente tesis pretende responder al interrogante de cómo se articuló la cultura histórica nacional en la España franquista, las estrategias aplicadas por el régimen, las narrativas diseminadas, así como la función desempeñada por los historiadores como garantes cualificados del pasado nacional. Para ello, se analizan las políticas del pasado desplegadas por la dictadura y, en concreto, las diversas conmemoraciones históricas organizadas por el régimen. Al condensar de manera espectacular las narrativas sobre la historia, las conmemoraciones se erigieron en elementos de especial relevancia en la configuración del pasado nacional. Un análisis que efectuamos mediante una pluralidad de enfoques vinculados a la historia cultural, la historia de la historiografía y la historia cultural de la política. En cualquier caso, las conmemoraciones históricas se articularon como espacios dinámicos que permitieron la competencia de diferentes agentes -tanto individuales como institucionales- y la confluencia de una multiplicidad de agendas conmemorativas. Esta perspectiva, permite analizar el carácter complejo del régimen, la diversidad de esferas (local, nacional, internacional) involucradas en la celebración del pasado, así como los diferentes proyectos político-ideológicos implicados en la producción del pasado. A su vez, el estudio de las conmemoraciones y la activa participación en las mismas de los historiadores permite analizar la disciplina histórica de manera integral, superando diversas interpretaciones lineales, y atendiendo a los fenómenos de internacionalización, las dinámicas de intercambio y los procesos de articulación de una disciplina que, como territorio políticamente intervenido, se encontró supeditada a los condicionantes del régimen.
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MUÑOZ, SÁNCHEZ Antonio. "La política del SPD hacia el PSOE desde la dictadura a la democracia (1962-1977) : de la solidaridad a la realpolitik." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13280.
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Defence date: 12 January 2010Examining Board: Prof. Jaime Reis (Supervisor) Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) Prof. Mercedes Cabrera (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) - external Supervisor Prof. Fernando Guirao (UPF, Barcelona)
First made available online 15 April 2019
El estudio que aquí se presenta trata de la historia compartida por el Partido Socialdemócrata de Alemania (SPD) y el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) durante el periodo 1962 - 1977. Su objetivo es acercar al conocimiento de las diversas facetas de una relación desigual entre el partido de izquierdas más influyente de Europa Occidental en aquel tiempo y una pequeña organización que fue ilegal durante la práctica totalidad del periodo de estudio pero que emergió con extraordinaria fortaleza al final del mismo, jugando desde entonces un papel central en la construcción de la democracia en su país. Los contactos de estas dos organizaciones de muy distinto carácter, dimensiones y capacidad de influencia se expondrán aquí en el contexto que les da sentido, el de las relaciones hispano-alemanas. El hilo argumental de las páginas que siguen es el lugar que el SPD, partido con responsabilidades de gobierno en la RFA a partir de 1966, reservó al PSOE en el conjunto de su política hacia un régimen en decadencia que finalmente decidió transformarse en una democracia al desaparecer el dictador. Al adentrarse en el estudio de las motivaciones, los objetivos, los medios y los resultados del contacto entre el SPD y el PSOE, la investigación dará respuesta a una serie de cuestiones que resultan de interés para conocer la intrahistoria de dos de las organizaciones de la izquierda europea con más tradición y peso en la vida de sus países. Pero, por encima de ello, lo que esta tesis pretende es realizar una contribución a nuestra comprensión de la influencia que el país más poderoso en la Europa de los años setenta ejerció sobre el proceso que llevó a España de una dictadura a una democracia.
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MENDEZ, LAGO Monica. "Organising for victory ... and defeat? : the organisational strategy of the Spanish workers' socialist party (1975-1996)." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5289.
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Defence date: 18 September 1998Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Mair (University of Leiden) ; Prof. José María Maravall (Instituto Juan March-Madrid) ; Prof. Leonardo Morlino (Università di Firenze)
First made available online 3 October 2016.
