Journal articles on the topic 'Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America'
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1
ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.
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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.
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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Borzova, Alla Yu, Olga V. Volosyuk, and Nino D. Nikolashvili. "Spanish Humanitarian Policy in Latin America: Peculiarities and Priorities." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 586–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-586-599.
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The article deals with the establishment and formation of the humanitarian policy of Spain, the evolution of the concept of “Hispanidad” in relation to Latin America, when Spain, along with the expansion of investment and economic cooperation, was building up educational, scientific, cultural interaction based on a common historical past, and intended positioning itself as a “bridge” between the EU and this region. The authors apply the theory of constructivism, based on the position that “historical and cultural paradigms,” norms and beliefs, and not only economic power influences the rapprochement of states. The chronological order makes possible to trace the evolution of the features and priorities of the country’s humanitarian policy, starting from the second half of the 2010s, when it was reduced to the dominance of the educational and scientific factor in Spanish public diplomacy towards Latin America. The Spanish state has achieved significant results in improving the system of higher education, making it attractive to foreign students. The activities of public and private structures (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, AECID, Carolina Foundation, Casa America) are focused not only at creating a positive image of Spain (the Program “Spain Global”), but also at forming a common Ibero-American scientific and educational space. In the Ibero-American Community of Nations (ICN), which unites countries on the basis of language and culture, an important place is given to youth problems related to the availability of quality education and employment, as well as issues of digitalization, economic modernization, renewable energy. Within the framework of the ICN, the Tordesillas Group, the Association of Ibero-American Universities, the La Rabida Group, etc., are intended to implement the 2021 Goals in the field of education. The use of professional research networks, the introduction of new skills and competencies for students and teachers, the creation of the Ibero-American Institute for Education and Productivity (IIEYP), focusing on the relationship between education and economic growth, became a real basis for strengthening a common Ibero-American educational and scientific space as a main priority in the actual humanitarian policy of Spain.
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Vaccaro Alexander, Yolanda Carmela. "Reconocimiento de la titularidad y el ejercicio de los derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España : el derecho al sufragio en elecciones locales." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 14 (January 1, 2014): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.14.2014.13319.
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Los ciudadanos latinoamericanos que residen en España disfrutan de un marco legal diferenciado respecto de lo que atañe a los residentes procedentes de otras zonas en el marco de los lazos históricos y culturales que unen España y Latinoamérica reflejados en la legislación española. España mantiene suscritos convenios de Doble Nacionalidad con la mayor parte de países latinoamericanos. Y, desde 2009, ha suscrito tratados de reciprocidad en materia de sufragio en elecciones locales con diferentes países, la mayor parte de ellos latinoamericanos, tratados que permitieron que en las elecciones locales celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011 los latinoamericanos concernidos pudieran ejercer el derecho al voto activo en España por primera vez sin necesidad de haberse acogido a los mencionados convenios de Doble Nacionalidad. La encuesta «Ciudadanía inmigrante», analizada en este artículo y realizada para la tesis doctoral «Derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España. El derecho de sufragio», de la doctoranda autora de este artículo, da pautas sobre la percepción de los latinoamericanos residentes en España en torno a los derechos civiles y políticos y sobre su comportamiento respecto de los citados comicios de 2011.Latin American citizens residing in Spain enjoy a distinct legal framework compared to other foreign residents. That difference is based on the historical and cultural relations between Spain and Latin America. Spain has agreements on dual nationality with most Latin American countries. Starting in 2009 Spain has signed several reciprocity agreements about the right to vote in local elections with several countries, most of them in Latin America. On May 22, 2011 many Latin American citizens residing in Spain could exercise their right to vote in the Spanish local elections for the first time without having dual citizenship. The «Immigrant Citizenship» survey, analyzed in this article and developed for the doctoral thesis «Civil and Political Rights of Latin American Residents in Spain. The right to vote», provides guidance on the perception of Latin American living in Spain about civil and political rights and their behavior with respect to said elections.
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Kudelko, Bohdan. "Influence of the United States of America on Politics of Latin American Countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 45 (June 27, 2022): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2022.45.86-91.
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This article examines the history of relations between the United States and Latin American countries. The main stages of the development and the defining characteristics of each of them are outlined. It is studied how these actors coexisted after gaining the independence from Spain of most Latin American countries. This article also describes how US expanded its territory by the treaties and wars. The content of the Monroe Doctrine, the Big Stick Policy and the Neighborhood Policy are defined. It analyses impact of these policies on US and Latin American countries. Differences in relations in the period before the Second World War and during the Cold War are outlined. Article demonstrates examples of US interference in Latin American region. The actions of the USA concerning the influence on the domestic policy of the countries of this region during the aggravation of the Cold War are analyzed. Article describes actions that were used against communism in certain countries of the region It analyses Cuban Revolution and political crisis across the whole region in late 1970s - early 1980s and its impact on US. It is argued that the United States became a hegemon first in South America and later expanded its influence on a global scale. It is established that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the presence of the United States in the region decreased, but they continue to actively interfere in the domestic politics of Latin American countries, albeit to a lesser extent. Article shows how globalization influenced Latin American countries and political changes that happened in this region. Author shares the opinion that USA still plays leading role in foreign policy of the region and as well trying to control to some extent everything that concerns domestic policy of the countries in the region of Latin America.
