Academic literature on the topic 'Spain – Foreign relations – Netherlands'
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Journal articles on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Netherlands"
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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
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Kiselova, O. I., and I. V. Kordunian. "Mobbing as a form of discrimination in labor relations in Ukraine and in foreign countries." Legal horizons, no. 18 (2019): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i18.p56.
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The subject of the article is mobbing as a form of discrimination in labor relations in Ukraine and in foreign countries. Based on the analysis of scientific works of Ukrainian and foreign scientists we identified and analyzed the concept of “mobbing”, its characteristics, causes, and consequences. Mobbing is defined as a form of human rights discrimination that involves the psychological and physical pressure exerted on an employee by an employer or workforce to achieve a specific goal, usually to force an employee to quit. The main manifestations of mobbing are harassment, distribution of gossip and false information, employee neglect, blackmail, sexual harassment, and other manifestations of moral and physical violence. Mobbing has its own structure that consists of a subject, object, and purpose. Usually, the subject is the employer or the workforce, and the object is the employee. The main features of mobbing are consistency, the presence of purpose, and the specific object and subject. Mobbing is not established in Ukraine at the legislative level. Attempts of regulation of mobbing were the creation of two bills: «On amendments to some legislative acts of Ukraine concerning fighting against mobbing» and “On amendments to some legislative acts of Ukraine concerning combating against harassment (mobbing) and other manifestations of prejudice at work”. The purpose of these Projects is to protect employees’ rights against any harassment at work by imposing administrative liability in the form of a fine. However, at present these Projects have not been approved. Mobbing is a socially dangerous phenomenon. Its consequences can be stress, depression, sleep disorders, problems with mental health, problems with alcohol and drugs, even the emergence of suicidal thoughts. In this article, we are exploring the experience of mobbing settle in foreign countries, such as Sweden, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. international experience proves that mobbing must be regulated at the legislative level. Based on the analysis of the responsibility for mobbing in foreign countries, we can conclude that the most effective is administrative responsibility. Keywords: mobbing, discrimination, harassment, psychological pressure, physical pressure, labor relations.
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Stepanov, Oleg, and Denis Pechegin. "Criminal law measures of ensuring the security of the crypto sphere." Bratislava Law Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2019.3.1.138.
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In the first issue of the Bratislava Law Review magazine for 2018, our article addressed the problem of legal regulation of relations related to the crypto sphere “Failure to repatiate funds in foreign currency from abroad and modern issues of currency regulation” was published. In December 2017, Bitcoin predicted the cost of $ 40 – $ 100 thousand. However, in 2018, the situation changed-the Bitcoin exchange rate began to lose from $ 0.5 to $ 1 thousand per day, and its market capitalization fell to $ 70 billion. The crisis of the crypto market has affected not only the capitalization of cryptocurrencies, but also the issues of legal regulation of relations associated with its use. Currently, only three countries – Sweden, the Netherlands and Japan – recognize cryptocurrency as a legal means of payment. In Spain, the cryptocurrency is classified as an electronic means of payment only in relation to the gaming business. The legislation of Germany, as well as Finland, allows to classify cryptocurrencies as financial instruments. In China, Singapore and Norway cryptocurrency is considered as a financial asset in the US – as property, i.e. developed countries are in no hurry to equate cryptocurrency to means of payment. In Russia, the use of cryptocurrencies is not regulated by any rules, but there is no legislation prohibiting the circulation of cryptocurrencies as means of payment. At the same time, the draft bill “On digital nancial assets”, designed to regulate financial relations in the crypto sphere, completely excludes the issues of mining and circulation of existing crypto-currencies. However, new electronic entities carry certain risks associated with their turnover. In this regard, many States seek to develop mechanisms to ensure the security of actions in the new crypto sphere of legal relations before the direct legalization of cryptocurrencies and other modern electronic entities. The purpose of the article is to analyze the approaches related to the security of the crypto sphere in modern society by criminal law measures taking into account foreign experience.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union." University Economic Bulletin, no. 48 (March 30, 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.
