Relevant bibliographies by topics / Spain – Foreign relations – Morocco

Academic literature on the topic 'Spain – Foreign relations – Morocco'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Morocco"

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Marrero Rocha, Inmaculada. "The Implications of Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations for Moroccan Immigrants in Spain Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations and Moroccan Immigrants." European Journal of Migration and Law 7, no. 4 (2006): 413–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181605776293228.

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AbstractThe terrorist attacks in Madrid on March 11, 2004 were one of the most traumatic events in recent Spanish domestic history, and have had a profound influence in internal policy as well as determining the strategy of its foreign and security policy. In many sectors it has created a climate in which there are serious negative repercussions in the acceptance and integration of immigrants from Morocco, bearing in mind that most of the people detained and put on trial are from that country but were residing in Spain. However, if the March 11 terrorist attacks are an important factor militating against Moroccan integration in Spain, the truth is that for many years they have had greater difficulties in integrating into the host community than other immigrant groups. This paper argues that Spanish-Moroccan political relations constitute further factors that create special difficulties for Moroccan immigrants in their integration into Spanish society. In order to demonstrate this hypothesis, the paper first describes in section one the specific Spanish migration context, firstly from the demographic point of view, analysing the rapid change of Spain from an emigrant country to an immigrant country and the increase in foreign population over recent years and, secondly from cultural point of view when it discusses the already existing diversities among the different Spanish regions and, finally, from a legal point of view the paper studies the changeable and unstable Spanish law on migration. The main goal of this introductory section is to show the general problems of integration applicable to all immigrant groups living in Spain, including Moroccans. Secondly, in sections two and three, the paper attempts to examine the unequal treatment against Moroccan immigrants and argues that this situation is not only due to Spanish attitudes toward immigrants in general and the social, racial and religious characteristic of Moroccan immigrants but also because there are other political reasons related to the relations between the Spanish and Moroccan Governments that affect the situation of Moroccans in Spain because of their nationality. In order to show this unequal treatment of Moroccan immigrants in comparison with other immigrant groups, section two describes the main examples of clear discrimination: specific racist and xenophobic attacks against Moroccans in Spain; employment discrimination against Moroccans; and the institutional declarations that negatively affect Moroccans. The third section attempts to demonstrate how old and recent political crisis and controversies in the fields of fishing, agricultural, territorial disputes, and illegal immigration controls between both countries constitute factors which have made the integration of Moroccan labourers in Spain more difficult. The fourth section shows how the political crises and conflicts between Spain and Morocco have worsened the Spanish population's perception of Morocco and have influenced the treatment Moroccan immigrants receive in Spain. Finally, the last section contains several conclusions as a warning to the Spanish Government to improve its relations with Moroccan Authorities not only to obtain institutional and political results but also to bring about positive consequences for Moroccans living in Spain.
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Cherkasova, Ekaterina. "THE PROBLEM OF CEUTA AND MELILLA IN SPANISH FOREIGN POLICY." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-1-66-72.

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The article is dedicated to one of the most important problems of Spain’s foreign policy, namely the problem of the two Spanish enclaves located on the territory of Morocco - Ceuta and Melilla. The historical and legal provisions form the basis of arguments of the Spanish and Moroccan parts justifying their claim to these disputed territories. A comparison is made between the problems of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar.Particular attention is paid to the question of whether they are covered by NATO’s security guarantee. The author substantiates that Morocco is using the issue of Ceuta and Melilla as a means of pressure on Spain to get benefits in other areas, including trade, immigration, and fishing. Rabat also seeks to force Spain to change its position on the Western Sahara. The current situation of the Spanish cities in the light of their current economic, migratory and political problems is analyzed. It isemphasized that illegal immigration mostly from sub-Saharan countries is one of the main problems of the Spanish-Moroccan relations, complicating the situation in Ceuta and Melilla. This problem is far from being resolved. The main task of the Western countries regarding this issue is the maintenance of stability in the region, which perfectly meets the interests of Spain. Madrid’s efforts are focused primarily on prevention of such development of political and economic situation which would put the country before the need to strengthen its southern border by military means. This strategic objective has become particularly relevant in light of recent events in North Africa.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.