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Borovkov, Anatoly. "Important contribution to Russian Latin American studies." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 7 (2021): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015309-8.
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The book examines the main trends in Mexico's international activities in the first two decades of the XXI century, as well as the leading trends in its socio-political development. The author tried to show that Mexico is more and more actively involved in solving the main problems of world politics, where it emphatically takes independent positions. Mexico's relations with the United States, with the countries of Latin America, with China and Spain, as well as the prospects for expanding ties with Russia are analyzed, Mexico's position in the UN is shown and the prospects for the development of its foreign policy under the government of Lopez Obrador.
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García, César. "PR, clientelism and economics: a comparison of southern Europe and Latin America." Journal of Communication Management 19, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-03-2013-0026.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between clientelist relationships and economics in public relations practice in European Mediterranean countries and Latin America. It considers the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a critical-conceptual method through a re-conceptualization of themes from secondary qualitative analyses of existing qualitative data sets and reviews of published qualitative papers. Findings – The public relations practice in these two regions is similar. The characteristics of the public relations landscape in these countries must be understood in relation to a broader history of clientelism and economics emphasizing government relationships at the expense of other publics, as well as the lack of scale economies. Persuasive models are prevalent, although a number of forces – including integration in supranational organizations, democratization, and globalization – have strengthened the use of symmetrical models. Research limitations/implications – This is not an empirical survey, there is a need of quantitative studies among practitioners and government officials that can measure empirically the nature of their relationships in a number of countries. This essay opens a door for future studies and cross-cultural comparisons about the role that clientelism plays in the PR practice of cultures and countries. Practical implications – The paper offers useful background information, such as the primacy that media relations still have in the public relations practice, for foreign public relations executives, agency heads, and managers of public relations who are directly involved with or managing international public relations campaigns in these countries. Social implications – Clientelism is a cultural concept that translates to the work of organizations and consequently public relations as a form of organizational behavior. Originality/value – This paper brings to the table the importance of the concept of clientelism in the PR practice as well as the existence of a similar PR culture between countries that are on different continents.
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Semenenko, I., and I. Labinskaya. "World. Global Crisis Challenges. Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2013): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-7-38-53.
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The next in the series of essays dealing with trends and prospects of social/political transformation of the West is the analysis of problems in Spain, prepared by the Center of Comparative Social-Economic and Social-Political Studies of IMEMO. The first to speak was S. Khenkin, Dr. Sci. (History), from MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) who stressed the systemic character of the political community crisis in Spain. I. Prokhorenko, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), dealt with possible directions of Spanish development underlining risks of the nation’s return to a periphery status within the EU. A. Avilova, Cand. Sci. (Economics), analyzed Spanish economics in the time of crisis. A. Kozhanovskii, Cand. Sci. (History), from the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology (Russian Academy of Sciences), P. Yakovlev, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Head of Center for Iberian Studies at the Institute of Latin America (Russian Academy of Sciences), E. Ermol'eva, Cand. Sci. (Economics), researcher at IMEMO also took part in the discussion.
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Guerra de Castillo, Zoila, and Aránzazu Berbey Álvarez. "Interview with Izabela Matusz." Prisma Tecnológico 14, no. 1 (February 2, 2023): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33412/pri.v14.1.3758.
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Izabela Matusz (Warsaw, 22 September 1974) is a Polish diplomat.
She serves as Ambassador of the European Union and Head of the Delegation to Panama since 1 September 2022.
She joined the Polish Foreign Service in 2002. Between 2013 and 2017, she served as Ambassador of Poland to Peru, concurrent for Bolivia and Ecuador. She also served at the Embassies of Poland in Argentina and Spain.
While at Headquarters in Warsaw, she worked in the Department of the Americas, Department of Economic Cooperation and the Cabinet of the Minister.
She holds a MA degree in Economics and International Relations from the SGH Warsaw School of Economics and a Postgraduate degree from the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Warsaw.
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Vargas-Hernandez, José G., José Satsumi López-Morales, and Pablo Giovanni Palafox-Alcantar. "Analysis of an Acquisition in the Banking Sector: Banamex and Citigroup." International Journal of Business and Management 11, no. 11 (October 26, 2016): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v11n11p39.