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Kabaklarli, Esra, Fatih Mangir, and Bansi Sawhney. "Impact of Infrastructure on Economic Growth: A Panel Data Approach Using PMG Estimator." International Review of Business and Economics 2, no. 2 (2018): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56902/irbe.2018.2.2.2.
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Growth theory asserts that infrastructure investments promote economic growth by improving the quality of life and increasing private sector productivity . Transport services, water utility services and telecommunication services provide better facilities to attract FDI (foreign direct investment) and increase productivity across sectors. The aim of this article is to analyze whether transport infrastructure investments have a strong effect on the economic growth. It also attempts to analyze the differential impact of each type of infrastructural spending on economic growth. Our data set covers annual data from 1993 to 2015 period for 15 OECD countries (Austria, Turkey, Czech Republic, Spain, Finland, Japan, Germany, Ireland, Italy, France, Korea, Mexico, Netherlands, Poland, U.K) and China. In this study, we employ a Pool Mean Group (PMG) estimator to find long run and short run relations between the variables. Output elasticity of air transport is found to be positive and significant at five percent level and there exists a long run relationship between GDP per capita and other explanatory variables such as transport infrastructure indicators, gross capital formation and labor force. The crowding- out hypothesis is also supported by coefficients on county specific results. Our data set includes infrastructure variables such as Railways, (million passenger-km), Air transport, (freight, million ton-km), Individuals using the Internet (% of population).
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Varlamova, M. "Cross-cultural aspects of business negotiations." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 72, no. 5 (2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.05.103.
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The features of conducting business negotiations with foreign partners, taking into account the influence of cultural factors are investigated in this paper. The systematization of approaches to understanding business negotiations is performed and it is determined that business negotiations are bilateral or multilateral processes of communication, as a result of which a joint decision concerning business interests realization is made. Scientific approaches to the cultures grouping by certain features, particularly, E. Hall, G. Hofstede and R. Lewis, Florence Clachon and Fred Strodbeck, D. Pinto, R. Gesteland, F. Trompenaars and C. Hampden-Turner are considered. Analysis of the manifestation of certain cultural features in relation to the representatives of the countries with which Ukraine currently has the most developed trade and economic relations is carried out. Accordingly, the probability of the need to negotiate the foreign economic activity implementation is rather high. The following countries are selected among them according to 2020 statistics: China, Poland, India, Spain, Italy, Russia, Belarus, Egypt, the Netherlands, Germany, Romania, Turkey, Hungary, USA, Belgium, Israel, Indonesia, Iraq, Moldova, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and the Czech Republic. Using Hert Hofstede's approach and his theory of cultural dimensions for the listed countries, the indicators characterizing the manifestation of the distance of power, individualism, masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term orientation and indulgence are analyzed. The countries which cultures are the closest to Ukraine’s one are identified according to the above mentioned methodology, and, consequently, the construction of communications with their representatives is more understandable and is characterized by lower probability of misunderstandings due to cultural factors. For other countries the cultural features similar and different from Ukraine ones are defined. Taking into account these features, recommendations for planning and conducting business negotiations with representatives of other countries, aimed at increasing the benefits and opportunities for Ukraine in the process of making joint decisions with partners are given.
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Syngaivska, Inna. "Foreign experience of reglamentation of criminal responsibility for coercion to marriage." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 2(31) (July 30, 2020): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-2(31)-5.