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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Zhiri, Oumelbanine. "Mapping the Frontier between Islam and Christendom in a Diplomatic Age: al-Ghassânî in Spain." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2016): 966–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689039.

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AbstractThis essay analyzes the travel account authored by Moroccan ambassador Muhammad al-Ghassânî, who visited Spain in 1690–91. The account shows the evolution of the early modern frontier between Christian Europe and Islamic North Africa, from a militarized boundary to the development of diplomatic relations. Both an agent and witness of that history, al-Ghassânî describes a heterogeneous space: he surveys the border, explores the foreign land of modern Spain, and reimagines the memory of al-Andalus. His important account, based on sharp observation and serious research, helps nuance the prevailing view that Arab culture had ignored Europe before the nineteenth century.
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Tomé-Fernández, María, Marina García-Garnica, Asunción Martínez-Martínez, and Eva María Olmedo-Moreno. "An Analysis of Personal Learning Environments and Age-Related Psychosocial Factors of Unaccompanied Foreign Minors." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 10 (May 24, 2020): 3700. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17103700.

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Spain is one of the countries with the greatest influx of immigrants and, specifically, of unaccompanied foreign minors (UFMs). The educational and social inclusion of unaccompanied foreign minors poses both a challenge and a threat to current policy. Nonetheless, studies linking educational aspects to the phenomenon of the integration of these children are scarce and do not specify the most influential educational tools and strategies. In this sense, a descriptive, quantitative and cross-sectional research study is presented. The aim of this study is to examine whether variables such as age and the use of applications and social networks determine the personal learning environments (PLE) of unaccompanied foreign minors. The sample of the present study was formed by 624 individuals (♂ = 92.1% (n = 575); ♀ = 7.9% (n = 49)) aged between 8 and 17 years old. The majority came from Morocco and resided in the cities of Ceuta and Melilla. The “PLE and Social Integration of UFMs” questionnaire was used as the study instrument. Amongst the main findings, significant differences are highlighted in the personal learning environments as a function of age-related psychosocial factors as they pertain to unaccompanied foreign minors. Four factors were seen to exist in relation to the personal learning environments of unaccompanied foreign minors: self-concept of the learning process, planning and management of learning, use of resources and tools, and communication and social interaction. The same trend was observed in the four factors, with older age groups reporting better scores. On the other hand, results show that the use of applications and social networks have a significant and favourable impact on personal learning environment construction.
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Alekseev, Dmitry V. "Migration management case study: Spain and Morocco." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-2-235-243.

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The article analyzes the contradictions between the country of destination and origin of immigrants and defines the directions of cooperation between them to regulate migration processes. It considers the evolution of Spanish and Morocco immigration laws and the development of the bilateral relations to consolidate joint model to manage migration. It includes data of the intensity of the migration flows, their predominantly labor character and the dependence on the economic situation in the receiving country. It analyzes the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on migration processes and outlines prospects for cooperation in the context of the transfer restrictions.
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Dotson-Renta, Lara N. "Translated identities: writing between Morocco and Spain." Journal of North African Studies 13, no. 4 (December 2008): 429–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380801918905.

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Khattabi, Hidaya EL, and Mohamed Karim. "Impact of Morocco-ECOWAS Economic Relations on Economic Growth in Morocco: An Analysis Using the ARDL Model." International Journal of Economics and Finance 10, no. 5 (April 7, 2018): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v10n5p105.

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Over the last decade, Morocco has undertaken numerous reforms in order to successfully integrate itself into the global economy in general, and Africa in particular, with the aim of diversifying and strengthening its competitive export potential.In fact, the analysis of trade relations between Morocco and ECOWAS reveals an increasing volume of trade, reflecting a continuous dynamization of their commercial relations. A similar trend is observed in foreign direct investment, which has been growing steadily over the last few years, reflecting Morocco’s desire to become a major player in the development of the African continent.The analysis of Morocco’s trade opening and foreign direct investment (FDI) in ECOWAS on Morocco’s economic growth, using ARDL (Autorégressive distribution Lag) modelling, shows that Moroccan foreign direct investment to ECOWAS has a significant impact on its GDP per capita in the short and long term. With regard to bilateral trade between the two partners, no long-term equilibrium relationship could be established due to the still low weight of trade volumes.
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Fadil, Hamza, and Shen Yi. "Positive Acceptance of Morocco against Postitory Retirement Refugees 2011." Journal of Sociological Research 11, no. 1 (December 2, 2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v11i1.15961.