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The Mexican banking sector during 90´s it has had transitions from private to public and to private again, and it is one of the main sectors which have received Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), mainly from Spain. In this regard the main aim of this paper is to analyze the acquisition of Banamex by Citigroup. In order to reach this aim a case analysis method was carried out. The results suggests that Citigroup invested in Banamex for consolidate its presence in Latin America, the profits in Mexico, imitate the Spanish banks that some years ago have invested in Mexican banks, the banking sector in Mexico was deregulated as consequence of neoliberal policies and the potential market that represent Mexico, finally the acquisition of Banamex allowed competition in the banking sector and the entry of new competitors in the industry. t peculiar investment strategies have on the well-known relation between size and performance of SRI funds. major-bidi;mso-bidi-theme-font:major-bidi;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB;mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN;mso-bidi-language:AR-SA'>This paper analyzes the wealth distribution taking into account the reaction of the market to the alliance as an indicator of a successful strategy. It explores the case of the automobile industry, which is characterised by a high use of inter-firm cooperation, such as strategic alliances and mergers & acquisitions, to effectively compete in the global market and face the global crisis.
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Kryukova, Elena V., Elena A. Savchuk, and Iuliia V. Davtian. "Technopolitics in the Ibero-American Region." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/14.
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In recent decades, the active interaction of innovative technologies and politics has given a rise to a new specific phenomenon –technopolitics. It is acquiring clearer outlines and seeks to obtain the status of a separate applied discipline. Technopolitics includes the whole range of tools used by politicians, political organizations and political strategists within the Internet space in order to collect information about the potential electorate, form a strategy and influence the mood of voters. The main elements of technopolitics are social networks, mobile applications and specialized sites. They become an ideal platform for understanding the mood in society, forming a roadmap on key issues, which allows solving both internal and foreign policy tasks. The authors of this research set the aim to analyze examples of technopolitics functioning in the countries of the Ibero-American region, which includes countries with an impressive number of Internet users and one of the highest levels of political participation. As a result of the research, the authors come to the conclusion that Spain and the countries of Latin America are actively involved in technopolitics, which is proved by the activities of local political organizations that develop their activity in the framework of Internet communications. The creation of social media accounts and own websites is aimed at an active interaction with citizens without the participation of traditional media as an intermediary. Operative response to changes in shades of public opinion allows political parties to timely change the vector of their movement. Citizens’ general engagement in technopolitics led to truly revolutionary changes in the hierarchy of the “candidatevoter”, endowing the voter with truly democratic instruments of influencing the government, and thereby increasing the percentage of political participation of citizens disenchanted with the former relations between the institution of power and the people. The Internet has allowed an ordinary person to turn into a real political actor organizing transparent discussions, easily involving a large number of people in solving political issues. People are no longer required to vote within the framework of the proposed alternative, but asked for their opinion. Much of this change is due to the creation of Twitter, a platform opened to discussion of various issues and free from censorship, very popular in the countries of the Ibero-American region.
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Avilova, Agnessa. "SPAIN AND LATIN AMERICA: IMPERIAL TRADITION AND CONTEMPORANEITY." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-62-65.
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The Spanish version of the evolution of the Empire differed from “classic” British: here there was a prolonged rupture of economic and political ties with the mother country. But now Spain and Latin American countries are developing cooperation in several directions. Spain is one of the major foreign investors for this region.
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Belous, Yulia. "Humanitarian Aspect of Spanish Foreign Policy in Latin America: Lessons for Russia." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023417-7.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of humanitarian policy of Spain in Latin America. The article considers the main instruments of humanitarian policy of Spain in Latin America, demonstrates their advantages, the amount of financing and the factors of their effectiveness. The purpose of this article is to identify the features of the humanitarian aspect of Spanish foreign policy on the example of Latin America and to draw conclusions about the Spanish experience for the Russian model of humanitarian policy. The authors conclude that the advantages of the Spanish model of humanitarian policy in Latin America are the effective cooperation of the public and non-governmental sectors for the benefit of humanitarian policy, mobilization of private sector funding for development assistance to Latin American countries, enhanced digitization of humanitarian policy institutions.
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Grabendorff, Wolf. "European Community Relations With Latin America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 4 (1987): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165818.
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Five Years after the lapse that occurred in European-Latin American relations as a result of the Malvinas/Falklands conflict (Rhein, 1983; Bodemer, 1985), and two years after the entry of Spain and Portugal into the European Community (CE), it would appear appropriate to review the relations between the European Community and Latin America. At the suggestion of the president of the Spanish government, Felipe González, who, among European heads of state, not only has a strong personal interest in Latin America, but also displays the most differentiated knowledge of the region, the European Council decided, in 1986 at The Hague (La Vanguardia, 1986), to charge the Commission of the European Community to come up with new guidelines regarding EC relations with Latin America.
