Relevant bibliographies by topics / Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.

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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.

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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Borzova, Alla Yu, Olga V. Volosyuk, and Nino D. Nikolashvili. "Spanish Humanitarian Policy in Latin America: Peculiarities and Priorities." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 586–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-586-599.

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The article deals with the establishment and formation of the humanitarian policy of Spain, the evolution of the concept of “Hispanidad” in relation to Latin America, when Spain, along with the expansion of investment and economic cooperation, was building up educational, scientific, cultural interaction based on a common historical past, and intended positioning itself as a “bridge” between the EU and this region. The authors apply the theory of constructivism, based on the position that “historical and cultural paradigms,” norms and beliefs, and not only economic power influences the rapprochement of states. The chronological order makes possible to trace the evolution of the features and priorities of the country’s humanitarian policy, starting from the second half of the 2010s, when it was reduced to the dominance of the educational and scientific factor in Spanish public diplomacy towards Latin America. The Spanish state has achieved significant results in improving the system of higher education, making it attractive to foreign students. The activities of public and private structures (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, AECID, Carolina Foundation, Casa America) are focused not only at creating a positive image of Spain (the Program “Spain Global”), but also at forming a common Ibero-American scientific and educational space. In the Ibero-American Community of Nations (ICN), which unites countries on the basis of language and culture, an important place is given to youth problems related to the availability of quality education and employment, as well as issues of digitalization, economic modernization, renewable energy. Within the framework of the ICN, the Tordesillas Group, the Association of Ibero-American Universities, the La Rabida Group, etc., are intended to implement the 2021 Goals in the field of education. The use of professional research networks, the introduction of new skills and competencies for students and teachers, the creation of the Ibero-American Institute for Education and Productivity (IIEYP), focusing on the relationship between education and economic growth, became a real basis for strengthening a common Ibero-American educational and scientific space as a main priority in the actual humanitarian policy of Spain.
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Vaccaro Alexander, Yolanda Carmela. "Reconocimiento de la titularidad y el ejercicio de los derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España : el derecho al sufragio en elecciones locales." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 14 (January 1, 2014): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.14.2014.13319.

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Los ciudadanos latinoamericanos que residen en España disfrutan de un marco legal diferenciado respecto de lo que atañe a los residentes procedentes de otras zonas en el marco de los lazos históricos y culturales que unen España y Latinoamérica reflejados en la legislación española. España mantiene suscritos convenios de Doble Nacionalidad con la mayor parte de países latinoamericanos. Y, desde 2009, ha suscrito tratados de reciprocidad en materia de sufragio en elecciones locales con diferentes países, la mayor parte de ellos latinoamericanos, tratados que permitieron que en las elecciones locales celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011 los latinoamericanos concernidos pudieran ejercer el derecho al voto activo en España por primera vez sin necesidad de haberse acogido a los mencionados convenios de Doble Nacionalidad. La encuesta «Ciudadanía inmigrante», analizada en este artículo y realizada para la tesis doctoral «Derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España. El derecho de sufragio», de la doctoranda autora de este artículo, da pautas sobre la percepción de los latinoamericanos residentes en España en torno a los derechos civiles y políticos y sobre su comportamiento respecto de los citados comicios de 2011.Latin American citizens residing in Spain enjoy a distinct legal framework compared to other foreign residents. That difference is based on the historical and cultural relations between Spain and Latin America. Spain has agreements on dual nationality with most Latin American countries. Starting in 2009 Spain has signed several reciprocity agreements about the right to vote in local elections with several countries, most of them in Latin America. On May 22, 2011 many Latin American citizens residing in Spain could exercise their right to vote in the Spanish local elections for the first time without having dual citizenship. The «Immigrant Citizenship» survey, analyzed in this article and developed for the doctoral thesis «Civil and Political Rights of Latin American Residents in Spain. The right to vote», provides guidance on the perception of Latin American living in Spain about civil and political rights and their behavior with respect to said elections.
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Kudelko, Bohdan. "Influence of the United States of America on Politics of Latin American Countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 45 (June 27, 2022): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2022.45.86-91.