Este libro estudia el desarrollo organizativo del Partido Socialista Obrero Español durante el período comprendido entre la reconstrucción de su organización en las postrimerías del franquismo y su derrota en las elecciones de marzo de 1996.Utilizando un marco analítico centrado en el concepto de estrategia organizativa y los factores que influyen en sus características, la investigación empírica aborda tres cuestiones: "la política de afiliación" del PSOE, sus vínculos con otras organizaciones, fundamentalmente con la UGT, y la comunicación directa con el electorado, prestando una especial atención a las campañas electorales. Los tres son aspectos fundamentales de las estrategias organizativas, y la opción de desarrollar en mayor medida uno u otro depende de múltiples condicionantes -internos y externos a los partidos- que se analizan en el libro. A partir del estudio del caso del PSOE, y mediante la utilización de conceptos, teorías y modelos propios de la literatura comparada sobre el tema, este libro pretende contribuir al conjunto de investigaciones recientes que reflejan el renovado interés de la Ciencia Política en analizar los rasgos organizativos de los partidos, las repercusiones de éstos en el rendimiento y funcionamiento de los propios partidos, y en diferentes aspectos de los sistemas políticos a los que pertenecen.
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Friedman, Michal Rose. "Recovering Jewish Spain: Politics, Historiography and Institutionalization of the Jewish Past in Spain (1845-1935)." Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D87087HV.
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This dissertation is a study of initiatives to recover the Jewish past and of the emergence of Sephardic Studies in Spain from 1845 to 1935. It explores the ways the Jewish past became central to efforts to construct and claim a Spanish patria, through its appropriation and integration into the nation's official national historical narrative, or historia patria. The construction of this history was highly contentious, as historians and politicians brought Spain's Jewish past to bear in debates over political reform, in discussions of religious and national identity, and in elaborating diverse political and cultural movements. Moreover, it demonstrates how the recovery of the Jewish past connected--via a Spanish variant of the so-called "Jewish question"--to nationalist political and cultural movements such as Neo-Catholicism, Orientalism, Regenerationism, Hispanism, and Fascism. In all of these contexts, attempts to reclaim Spain's Jewish past--however impassioned, and however committed--remained fractured and ambivalent, making such efforts to "recover" Spain's Jews as partial as they were compromised.
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DEL, HIERRO Pablo. "Beyond bilateralism : Spanish-Italian relations and the influence of the major powers, 1943-1957." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/18398.
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Defence date: 16 June 2011Examining Board: Prof. Kiran Klaus Patel (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Federico Romero (EUI); Prof. Fernando Guirao (University Pompeu Fabra); Prof. Andrew Rotter (Colgate University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this work is to study Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations in the period 1943-1957. However, and in spite of the fact that the question of Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations between 1943 and 1957 will remain at the heart of this research, this is not merely a history of bilateral relations. In fact, the present work contends that this bilateral relationship cannot be studied in isolation and that a broader context is key, in order to obtain a full understanding of it. In this way, this research will also focus on how these two countries responded to the challenges of the post-war period, and how they struggled to pursue a more independent foreign policy with respect to the major powers. Hence, it is clearly important to analyse the degree of influence which Great Britain first and the United States afterwards exerted both in Spain and Italy and over their relations. The role of France will also be scrutinised, although it will be under a different light, since France did not possess the material capabilities to display a hegemonic policy in Western Europe after 1943. However, the French role in Spanish- Italian relations cannot be ignored either, especially after 1950 when the diplomats at the ‘Quai D’Orsay’ began to intervene more actively in the affairs of the two neighbouring states. Therefore, this research will also address the question of how much room for manoeuvre the Spanish and the Italian Governments really had in the diplomatic field. By accomplishing these objectives, the present research will enrich the existing field of scholarship of both the Spanish and Italian foreign policies after the Second World War and, at the same time, it will contribute to obtaining a better understanding of international relations in Western Europe during the post-war period and, especially the role of the major powers.
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SESMA, LANDRIN Nicolás. ""La médula del régimen" : el instituto de estudios políticos: creación doctrinal, acción legislativa y formación de elites para la dictadura franquista (1939-1997)." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12333.