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Yakovleva, Nailya. "LATIN AMERICA IN PORTUGAL'S FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.07.
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The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.
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Roy, Ash Narain. "Latin America in India’s Foreign Policy." International Studies 47, no. 2-4 (April 2010): 387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088171104700420.
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Mikoyan, Sergo A. "Soviet Foreign Policy and Latin America." Washington Quarterly 13, no. 3 (September 1990): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609009445402.
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Abbott, Malcolm, and Alexis Esposto. "Australia's foreign policy links with Latin America: distant relations." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 1 (October 27, 2015): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2015.1085956.
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Dereshuk, Viсtor. "Military-technical cooperation between Spain and Latin America." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 3 (2022): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0018837-9.
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The article considers the interaction of Spain with the countries of Latin America in the military-technical sphere. The author analyzes the intensity of international contacts of the country and the features of building relationships in recent years. These relationships do not always bring economic benefits, but lead to political dividends. The author comes to the conclusions about the special role of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party in establishing multivector relations without focusing on the ideological component.
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Ramirez Ortega, Graciela. "The reception of the novel by M. Bulgakov “Master and Margarita” in the Ibero-American cultural space." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 578–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-3-578-584.
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The objectives of this work is to analyze the reviews of the novel “Master and Margarita” in Latin American criticism; to identify and describe the dominant ways of reception of the novel, to draw conclusions about the features of its literacy and critical interpretation in Latin America. In this paper we have the opportunity to trace path of Bulgakov’s novel through Spain to Latin America and, in particular, to Mexico, since in most cases, Latin American countries first become acquainted with foreign works of literature through translations into Spanish from Spain, which are made for large publishing houses such as “Alianza”, “Mondadori”, “Cátedra”.
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Rajagopalan, Kanavillil. "Language politics in Latin America." AILA Review 18 (December 31, 2005): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aila.18.07raj.
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This paper is an attempt to take stock of the politics of language as it has been playing out in Latin America, ever since the countries in this region were colonized by European powers, mainly Spain and Portugal. Linguistic imperialism is by no means a new phenomenon in this part of the world. In more recent times, the relentless advance of English as the world’s leading lingua franca has only brought to light the difficult North–South relations that have underpinned the geopolitics of the region.
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TORAL, PABLO. "The Foreign Direct Investments of Spanish Multinational Enterprises in Latin America, 1989–2005." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 3 (July 17, 2008): 513–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004410.
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AbstractThe inflow of Spanish investment in Latin America after 1989 was the result of a strategy by the managers of seven leading firms to gain access to new markets and to become world leaders in their industry, by applying the know-how that they had developed in Spain during the period of rapid economic modernisation in the 1980s. This article examines the context for these investments in Spain and in Latin America and provides a constructivist theoretical framework to explain them. It analyses seven firms in four industries (BBVA and SCH in banking, Repsol-YPF in oil and natural gas, Endesa, Iberdrola and Unión Fenosa in public utilities, and Telefónica in telecommunications). The knowledge and techniques that developed in Spain in the 1980s, it is argued, gave them significant advantages in Latin American markets during the period of liberalisation and privatisation in the 1990s. The Spanish government played a significant role in this process, by promoting the growth of large firms in the service industries through mergers and acquisition, protecting their domestic market, and encouraging their investments overseas.
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Lopez Garcia, Ana Isabel. "The Myth of 9/11 in Latin America." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.340.
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It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues that Latin American countries consider priorities (Youngers 2003, 2). Susan Kauffman (2002), for instance, posits that: “once again the United States is looking at Latin America through a security lens, while Latin America wants the emphasis to remain on economic development.” The effects of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America after 9/11 have not repeated the pattern of the Cold War. Although Latin America no longer is the overriding priority of American foreign policy, the U.S. has not neglected the region, nor, as many analysts have argued (Shifter 2004; Youngers 2003; Hakim 2006; Roett 2006), has it become disengaged from the hemisphere. The terrorist attacks did not introduce a different agenda for U.S.-Latin American relations from that of the post-Cold-War period. Free trade, illegal migration and the fight against drugs have continued to be the main issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. Even the trend towards militarization of U.S. foreign policy began in Latin America long before the terrorist attacks. U.S.-Latin America relations have been affected significantly not by the consequences of 9/11, but rather by the negative effects of the U.S-promoted economic model in the region. The failures of the so-called Washington Consensus are not linked to the terrorist attacks.
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Klochkovskii, D. "Latin America: Problems of Economic Modernization." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2013): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-12-47-55.
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The Latin American nations badly need to undertake a dramatic turn to modernization and innovative way of development. However, low growth rates of 1980-s and second half of 1990-s, marginal level of accumulation and investment, low investment activity of the governments, slow growth of productivity and several other reasons of economic and political nature prevent an effective modernization process in the region. In order to solve these problems Latin American countries should map out a concrete program of actions. This program should clearly determine the governments’ role in modernization. The relationships with the foreign capital should be revised and the foreign economic strategy of the region should be adjusted.