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The unification of criminal legislation is the most powerful method of international law influencing on national criminal-law systems. In accordance with the comparative legal researching of the criminal liability regulation is the accumulation of law-making practice experience in counteracting of a particular crime, in our research – counteracting of coercion to wedlock. Ukraine hasn’t ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and domestic violence; Istanbul Convention (hereinafter referred to as the «Istanbul Convention») yet, but a number of its provisions have been implemented into national law. The article 37 of Istanbul convention determines a «force marriage» and determines that parties apply all legislative or other events are needed for providing of criminal responsibility of intentional behavior, that compels adult or child to marriage. European states in dominant majority determine the coercion to marriage as a separate crime. In this context, national criminal law concerning forced marriage is assessed to be fully consistent with current trends of criminal legal protection rights, individual freedom and marriage and family relations in accordance with the criminal law of foreign countries and international treaties (e.x. Istanbul Convention)). There are two positions of coercion to marriage singled out in foreign countries legislation: as an attack on personal freedom (Norway, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Austria) and as an attack on marriage and family relations (Bulgaria, Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia). According to criminal law of Belgium, Austria, Sweden and Ukraine the responsibility for coercion cohabitation is provided, besides coercion to marry. Switzerland, legislator singles out a special form of coexistence – forced registration to same-sex partnership. The use of violence and threats of violence are typical and alternative methods of coercion to marriage. However, there are some exceptions as: forced marriage under the threat of breach or termination of family relationships with family members; threat of slander and use of direct slander. According to Article 151-2 of Ukrainian Criminal Code «coercion» is a crime-forming feature, which is determined by a socially dangerous and unlawful act. Forming a criminal law prohibiting of forced marriage, Ukrainian legislator doesn’t follow the list of socially dangerous methods, leaving the interpretation of this issue for law enforcement practice. In regard to the issue of punishment for coercion to marriage European legislators have unequivocal position and determine the punishment in the form of imprisonment. Appropriate legislative experience of the foreign countries should be borrowed in order to harmonize of the national coercion marriage legislation. We recognize that it is expedient to define a fine as a compulsory additional penalty for coercion, in view of sentencing courts practice. Key words: coercion to marriage, coercion to enter dormitories, criminal liability, crimes against freedom, honor and dignity of a person.
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Pigłowski, Marcin. "The Intra-European Union Food Trade with the Relation to the Notifications in the Rapid Alert System for Food and Feed." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 4 (February 8, 2021): 1623. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18041623.
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About three-quarters of food exports from European Union (EU) countries goes to the common market in which the free movement of products is ensured. Therefore, it is important to examine from which EU countries the food is exported, what food products they are, and what hazards may be present in these products. The data for research were obtained for 1999–2018 from the Eurostat database (according to the Standard International Trade Classification—SITC) and the Rapid Alert System for Food and Feed (RASFF) database. Then, cluster analysis was performed using joining (tree clustering) and two-way joining methods. The main food exporters were the following countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. They exported: cereals, fruits and vegetables, beverages and feeding stuff (in quantitative terms) and fruits and vegetables, meat, dairy products, and cereals (in terms of value). In turn, the most frequently notified hazards in food originating from these countries were: pathogenic micro-organisms, microbial contaminants, metals, composition, foreign bodies, allergens, and pesticide residues. The increase in the number of alert notifications in the RASFF is particularly noticeable in recent years. The results of the research may be useful for activities related to food traceability, changes in the European law, and encouraging the use of extensive methods in agriculture.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Netherlands"
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Tayfur, Mehmet Fatih. "Semiperipheral development and foreign policy : the cases of Greece and Spain." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1467/.
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Foreign policy analysis stands at the crossroads of different issues and academic disciplines, including political economy and international relations. In this study, the foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the period between 1945 and the early 1990s, in the context of the world-system approach in which foreign policy is considered a part of the interaction between a single world-economy and multiple political structures (nation states). In other words, this is a study of the political economy of foreign policy. The foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the context of the world and national levels of the organisation of power and production. In this general context, the two countries are defined as the interesting but debatable category of semiperiphery states in the world-system hierarchy of states. The analysis of Greece and Spain shows that the foreign policies of both countries were strongly affected by their semiperipheral development patterns during both the "expansion-hegemonic rise" and "contraction-hegemonic decline" periods of the world-economy. The study examines the relative impact of national and international structural factors, the distribution of wealth and power, the state, external and internal economic and power elites on the foreign policies of Greece and Spain. The examination demonstrates the effect of their semiperipheral status on their foreign policy. The main theoretical contention of the study is that the world-system analysis and the concept of "semiperiphery" provide a useful framework for the study of the political economy of the foreign policies of middle income countries.