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This article examines the history of relations between the United States and Latin American countries. The main stages of the development and the defining characteristics of each of them are outlined. It is studied how these actors coexisted after gaining the independence from Spain of most Latin American countries. This article also describes how US expanded its territory by the treaties and wars. The content of the Monroe Doctrine, the Big Stick Policy and the Neighborhood Policy are defined. It analyses impact of these policies on US and Latin American countries. Differences in relations in the period before the Second World War and during the Cold War are outlined. Article demonstrates examples of US interference in Latin American region. The actions of the USA concerning the influence on the domestic policy of the countries of this region during the aggravation of the Cold War are analyzed. Article describes actions that were used against communism in certain countries of the region It analyses Cuban Revolution and political crisis across the whole region in late 1970s - early 1980s and its impact on US. It is argued that the United States became a hegemon first in South America and later expanded its influence on a global scale. It is established that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the presence of the United States in the region decreased, but they continue to actively interfere in the domestic politics of Latin American countries, albeit to a lesser extent. Article shows how globalization influenced Latin American countries and political changes that happened in this region. Author shares the opinion that USA still plays leading role in foreign policy of the region and as well trying to control to some extent everything that concerns domestic policy of the countries in the region of Latin America.
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Borovkov, Anatoly. "Important contribution to Russian Latin American studies." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 7 (2021): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015309-8.

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The book examines the main trends in Mexico's international activities in the first two decades of the XXI century, as well as the leading trends in its socio-political development. The author tried to show that Mexico is more and more actively involved in solving the main problems of world politics, where it emphatically takes independent positions. Mexico's relations with the United States, with the countries of Latin America, with China and Spain, as well as the prospects for expanding ties with Russia are analyzed, Mexico's position in the UN is shown and the prospects for the development of its foreign policy under the government of Lopez Obrador.
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García, César. "PR, clientelism and economics: a comparison of southern Europe and Latin America." Journal of Communication Management 19, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-03-2013-0026.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between clientelist relationships and economics in public relations practice in European Mediterranean countries and Latin America. It considers the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a critical-conceptual method through a re-conceptualization of themes from secondary qualitative analyses of existing qualitative data sets and reviews of published qualitative papers. Findings – The public relations practice in these two regions is similar. The characteristics of the public relations landscape in these countries must be understood in relation to a broader history of clientelism and economics emphasizing government relationships at the expense of other publics, as well as the lack of scale economies. Persuasive models are prevalent, although a number of forces – including integration in supranational organizations, democratization, and globalization – have strengthened the use of symmetrical models. Research limitations/implications – This is not an empirical survey, there is a need of quantitative studies among practitioners and government officials that can measure empirically the nature of their relationships in a number of countries. This essay opens a door for future studies and cross-cultural comparisons about the role that clientelism plays in the PR practice of cultures and countries. Practical implications – The paper offers useful background information, such as the primacy that media relations still have in the public relations practice, for foreign public relations executives, agency heads, and managers of public relations who are directly involved with or managing international public relations campaigns in these countries. Social implications – Clientelism is a cultural concept that translates to the work of organizations and consequently public relations as a form of organizational behavior. Originality/value – This paper brings to the table the importance of the concept of clientelism in the PR practice as well as the existence of a similar PR culture between countries that are on different continents.
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Semenenko, I., and I. Labinskaya. "World. Global Crisis Challenges. Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2013): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-7-38-53.

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The next in the series of essays dealing with trends and prospects of social/political transformation of the West is the analysis of problems in Spain, prepared by the Center of Comparative Social-Economic and Social-Political Studies of IMEMO. The first to speak was S. Khenkin, Dr. Sci. (History), from MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) who stressed the systemic character of the political community crisis in Spain. I. Prokhorenko, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), dealt with possible directions of Spanish development underlining risks of the nation’s return to a periphery status within the EU. A. Avilova, Cand. Sci. (Economics), analyzed Spanish economics in the time of crisis. A. Kozhanovskii, Cand. Sci. (History), from the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology (Russian Academy of Sciences), P. Yakovlev, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Head of Center for Iberian Studies at the Institute of Latin America (Russian Academy of Sciences), E. Ermol'eva, Cand. Sci. (Economics), researcher at IMEMO also took part in the discussion.
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Guerra de Castillo, Zoila, and Aránzazu Berbey Álvarez. "Interview with Izabela Matusz." Prisma Tecnológico 14, no. 1 (February 2, 2023): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33412/pri.v14.1.3758.