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Prokhorenko, Irina L’vovna. "Foreign Policy Thinking in Latin America: Concepts, Approaches and Research Directions." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-177-186.
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The author tries to define terms, concepts and categories the most frequently used by Latin America scholars and to define the directions and thematic focus of their academic activities in the foreign policy and international relations research area by applying the discourse and content analysis of relevant scientific publications, its abstracts and keywords. It was concluded that de facto, under the influence or even the dominance of the Western political science and the Western international relations theory, the particular Latin America foreign policy thinking has emerged and continues to develop. It is non-Western essentially, taking into account the belonging of the Latin America and the Caribbean countries to the periphery and/or semi-periphery of the global world. The following factors have been also important: common civilizational basis and similar institutional and political characteristics of the formation and dynamics of the Latin America countries and societies, many general development problems, common regional challenges and threats which require collective efforts for searching effective responses on them. Similarly, the significant role of external factors and global actors that influence country and international political processes in the Latin America region is noted. And also those possibilities which the trend towards polycentric world order paves the way for the leading powers in the region are taken into consideration. The author focuses on the concepts of the autonomy and dependency (or dependence development) when Latin America scholars analyzing the foreign policy of the concrete countries in the region and integration processes which construct the regional and sub-regional transnational political spaces. Attention is paid to the specificity of comparative foreign policy studies and spatial turn in the Latin America international relations studies.
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Pires, Marcos, and Lucas Gualberto Nascimento. "The Monroe Doctrine 2.0 and U.S.-China-Latin America Trilateral Relations." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 202–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-03-08.
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The election of Donald Trump caused a change in the direction of U.S. foreign policy for Latin America with the imposition of new sanctions on the Cuban government (starting a new cold war with the island) and the attempted regime changes in Venezuela and Nicaragua, whose governments are seen as a threat by Washington’s elite. In September 2018, during a speech at the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, Donald Trump took up the principles of the Monroe Doctrine as formal a U.S. policy and rejected the alleged interference of foreign states in the western hemisphere and in the internal affairs of the United States — a direct allusion to China and Russia. This change in U.S. policy toward Latin America has had a great impact on Sino-Latin American relations in the context of political pressures and aggressive rhetoric seeking to curb the Chinese presence there. This article explores the motivation behind the new attitude of the United States in its relations with Latin America and how it impacts Sino-Latin American relations.
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Nikulin, Kirill. "Trade and Economic Partnership between Spain and Latin America." Contemporary Europe 96, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32020170180.
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Daudelin, Jean. "Foreign Policy at the Fringe: Canada and Latin America." International Journal 58, no. 4 (2003): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203889.
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Vivel-Búa, María Milagros, and Rubén Lado-Sestayo. "Foreign exchange exposure in Latin America: evidence for Spanish firms." Academia Revista Latinoamericana de Administración 31, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 212–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/arla-04-2017-0130.
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Objective The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Spanish business sector’s economic exposure to currency risk in Latin America between 2010 and 2016, testing the effectiveness of hedging with derivatives for the reduction of this risk. Methodology Economic exposure is tested with the Jorion model (1990) using both a currency basket and an individualised analysis for the main currencies sustaining business activities between Spain and Latin America: the Mexican peso, Brazilian real, Argentine peso, Chilean peso, and Colombian peso. For the hedging analysis, dynamic panel data models were estimated using a generalised method of moments. Results The results reveal that the number of firms with significant economic exposure is sensitive to the temporal frequency of the observations. The evidence denotes that the firms’ export profile is predominant, both when considering a basket of Latin American currencies and when individually considering the five main pairs of currencies. The only exception is the Argentine peso, where firms’ import profile is slightly higher. The Chilean peso stands out as the currency with the greatest number of firms with significant exposure. Originality This work provides unpublished evidence on economic exposure to currency risk in Latin America in a recent period characterised by two main aspects: an important devaluation of some Latin American currencies with respect to the euro; and an enhancement of Spanish business activities in the region to favour growth during the recent recession of the Spanish economy.
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Yakovlev, Petr Pavlovich. "USA and China in Latin America: Contours of Competition." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-1-47-58.