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Callister, Graeme. "Public opinion and foreign policy : British and French relations with the Netherlands, 1785-1815." Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5304/.
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This thesis examines the interplay of public opinion, national identity and foreign policy during the period 1785-1815, focusing on three consistently interconnected countries: the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. The Netherlands provides the centrepiece to the study, which considers how the Dutch were perceived as a nation, a people and as a political entity, at both governmental and popular levels, in the three countries throughout the period. Public opinion is theorised as a two-part phenomenon. Active public opinion represents the collated thoughts and responses of a certain public to an event or set of circumstances. Latent public opinion represents the sum of generally-accepted underlying social norms, stereotypes or preconceptions; the perceptions and representations latently present in unconscious mentalités. The thesis examines how perceptions and representations of the Netherlands in all three countries fed into public opinion and, ultimately, into national identity either of the self or the ‘other’. It then investigates the extent to which the triangular policies of Britain, France and the various incarnations of the Dutch state were shaped by popular perceptions, identities and opinion. While active opinion is shown to have generally been of negligible importance to the policy-making process, it is argued that the underlying themes of latent opinion often provided the conceptual background that politicians from all three countries used to make policy. The influence of latent opinion was often as much unconscious as deliberate. Latent opinion was rarely the inspiration for foreign policy, but it frequently provided the boundaries of expectation within which policy was formed.
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SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. "Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.
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Defence date: 28 October 2019Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
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Fernandez, Marisa. "The enigma of the Spanish Civil War : the motives for Soviet intervention." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79763.
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The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.
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Gillies, David 1952. "Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and Norway." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41264.
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This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
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Lyne, Kay. "Perceptions of Spain and the Spanish, and their effect on public opinion in Britain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683130.
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Sanchez, James. "Interests Eternal and Perpetual: British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 1937." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/.
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This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.
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Caldeira, Giovana Figueira Herdy. "As relações politicas e economicas entre Brasil e Espanha da transição democratica a nossos dias." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279241.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de MoraesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: As relações entre Brasil e Espanha tiveram escassa importância até meados dos anos 1970, quando, paralelamente aos respectivos processos democráticos, produziram-se uma abertura ao exterior e uma transformação econômica e social em ambos países que promoveram sua integração em um mundo cada vez mais globalizado. A Espanha, por diversos fatores, um dos quais foi o grande fluxo de fundos recebidos da União Européia, teve um grande crescimento econômico, passando de país receptor de investimentos externos a país investidor no exterior. Tais investimentos foram especialmente dirigidos à América Latina - sendo o Brasil o país mais favorecido pelos mesmos - e concentraram se nos setores de telecomunicações, bancário, energético e de infra-estrutura. O intercâmbio comercial entre os dois países, no entanto, continua sendo pequeno e limitado quanto ao conteúdo, como conseqüência do protecionismo de ambos. A rigidez administrativa do Brasil soma-se também à dificuldade de implantação de um maior número de empresas. Existem ainda diversos campos em que é possível uma maior cooperação bilateral, sendo o setor energético, a pesca e o turismo os mais destacados. Do ponto de vista cultural, há cada vez maior aproximação, fruto da potencialização do ensino de espanhol no Brasil, o aumento do turismo bilateral e a emigração de brasileiros a Espanha, assim como os esforços dirigidos pelos governos para este fim. Politicamente, as relações apresentam um baixo perfil, que tem sido melhorado pela integração do Brasil nas Cúpulas Ibero-americanas de Chefes de Estado e de Governo. A liderança do Brasil na região e sua crescente projeção no exterior devem condicionar um novo equilíbrio nas relações bilaterais: caso os países ajustem suas posições a esta nova realidade, no futuro as relações podem alcançar níveis de cooperação superiores aos atuais.