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Morocco is a country in the North African region with a strategic geographical location for migration routes to Europe. Morocco borders Spain directly, causing thousands of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers to pass through Morocco as a transit country to get to Europe as a major destination. Previously, Morocco itself was a large migrant sending country with a total Moroccan diaspora abroad reaching almost 10% of the total population. The dynamics of Morocco as a sending, transit and now a recipient country for refugees makes Morocco have a policy dynamic that is quite interesting to study. Starting with Law 02-03 which made Morocco the first Arab country to have regulations on refugees, ratification of the 2011 constitution, until the enactment of the National Policy on Immigration and Asylum (NPIA) in 2013 made Morocco continue to get praise from various parties for its quite friendly regulations against these refugees, despite various diplomatic pressures that Morocco has received from other countries such as Spain and Greece. Morocco then offers permanent residency for refugees who fulfill the procedure. In discussing the motives behind Morocco's positive response, Jacobsen's concept of influencing factors influencing Jacobsen's explanations explains 4 variable factors: international relations, national security considerations, the competitiveness of local communities, and bureaucratic decisions.
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Anikeeva, NATALYA. "THE RELATIONS OF SPAIN WITH MOROCCO AND WITH OTHER COUNTRIES OF THE MAGHREB IN THE CONTEXT OF EURO MEDITERRANEAN COOPERATION (1996-2004." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-2-7-12.

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The main economic interests of Spain in the Mediterranean region during the study period were focused on the Maghreb countries and were mainly associated with the energy sector. The leading recipients of Spanish investments are Tunisia and Morocco. Relations with the countries of the Maghreb Spain relied on a solid
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Morocco"

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Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.

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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.

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Snider, Erin. "Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.

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Tayfur, Mehmet Fatih. "Semiperipheral development and foreign policy : the cases of Greece and Spain." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1467/.

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Foreign policy analysis stands at the crossroads of different issues and academic disciplines, including political economy and international relations. In this study, the foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the period between 1945 and the early 1990s, in the context of the world-system approach in which foreign policy is considered a part of the interaction between a single world-economy and multiple political structures (nation states). In other words, this is a study of the political economy of foreign policy. The foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the context of the world and national levels of the organisation of power and production. In this general context, the two countries are defined as the interesting but debatable category of semiperiphery states in the world-system hierarchy of states. The analysis of Greece and Spain shows that the foreign policies of both countries were strongly affected by their semiperipheral development patterns during both the "expansion-hegemonic rise" and "contraction-hegemonic decline" periods of the world-economy. The study examines the relative impact of national and international structural factors, the distribution of wealth and power, the state, external and internal economic and power elites on the foreign policies of Greece and Spain. The examination demonstrates the effect of their semiperipheral status on their foreign policy. The main theoretical contention of the study is that the world-system analysis and the concept of "semiperiphery" provide a useful framework for the study of the political economy of the foreign policies of middle income countries.
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SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. "Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.

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Defence date: 28 October 2019
Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
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Fernandez, Marisa. "The enigma of the Spanish Civil War : the motives for Soviet intervention." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79763.

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The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.
1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.
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Lyne, Kay. "Perceptions of Spain and the Spanish, and their effect on public opinion in Britain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683130.

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Sanchez, James. "Interests Eternal and Perpetual: British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 1937." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/.

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This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.
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Caldeira, Giovana Figueira Herdy. "As relações politicas e economicas entre Brasil e Espanha da transição democratica a nossos dias." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279241.