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In the last decade Latin America in trade, economic and financial terms turns out to be increasingly “sandwiched” between the United States and China, which accounted for more than half of the total trade of Latin American countries, and also a crucial part of entering the region investment and credit resources. This circumstance has the strongest impact on the structure and orientation of foreign economic relations and foreign policy contacts. In the foreseeable future one of the complexities of foreign policy of the Latin American countries will be delaying action between the United States and China, are becoming involved in hybrid war for dominance in the global economy and trade. In Latin American capitals the USA-Chinese rivalry at the global level are watched with suspicion and fear. It is connected not only with the current situation, but with the dynamics of relations between Washington and Beijing, the intensification of contradictions at the global and regional levels. Latin Americans believe that initiation of trade wars and other kinds of American-Chinese confrontation could harm the development of the world economy and harm the crucial interests of the region, which is critically dependent on international goods and financial markets. The main challenge is the diversification of international relations of the Latin American States, the broadening of their economic and political partners. Only in this way can be weakened the hyper dependence of Latin America from Washington and Beijing, and reversed the negative effects of the ongoing protectionist policies and trade wars initiated by the administration of Donald Trump.
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Cruz, Rodolfo Cerdas. "New Directions in Soviet Policy towards Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014401.
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This study explores some of the changes currently taking place in the USSR and the possible impact of changing Soviet foreign policy on Latin America. The article begins with an analysis of the possible effects of the attempts to separate Party and State on foreign policy and on the interpretation and observance of the so-called internationalist obligations of the Soviet Union towards Latin America. It goes on to investigate the possible impact of perestroika on the internal relations of COMECON countries and any weakening in the commitment of its members to political and social changes in the Latin American republics. These changes are looked at particularly, though not uniquely, with reference to Cuba and Nicaragua. Some predictions are also made as to the possible future moves the USSR might make to strengthen and improve its relations with the largest countries in the region such as Brazil and Argentina.
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Olivares, Javier Vidal. "Latin America in the internationalisation strategy of Iberia, 1946–2000." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619832276.
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Since 1946, Iberia, the Spanish flag carrier, was one of the most useful instruments of Spanish foreign policy, focusing, after the Second World War, on connections between Europe and Latin America. Taking advantage of many bilateral agreements between Spain and Latin American countries, Iberia increased its traffic in the region and in the 1950s consolidated an extensive Latin American network. After 1965, its top managers deployed a new policy in Latin America, scaling up its technical cooperation and financial support. In order to cope with the global liberalisation and privatisation of flag carriers, in the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s Iberia attempted to further escalate its penetration, acquiring many Latin American airlines, and to impede the access of European competitors in this region, but this strategy failed.
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Horváth, Emőke. "Foreign Relations between Hungary and Latin America in the Early Years of the Cold War (1947–1959)." East Central Europe 49, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49010006.
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Abstract This article examines Hungarian foreign relations toward Latin America in the period between the end of World War ii and the victory of the Cuban Revolution and characterizes the problems raised by the general guidelines of Hungarian foreign policy toward the region. It seeks to answer the following questions: What political influences triggered Hungary’s turn toward Latin America? Is it possible to distinguish subperiods with independent characteristics within the analyzed period, and if so, what were the incentives of the subperiods? The article also analyzes the extent to which the fluctuations in Soviet–Latin American relations influenced the development of Hungarian trade and diplomatic relations, and how it reshaped Hungarian interest in the region.
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Klochkovsky, L. "New World Economic Development Trends and Latin America." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 4 (2016): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-48-60.
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There are substantial changes in the evolution of world economy and world economic relations. The growth rates of international trade have diminished two-fold, the prices for oil and other commodities have fallen, and the competition on world markets has sharpened greatly. These new trends complicate fundamentally external conditions for the economic development of peripheral regions, especially Latin America. Latin American countries have reached a phase of considerable economic deceleration. Under these circumstances, there is an urgent need for reconsideration of key conclusions made by some Russian experts on the possibilities of the future economic and social growth of Latin America. The author examines the most discussed aspects of the Latin American modern economic situation – the deepening technological gap and slow rates of technological progress, the limited role of internal economic motive forces, the conservation of foreign economic dependence. The future of Latin America’s economic development is uncertain in many respects and will depend greatly on foreign economic conditions. The new world balance opened important additional possibilities for Latin America on world markets. China has converted into the second largest economic partner of the region. But there is a number of complicated problems in their relations that need an urgent regulation. At the same time, the strategic task for Latin America consists in finding of effective ways for further broadening of economic relations with the United States in terms of equality and mutual benefit.
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Pérez, Louis A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Political Culture and Foreign Policy in Latin America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800112.
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Dabagyan, E. "Latin America and Iran." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2014): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-12-91-101.