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Defence Date: 20/03/2009Examining Board: Prof. Victoria de Grazia (EUI - Columbia University) – supervisor; Prof. Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer (Universidad de Zaragoza) - ext. supervisor; Prof. Antonio Costa Pinto (Instituto de Ciências Sociais - Universidade de Lisboa); Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (European University Institute)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
No abstract available
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AUBANELL, JUBANY Anna Maria. "La industria electrica y la electrificacion de la industria en Madrid entre 1890 y 1935." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5717.
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Defence date: 7 May 2001Examining board: Albert Carreras Odriozola, Universitat Pompeu Fabra ; Peter Hertner, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, (supervisor) ; Jordi Malaquer de Motes Bernet, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, (supervisor) ; Jaime Reis, Instituto Universitario Europeo
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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GALVEZ-MUNOZ, Lina. "Familia y mercado : el genero en la industrializacion de la fabrica de tabacos de Sevilla (1887-1945)." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5769.
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Examining board: Dr. Antonio Miguel Bernal, Universidad de Sevilla ; Dr. Francisco Comín Comín, Universidad de Alcalá y Fundacíon Empresa Pública ; Dra. Olwen Hufton, Instituto Universitario Europeo y Oxford University (Directora) ; Dr. Jaime Reis, Instituto Universitario EuropeoDefence date: 15 May 1998
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Martínez-Samos, José Agustín. "History and literature: recuperation, renovation and diversity of the historical novel in democratic Spain (1980-1995)." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1245.
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Martínez-Samos, José Agustín Litvak Lily Higginbotham Virginia. "History and literature recuperation, renovation and diversity of the historical novel in democratic Spain (1980-1995) /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3143308.
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Kressel, Daniel Gunnar. "Technicians of the Spirit: Post-Fascist Technocratic Authoritarianism in Spain, Argentina, and Chile, 1945-1988." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-8sth-b879.
Full textAbstract:
The focus of this dissertation is a distinctive post-fascist ideology that emerged during the Cold War era. Developed and first put to practice in Francisco Franco’s Spain during the 1950s and 1960s, this model for a market-oriented dictatorship, which I label Hispanic technocratic-authoritarianism, became a key ideological reference for the dictatorships of Juan Carlos Onganía in Argentina (1966-1970) and Augusto Pinochet in Chile (1973-1988). For its chief designers, this theory of state represented a noble dream of a “post-ideological” society marked by neoliberal economic development, firm social hierarchies, and most importantly, a project of spiritual “perfection.” Rather than a simple mimesis, this study points to a dynamic of constant transatlantic intellectual dialogue between what were, in essence, three attempts to foster an alternative “Hispanic” modernity, within three dissimilar historical settings.
The venture to constitute a reactionary modernity, as a spiritual “third position” that would transcend the antagonistic “materialist” ideologies born at the time of the French Revolution, is as old as modernity itself. The present study explores a prominent case study of these ideological projects, in the Spanish speaking world. My point of departure is that there is a certain lacuna in the historical analysis on Latin America’s far-right ideology during the Cold War. Whereas historiography has fully scrutinized extreme neo-fascist revolutionary movements, military counterrevolutionary states, and populist authoritarianism in the region, there is a dearth of analytic work on the post-fascist technocratic ideologies of the 1960s. My analysis therefore underscores the role of the international Catholic Society Opus Dei as one conspicuous arena for the formulation of the technocratic-authoritarian ideology. Thus, my work accounts for the rise of the “technocrats” as a contingent historical phenomenon that mirrored the economic and cultural contexts of the Cold War era. Consciously setting out to replace what they thought was the failed fascist revolution of the 1930s, the ideologues I analyze formulated what they believed was a more sophisticated method of Catholic modernization - one comprising of a consumerist society protected from the harms of either parliamentarism or rationalism.