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Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de Moraes
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T08:35:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Caldeira_GiovanaFigueiraHerdy_M.pdf: 4153158 bytes, checksum: 39c20bf64a673d7f6c45e1d9be3ecc8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: As relações entre Brasil e Espanha tiveram escassa importância até meados dos anos 1970, quando, paralelamente aos respectivos processos democráticos, produziram-se uma abertura ao exterior e uma transformação econômica e social em ambos países que promoveram sua integração em um mundo cada vez mais globalizado. A Espanha, por diversos fatores, um dos quais foi o grande fluxo de fundos recebidos da União Européia, teve um grande crescimento econômico, passando de país receptor de investimentos externos a país investidor no exterior. Tais investimentos foram especialmente dirigidos à América Latina - sendo o Brasil o país mais favorecido pelos mesmos - e concentraram se nos setores de telecomunicações, bancário, energético e de infra-estrutura. O intercâmbio comercial entre os dois países, no entanto, continua sendo pequeno e limitado quanto ao conteúdo, como conseqüência do protecionismo de ambos. A rigidez administrativa do Brasil soma-se também à dificuldade de implantação de um maior número de empresas. Existem ainda diversos campos em que é possível uma maior cooperação bilateral, sendo o setor energético, a pesca e o turismo os mais destacados. Do ponto de vista cultural, há cada vez maior aproximação, fruto da potencialização do ensino de espanhol no Brasil, o aumento do turismo bilateral e a emigração de brasileiros a Espanha, assim como os esforços dirigidos pelos governos para este fim. Politicamente, as relações apresentam um baixo perfil, que tem sido melhorado pela integração do Brasil nas Cúpulas Ibero-americanas de Chefes de Estado e de Governo. A liderança do Brasil na região e sua crescente projeção no exterior devem condicionar um novo equilíbrio nas relações bilaterais: caso os países ajustem suas posições a esta nova realidade, no futuro as relações podem alcançar níveis de cooperação superiores aos atuais.
Abstract: Relations between Brazil and Spain had little importance until the mid-1970s when, concurrently with their democratic processes, an opening toward the outside world and an economic and social transformation took place in both countries, thus promoting their integration in an increasingly globalized world. Spain, for several reasons, such as the large flow of funds received from the European Union, had a great economic growth, leaving the position of a country that receives foreign investment to beco me a country that invests abroad. Such investment was particularly directed to Latin America - most especially to Brazil - and concentrated in the areas of telecommunications, banking, energy and infrastructure. Commercial exchange between the two countries, however, remains limited in its amount and contents, as a consequence of protectionism on both parts. The rigidity of Brazilian administrative procedures also raises difficulties for the establishment of a higher number of companies in the country. There are several fields in which it is possible to further bilateral cooperation, being the energy industry, fishing and tourism the most prominent of them. From the cultural point of view, the ties between the countries have become stronger as a result of an increase in the teaching of the Spanish language in Brazil, enhanced bilateral tourism, and the emigration of Brazilians to Spain, as well as the efforts led by both govemments for this purpose. Politically, the relations have a low profile, which has been improved by the integrati~n of Brazil in the Iberian-American Summit of Heads of State and Govemment. The Brazilian leadership in the region and its increasing projection abroad must determine a new balance in bilateral relations; if the countries adjust their position to this new reality, relations of cooperation may reach higher levels in the future.
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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SANCHEZ, CAMACHO Alberto. "'Up and down' : Genoese financiers and their relational capital in the early reign of Philip II." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69995.

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Defence date: 26 January 2021
Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II’s reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.
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Books on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Morocco"

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Europe or Africa?: A contemporary study of the Spanish North African enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000.

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The conquest of Morocco. London: Papermac, 1987.

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Porch, Douglas. The conquest of Morocco. London: Cape, 1985.

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The conquest of Morocco. New York: Fromm International Pub. Corp., 1986.

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Arab Reform and Foreign Aid: Lessons from Morocco. Washington, DC: CSIS PRESS, 2007.

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A history of Spain. 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Islam, ğihād ("Heiliger Krieg") und Deutsches Reich: Ein Nachspiel zur wilhelminischen Weltpolitik im Maghreb, 1914-1918. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1991.

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Christian, Leitz, and Dunthorn David J, eds. Spain in an international context, 1936-1959. New York: Berghahn Books, 1999.

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Moroccan foreign policy under Mohammed VI, 1999-2014. New York, NY: Routledge, 2016.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means., ed. Report on trade mission to Czech Republic, Egypt, and Morocco. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Morocco"

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Kastoryano, Riva. "Between Spain and the Maghreb." In Burying Jihadis, translated by Cynthia Schoch, 138–52. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190889128.003.0009.