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The article reviews the general vectors and the spheres of cooperation between Latin America and Islamic Republic of Iran at present. The major attention is given to the analysis of the Teheran relationships with the countries of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America. It is mentioned that these contacts were mostly based on the anti-American and anti-imperialistic ideas. There are also highlighted the fields of cooperation and the visits of the senior officials which played an important role in the regulation of political, trade, economic and humanitarian relationships, in creating the joint strategy for the world scene. The attitude of the ruling circles toward Iran’s nuclear program is investigated. The article evaluates H. Chávez’s contribution to the development of strategic alliance with Iran under M. Ahmadinedjad. It is noted that each of this group of countries put forward its own reasons for strengthening of mutual relations. The difference of approaches of Latin American giants is emphasized. Brazil, taking on the status of the great power, tried to contribute to solving the old nuclear problem, while Argentina turned sharply from total hostility to building constructive partnership. The special attention is paid to Iran president’s visit to 4 countries of the region in January 2012. It was considered as an intention to overcome the isolation at the moment of toughening of the sanctions imposed by the West. The US response to intensifying presence of Iran in the region is stated and the wide ranging opinions on the problem are shown. The article considers the future trends in the relations after the election of 2014 in Iran which brought to power moderate M. Rouhani, whose adjustments in the foreign policy affairs affected Latin America.
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Molokoedov, Daniil Igorevich, and Syatsin Sun'. "US-China Rivalry in Trade and Economic Relations with Latin American Countries." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2023): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.1.39613.
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This article is devoted to the analysis of trade and economic relations between the United States and China with Latin American countries. This region is a sphere of competitive confrontation between the two countries not only for foreign policy ties, but also for trade and economic ones. The authors in this article show the peculiarities of the bilateral relations between China and the United States with Latin America and describe the process of changing US policy towards Latin America after 2017, when it radically changed after the Trump administration came to power, and Beijing, taking advantage of this opportunity, began to compete with Washington in this region. Also, in this article, the authors provide a comparative analysis of the indicators of trade and economic relations between China and the United States with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that, using the example of the transition of leading positions towards China, the authors, within the framework of the theory of "power transit" (Power transition theory), describe the competitive struggle of states in this region in trade and economic terms, which is inextricably linked with political relations. The main conclusions are that the United States is still an external force that cannot be ignored in Latin American international relations, while China has every chance of gradually displacing the United States from the foreign market in Latin America thanks to its economic projects with the introduction of leading Latin American countries in the economic sphere. The United States of America, in turn, is trying to maintain its position in this region by easing its economic and financial constraints and, thereby, inclining the political leadership of Latin American countries to its side.
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Jones, Charles. "Foreign investment, debt and economic growth in Latin America." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 644. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623189.
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Kudeyarova, Nadezhda. "Europe ‒ Latin America: Migratory Space Development." Contemporary Europe 102, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope220215062.
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The migration ties between Latin America and Europe at the beginning of the XXI century were manifested in a massive migration flow, resulting in the dramatic growth of the number of South American natives in Europe. The Migratory Space concept is applied to the current stage of transatlantic mobility, which makes it possible to determine the territorial limits of the involved states, to distinguish the transatlantic space from the general panorama of the Latin America migration movement as well as from the European migration context. At the present stage, the South American states are mainly the migration donors, while the European states are recipients. The historical ties between continents, their linguistic commonality and the social networks between migrants contributed to the transatlantic mobility. The majority of the Latin American migrants is localized in Spain and Italy. The high degree of integration into the host communities contributed to generally favorable public opinion about the migrants in the recipient countries. A large-scale migration presence also became an important factor in strengthening economic and political ties in the Iberoamerican Community of Nations.
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Reis da Silva, André Luiz, and Lilia Ilikova. "The Russian Foreign Policy and its Relations with Latin America and Brazil." IBEROAMERICA, no. 4 (2022): 70–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37656/s20768400-2022-4-04.
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Tkach, Anatoly. "NEW REGIONAL RESPONSIBILITY IN A FOREIGN POLICY IN RELATION LAC-AMERICAN REGION OF ADMINISTRATIONS OF GEORGE W. BUSH AND BARACK OBAMA." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.83-90.
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The article analyzes the priorities of the Obama’s administration in the region and the Latin American states actions in rebuilding the existing system of relations at the global and regional levels. The current financial and economic crisis has shown the need for changes in the economic world order, financial system, which was formed in the end of the Second World War, where the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) play a key role. For many decades developing countries were rather an object of economic expansion than serious actors in the world economy.In the article features of foreign policy of the USA of relatively Latin America are examined in the article; the conceptual providing of foreign policy is analysed the USA, the comparative analysis of foreign policy of administrations of presidents of relatively Latin America is carried out, the detailed analysis of influence of foreign-policy course of the USA is presented, the basic factors of forming of new foreign policy the USA of relatively Latin America are found out. Purpose of the research: External U.S. Relations with Latin America and the Caribbean under the Barack Obama Administration. The article of analysis is includes resolution of long duration aims and corporate strategic planning taking into account correlation of application in space and in time of necessary resources, as activity of the American state that is sent to determination and achievement of long-term aims in a region by means of corresponding facilities. Without belittling the importance of not denying the «national roots» the origin of these crises can not be ignored or underestimated the fact that the development of Latin America in previous decades influenced deep region in the processes of global integration with its «distortions» and instability, with increasingly the apparent inability of international institutions. The main mechanisms for implementation of the USA foreign policy strategy objectives are LAC, bilateral relations with main European countries and USA as well as crisis management. The work ascertains the limited effectiveness of multilateral instruments for the achievement of strategic objectives of the LAC foreign policy. LAC represents one of the power centers of the multipolar world in LAC strategy, but in this regard, has to possess proper political and military mechanism for regulation of international relations. LAC suggested a lot of proposals and projects in the field of crisis management under B.Obama presidency, but its initiatives did not receive proper support in the LAC.