Chapter 1 of the dissertation explores how, during the 1950s, Franco’s regime propagated a distinct post-fascist ideology of “Hispanism” via a transnational organization by the name of Instituto de Cultura Hispánica, and how this traditionalist ideology founds if most zealous interlocutors in Argentina and Chile. Chapter 2 hones in on Spain’s novel technocratic-authoritarian ideologies of the 1960s. Designed and implemented by members of the Secular Catholic Organization Opus Dei, this ideology soon became identified with Spain’s 1960s “economic miracle.” Chapter 3 explains how the Francoist ideologies made their way into the Argentine public sphere through two Argentine intellectual affiliations: the Ateneo de la República and the Cuadernos del Sur journal. These groups, I explain, began designing Argentina’s “post-ideological” society during the early 1960s. Chapter 4 explores how the regime of Juan Carlos Onganía (1966-1970) utilized the ideologies of the aforementioned affiliations, as well as several Francoist “development” tactics such as “poles of growth.” Chapter 5 depicts the impact of the Instituto de Cultura Hispánica and the Opus Dei on the Chilean far-right during the late-1960s leading to the regime of Augusto Pinochet. Like Onganía, Pinochet and his ideologues borrowed Francoist political myths for their purposes. Last, Chapter 6 analyzes the decline of the technocratic-authoritarian model. The circumstances of the late 1970s, I suggest, propelled the authoritarian ideologues to abandon the technocratic-authoritarian schemes and seek new forms of civic participation, thereby leading them to initiate unique “protected” democratic transitions.
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Finan, ALICIA. "A Rome Away From Rome: Isidorus Hispalensis and Roman Astronomical Traditions in Medieval Spain." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/7874.
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In the past the works of Isidorus Hispalensis have been regarded as nothing more than a rehashing of the works of earlier ecclesiastical authors, with no direct reference to Roman sources. He has been called at best a compiler and at worst a plagiarist. However, a greater understanding of the historical context shows that it is likely that Isidorus Hispalensis was working directly from Roman sources. In addition, by studying the historical context within which Isidorus is writing, evidence of his originality is seen in his ability to cater specific works to his specific context. By outlining Rome’s presence in Spain from the very beginning, as well as the changing understanding of the barbarian invasions, I show through a study of the astronomical chapters of Isidorus Hispalensis’ De Natura Rerum that Roman traditions in Spain persisted well into the Visigothic period, and that Isidorus Hispalensis is a perfect symbol of the survival of Roman culture after the fall of the western Empire.Thesis (Master, Classics) -- Queen's University, 2013-04-12 17:33:29.356
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ALCALDE, Ángel. "War veterans and transnational fascism : from fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to Francoist Spain and Vichy France (1917-1940)." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40810.
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Defence date: 1 June 2015Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ángela Cenarro, Universidad de Zaragoza (External supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Professor Sven Reichardt, Universität Konstanz.
2016 recipient of the Ivano Tognarini Prize in Contemporary History.
This dissertation explores, from a transnational viewpoint, the historical relationship between war veterans and fascism in interwar Europe. Until now, historians have been roughly divided between those who assume that 'brutalization' (George L. Mosse) led veterans to join fascist movements, and those who stress that most ex-soldiers of the Great War became committed pacifists and internationalists. This dissertation overcomes the inconclusive debates surrounding the 'brutalization' thesis, by proposing a new theoretical and methodological approach, and offering a wider perspective on the history of both fascism and veteran movements. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources in five different languages, this work focuses on the interrelated processes of fascistization and transnationalization of veteran politics in interwar Europe. Firstly, it explains the connection between Italian Fascism and war veterans as the result of a process of symbolic appropriation of the notion of the 'veteran'. Then, it demonstrates that the cross-border circulation of the stereotype of the 'fascist veteran', and the diffusion of the 'myth of the fascist veterans', originating in the March on Rome, were crucial factors in the transnationalization of fascism and the fascistization of veteran politics in the 1920s. Furthermore, in the 1930s, networks of fascist veterans point to the existence of a transnational fascism, while new wars in Ethiopia and Spain strengthened the symbolic connection between veterans and fascism. Finally, the dissertation demonstrates that by 1939-1940, the fascist model of veteran politics was transferred into the new Spanish and French dictatorships. It is not 'brutalization', therefore, but rather a combination of mythical constructs, transfers, political communication, encounters, and networks within a transnational space that explain the relationship between veterans and fascism. Thus, this dissertation offers new insights into the essential ties between fascism and war and contributes to the theorization and conceptualization of transnational fascism.