Abstract: Relations between Brazil and Spain had little importance until the mid-1970s when, concurrently with their democratic processes, an opening toward the outside world and an economic and social transformation took place in both countries, thus promoting their integration in an increasingly globalized world. Spain, for several reasons, such as the large flow of funds received from the European Union, had a great economic growth, leaving the position of a country that receives foreign investment to beco me a country that invests abroad. Such investment was particularly directed to Latin America - most especially to Brazil - and concentrated in the areas of telecommunications, banking, energy and infrastructure. Commercial exchange between the two countries, however, remains limited in its amount and contents, as a consequence of protectionism on both parts. The rigidity of Brazilian administrative procedures also raises difficulties for the establishment of a higher number of companies in the country. There are several fields in which it is possible to further bilateral cooperation, being the energy industry, fishing and tourism the most prominent of them. From the cultural point of view, the ties between the countries have become stronger as a result of an increase in the teaching of the Spanish language in Brazil, enhanced bilateral tourism, and the emigration of Brazilians to Spain, as well as the efforts led by both govemments for this purpose. Politically, the relations have a low profile, which has been improved by the integrati~n of Brazil in the Iberian-American Summit of Heads of State and Govemment. The Brazilian leadership in the region and its increasing projection abroad must determine a new balance in bilateral relations; if the countries adjust their position to this new reality, relations of cooperation may reach higher levels in the future.
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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SANCHEZ, CAMACHO Alberto. "'Up and down' : Genoese financiers and their relational capital in the early reign of Philip II." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69995.
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Defence date: 26 January 2021Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II’s reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.
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James, Richard 1949. "Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.
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This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.
Books on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Netherlands"
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Polišenský, Josef V. Tragic triangle: The Netherlands, Spain and Bohemia, 1617-1621. Prague: Charles University, 1991.
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Empires and entrepots: The Dutch, the Spanish monarchy, and the Jews, 1585-1713. London, U.K: Hambledon Press, 1990.
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Laínez, Fernando Martínez. Una pica en Flandes: La epopeya del camino español. Madrid: Edaf, 2007.
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A history of Spain. 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Leicester and the Netherlands, 1586-1587. Utrecht: HES Publishers, 1988.
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Christian, Leitz, and Dunthorn David J, eds. Spain in an international context, 1936-1959. New York: Berghahn Books, 1999.
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Poland and The Netherlands: A case sutdy of European relations. Dordrecht: Republic of Letters, 2011.
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Barton, Simon. A history of Spain. 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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1941-, Maxwell Kenneth, ed. Spanish foreign and defense policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1991.
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C, Castermans-Holleman Monique, and Grünfeld Fred 1949-, eds. Human rights in the foreign policy of the Netherlands. Antwerpen: Intersentia, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Netherlands"
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"4.Triangular Foreign Relations." In Spain, China, and Japan in Manila, 1571-1644, 171–208. Amsterdam University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048526819-006.
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"The recent history of Spain–Latin America relations." In Contemporary Spanish Foreign Policy, 120–44. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315756790-13.
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Brouwer, Jan-Willem. "Joop den Uyl, the emergence of the European Council and the expanding role of the prime minister in Dutch foreign policy, 1973–1977." In Shaping the International Relations of the Netherlands, 1815–2000, 201–22. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315228440-10.
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Kastoryano, Riva. "Between Spain and the Maghreb." In Burying Jihadis, translated by Cynthia Schoch, 138–52. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190889128.003.0009.
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Spain is the gateway for entering the European Union from the south, a country of legal and illegal immigration from the African continent, particularly via Morocco and Algeria. The constant trips back and forth between Spain and the Maghreb made by the “birds of passage”4 that perpetrated the 11M attacks attest to the intensity of exchanges between the two shores of the Mediterranean. The Madrid attack thus brings to light transnational relations and actions, in that they transcend borders and defy Spain’s foreign, European and domestic policy as well as the policies of the countries of emigration.