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KARPOVICH, Oleg. "PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA AT THE PRESENT STAGE." Russian Journal of Management 7, no. 4 (January 28, 2020): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-6024-2019-7-4-111-115.
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. In the XXI century, cardinal changes continue in the financial and economic situation of Latin America. New influential non-regional partners besides the US and the EU, China, Iran, India, Russia, have come to the fore, significantly expanding the range of foreign relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries, which significantly increases the role of Latin America in the international arena. In economic terms, Latin America is experiencing a period of increased international dynamics, characterized by the intensification of intraregional interactions and the search for new non-regional partners and markets.
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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.
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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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Katkova, Evgenia, and Arkady Eremin. "hina's relations with Latin America and the Caribbean at the present stage." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 164–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-02-07.
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In the "new era" of China’s foreign policy based on the concept of major power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, Beijing has begun to change its attitude toward Latin America. In 2018, Xi Jinping officially invited Latin American countries to participate in the construction of the Belt and Road initiative, thereby bringing the region into the sphere of its global interests. This article is devoted to the study of the main directions of cooperation between China and the Latin American states and changes in the forms and instruments of Beijing's policy toward the region. The authors analyze the degree of involvement of Latin American states in the BRI and consider pros and cons of increasing China's influence in the region. The provisions of power transition theory form the methodological basis of the work, through the prism of which the U.S. factor in Sino-Latin American relations is examined. The final part of the article is devoted to the challenges facing Washington from the growing influence of China in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region.
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Blanton, Shannon Lindsey. "Impact of human rights on U.S. foreign assistance to Latin America." International Interactions 19, no. 4 (May 1994): 339–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629408434834.
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Chirkin, S. A. "NEW NON-R EGI ONAL PARTNERS OF LATIN AMERICA: CHALLENGES AND LESSONS FOR RUSSIA." International Trade and Trade Policy 8, no. 1 (April 15, 2022): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2022-1-66-83.
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The article examines the trade and economic relations of Latin American countries with individual non-regional partners represented by Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey. The main focus is on the evolution of the foreign economic relations of these countries with the Latin American region and the efforts of the governments of these states to develop them. The main features and trends of bilateral economic cooperation are revealed. The main indicators of trade and economic interaction of the studied countries with the Latin American region are given. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the situation with the conclusion of bilateral trade agreements. There is a clear desire on the part of Turkey to develop a dialogue with Latin American countries in the field of military-technical cooperation. A comparative analysis of the level and content of foreign economic relations with Latin America of the mentioned countries and Russia is carried out. It is concluded that recently there has been a noticeable intensification of trade and economic cooperation between Latin America and Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey, which creates certain challenges for the Russian Federation in terms of increasing the supply of export products to the region. In conclusion, a number of recommendations are formulated to increase the pace of cooperation between Russia and Latin-American countries in the context of increasing competition in the region from other states.
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Virágh, Anna. "La imagen de América Latina en la revista Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos : 1948-1951." Acta Hispanica 16 (January 1, 2011): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2011.16.53-63.
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The paper presents the way the independence of the Latin American countries, their relations with Spain and their future perspectives were represented in the first volumes of Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, a cultural magazine of propagandistic aims established by the Francoist government in 1948. In the aftermath of the Second World War, the Francoist regime, forced into a relatively extended international isolation by the resolutions of the UN, had to tone down its international propaganda and seek allies for its cause, resulting in a rapprochement towards Latin American countries. Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos was a more sophisticated means of this propaganda, although it also had the important merit of encouraging a real dialogue between Latin American and Spanish intellectuals and artists. The authors of the magazine retained the principal characteristics of the official ideology of Hispanidad, but also argued for a more balanced relationship between Latin America and Spain, and saw Latin America as an emerging power within the international sphere.
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Dunne, Michael. "Whirlpool: US Foreign Policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean." International Affairs 70, no. 2 (April 1994): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625254.
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Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Robert A. Pastor. "Whirlpool: U.S. Foreign Policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045444.
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Calvert, Peter. "Eisenhower and Latin America: the foreign policy of anti-communism." International Affairs 64, no. 4 (1988): 746–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2626176.
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