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Spain is the gateway for entering the European Union from the south, a country of legal and illegal immigration from the African continent, particularly via Morocco and Algeria. The constant trips back and forth between Spain and the Maghreb made by the “birds of passage”4 that perpetrated the 11M attacks attest to the intensity of exchanges between the two shores of the Mediterranean. The Madrid attack thus brings to light transnational relations and actions, in that they transcend borders and defy Spain’s foreign, European and domestic policy as well as the policies of the countries of emigration.
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"2. Sheltering Screens: Paul Bowles and Foreign Relations." In Morocco Bound, 78–118. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822387121-005.

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Dawson, William Harbutt. "(1904–1906) Foreign Relations—(ii) Morocco." In The German Empire 1867–1914, 404–30. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351059916-10.

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"4.Triangular Foreign Relations." In Spain, China, and Japan in Manila, 1571-1644, 171–208. Amsterdam University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048526819-006.

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"The recent history of Spain–Latin America relations." In Contemporary Spanish Foreign Policy, 120–44. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315756790-13.

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"A Two-Level Game: Spain and the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Morocco." In Euro-Mediterranean Relations After September 11, 99–121. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203498729-11.

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Murray, Michelle. "Recognition Refused." In The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, 113–40. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878900.003.0005.

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This chapter explores how Imperial Germany came to be viewed by the established European powers as a revisionist power. It argues that as Germany became more uncertain about its status in the international order, its fear of misrecognition increased and in response it turned to the recognitive practices constitutive of world power status to ameliorate its growing social insecurity. Specifically, Germany’s fear of misrecognition sustained the Anglo-German naval race, making a naval understanding impossible despite repeated British attempts at negotiating an arms control agreement. Moreover, the fear of misrecognition and experience of disrespect led Germany into a second confrontation with Britain over the independent status of Morocco during the Agadir Crisis. Germany’s belligerent foreign policy and willingness to risk war over matters not of vital interest led the European great powers to increasingly view Germany as a revisionist state whose power needed to be contained. The chapter shows how the experience of humiliation drove German foreign policy, contributing to its construction as a revisionist power and destabilizing the international order in the years before the First World War.
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Simón, Juan Antonio. "Football, Diplomacy, and International Relations during Francoism, 1937–1975." In Soccer Diplomacy, 48–69. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179513.003.0004.

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Throughout the decades under Franco, Spanish foreign policy often used football as a diplomatic tool. In a totalitarian system where sport was subject to political government interests, football allowed the regime to show a positive image of Spain, favoring its progressive integration into the European context. Before the end of the Spanish Civil War in April 1939, Francoism started to implement a new model of sports politics. Franco understood that this activity might be a benefit to his international legitimation, an aid to the political control of the Spanish society, and a propaganda tool. Spain experienced a radical ostracism from the international sporting context during this period, reducing its international football relations to those countries ideologically close to Francoism such as Germany, Italy, and Portugal.
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Rodríguez Suárez, Daniel. "Cuba and the United States in the Configuration of a Foreign Policy for Spain." In Open and Innovative Trade Opportunities for Latin America and the Caribbean, 145–78. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3503-5.ch008.

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After the election of the socialist party in 1982, relations between Spain and Cuba entered a channel of greater understanding, as the two nation's traditional commercial and economic relationship found a complementary association in the greater political affinity between Felipe González and Fidel Castro. In the international context, the Cuban leaders had their own vision of the role that Spain might play on the international stage and sensed the possibilities that the young Spanish democracy could open up for the Third World. For Spain there was a need to maintain a neutral international orientation and remain detached from the military pacts with the great powers. This chapter explores Cuba and the United States in the configuration of a foreign policy for Spain.
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Pack, Sasha D. "The End of a Modern Borderland." In The Deepest Border, 265–80. Stanford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503606678.003.0013.

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This chapter discusses the post-World War II reconfiguration of ethno-religious relations that put an end to the modern trans-Gibraltar borderland society as it had developed over the previous century. Jews and Europeans departed Morocco in haste in the 1950s, their safety increasingly uncertain. Spain waged a protracted campaign to recover Gibraltar from Great Britain, closing the border by 1969. Although the effort failed, it put an end to Gibraltar’s role as a hub for traffic and circulation around the Strait for over a century. New currents of migration brought Africans northward, making Spain substantially multiconfessional for the first time in its modern history. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the new regional conjuncture and some remarks about the historical changes and continuities over the previous centuries.
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