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Duke, Simon, and Sophie Vanhoonacker. "2. The European Union as a Subsystem of International Relations." In International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0002.
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This chapter focuses on the European Union as a subsystem of international relations. It examines the following questions, taking into account the historical context in which EU foreign policy has developed as well as the theoretical pluralism that has characterized its study. First, how has the EU dealt with its own international relations internally? Second, what are the ideas and principles underlying EU foreign policy? Third, what is the EU's collective action capacity in relation to the rest of the world? The chapter illustrates interstate dynamics as a result of European integration by focusing on the cases of France, Germany, and Benelux (Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg). It also considers the EU's international identity and its role as a collective actor.
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Simón, Juan Antonio. "Football, Diplomacy, and International Relations during Francoism, 1937–1975." In Soccer Diplomacy, 48–69. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179513.003.0004.
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Throughout the decades under Franco, Spanish foreign policy often used football as a diplomatic tool. In a totalitarian system where sport was subject to political government interests, football allowed the regime to show a positive image of Spain, favoring its progressive integration into the European context. Before the end of the Spanish Civil War in April 1939, Francoism started to implement a new model of sports politics. Franco understood that this activity might be a benefit to his international legitimation, an aid to the political control of the Spanish society, and a propaganda tool. Spain experienced a radical ostracism from the international sporting context during this period, reducing its international football relations to those countries ideologically close to Francoism such as Germany, Italy, and Portugal.
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Rodríguez Suárez, Daniel. "Cuba and the United States in the Configuration of a Foreign Policy for Spain." In Open and Innovative Trade Opportunities for Latin America and the Caribbean, 145–78. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3503-5.ch008.
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After the election of the socialist party in 1982, relations between Spain and Cuba entered a channel of greater understanding, as the two nation's traditional commercial and economic relationship found a complementary association in the greater political affinity between Felipe González and Fidel Castro. In the international context, the Cuban leaders had their own vision of the role that Spain might play on the international stage and sensed the possibilities that the young Spanish democracy could open up for the Third World. For Spain there was a need to maintain a neutral international orientation and remain detached from the military pacts with the great powers. This chapter explores Cuba and the United States in the configuration of a foreign policy for Spain.
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Questier, Michael. "Protestant Foreign Policy and the Coming of War, 1582–1593." In Dynastic Politics and the British Reformations, 1558-1630, 140–205. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826330.003.0003.
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The Anjou marriage diplomacy triggered a series of reactions. The chapter deals with James VI’s attempts to free himself from the control of Anglophile elements within his court. The response of those around Elizabeth was to become increasingly hostile to Mary Stuart and, against Elizabeth’s wishes, to evolve republican schemes in response to the unsettled English succession and also to intervene militarily in the Netherlands. The narratives of the English and French succession crises began to move in step at this point, that is as, after Anjou’s death, it became an issue as to whether the Huguenot Henry of Navarre ought to be allowed to take the French crown after Henry III. The latter half of the chapter deals with the exclusion of the Scottish queen from the English line of succession, the war with Spain and the Armada of 1588, and the turn of a certain sort of Catholic to the Scotland of James VI as their best hope for the political future.
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Edwards, Elizabeth. "War, foreign relations and politics in the Netherlands from the Second Anglo-Dutch War to the Revolution of 1688." In War, Trade and the State, 74–91. Boydell & Brewer, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvrdf15m.10.
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Brady, Steven J. "Epilogue." In Chained to History, 180–84. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761058.003.0008.
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This chapter explains that slavery is one of the issues that shaped and compelled the United States to engage in international relations. It notes how the nation was forced to deal with Great Britain and Spain in order to avoid legitimation of slave escape. Policymakers and laypeople deemed slavery to be central to US interactions with four continents. Moreover, racism persists in shaping US foreign relations even though the United State finally managed to abolish slavery. The chapter highlights the significance of race within American decisions. It clarifies that the impact and legacy of slavery on America's relations with the world are needed to understand the diplomatic history of America.