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Izabela Matusz (Warsaw, 22 September 1974) is a Polish diplomat. She serves as Ambassador of the European Union and Head of the Delegation to Panama since 1 September 2022. She joined the Polish Foreign Service in 2002. Between 2013 and 2017, she served as Ambassador of Poland to Peru, concurrent for Bolivia and Ecuador. She also served at the Embassies of Poland in Argentina and Spain. While at Headquarters in Warsaw, she worked in the Department of the Americas, Department of Economic Cooperation and the Cabinet of the Minister. She holds a MA degree in Economics and International Relations from the SGH Warsaw School of Economics and a Postgraduate degree from the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Warsaw.
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Vargas-Hernandez, José G., José Satsumi López-Morales, and Pablo Giovanni Palafox-Alcantar. "Analysis of an Acquisition in the Banking Sector: Banamex and Citigroup." International Journal of Business and Management 11, no. 11 (October 26, 2016): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v11n11p39.

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The Mexican banking sector during 90´s it has had transitions from private to public and to private again, and it is one of the main sectors which have received Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), mainly from Spain. In this regard the main aim of this paper is to analyze the acquisition of Banamex by Citigroup. In order to reach this aim a case analysis method was carried out. The results suggests that Citigroup invested in Banamex for consolidate its presence in Latin America, the profits in Mexico, imitate the Spanish banks that some years ago have invested in Mexican banks, the banking sector in Mexico was deregulated as consequence of neoliberal policies and the potential market that represent Mexico, finally the acquisition of Banamex allowed competition in the banking sector and the entry of new competitors in the industry. t peculiar investment strategies have on the well-known relation between size and performance of SRI funds. major-bidi;mso-bidi-theme-font:major-bidi;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB;mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN;mso-bidi-language:AR-SA'>This paper analyzes the wealth distribution taking into account the reaction of the market to the alliance as an indicator of a successful strategy. It explores the case of the automobile industry, which is characterised by a high use of inter-firm cooperation, such as strategic alliances and mergers & acquisitions, to effectively compete in the global market and face the global crisis.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. "Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.

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Defence date: 28 October 2019
Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
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Muniz, Blanca P. "EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.

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Scarfi, Juan Pablo. "International law and pan-Americanism in the Americas, 1890-1942." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648513.

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Chi, Le-Yi. "The People's Republic of China's Latin American Policy from Mao to Deng." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22655965.html.

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Stodden, William Peter. "Destabilization as Foreign Policy: The USA in Latin America, 1947-1989." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/553.

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Given the potential political, economic and reputational costs for violating international norms of sovereignty, we should expect to only rarely observe the adoption by states of risky foreign policies like destabilization (which is defined as the policy of changing the balance of power between a target government and its domestic opposition, with the aim of effecting the downfall of that target government.) Yet, history demonstrates that states regularly adopt destabilization as a foreign policy. My research addresses this puzzle: Why, given the high potential costs of violation of international norms, do policymakers opt to do so anyway? I argue that the answer lies in the breadth and intensity of conflicts of interest between destabilizing states and their targets. To illustrate my theoretical argument, I hypothesize the following: When policy makers perceive a broad and intense conflict of security, economic and ideological interests, they will adopt destabilization as a policy. In this dissertation, I look at US relations with Latin American states during the Cold War. To demonstrate my hypothesis, I perform three comparative case studies. Each comparison examines two cases which are similar in most ways except, notably, the breadth of conflict of interest perceived by the US. In each negative case, I demonstrate that two, but not three types of conflicts were present and the US did not destabilize the target government, but instead chose different policy options. In the affirmative case, I demonstrate that all three types of conflicts were present, and the US destabilized the target government. I then briefly explore South African policy toward its neighbors, to illustrate that my theoretical explanation is plausible outside of the context of US-Latin American relations. I conclude with a brief discussion on extension of the theory and implications of this study for foreign policy analysis.
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Stipic, Igor. "The concept of autonomy in Latin America and Brazilian foreign policy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264080.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of autonomy, taking as the case study Brazil under the Workers Party Government (2003-2016). Approach that will be taken aims at combining perspectives of Latin-American structuralism with those of realism and interdependency. Thesis essentially concentrates on two specific issue areas: global economy and international politics. By constructing a theoretical framework, I aspire to identify and analyze various factors considered to have a direct impact on the study matter. In doing so, I consider the behavior of distinct variables and their effect on the degree of autonomy. Finally, thesis addresses problems of international insertion for peripheral countries, considering possibilities and limits of truly autonomous action.
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Schade, Daniel. "The European Union's Latin America policy : a study of foreign policy change and coordination." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3537/.

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This thesis explores the evolution of the European Union’s (EU) Latin America policy through an analysis of factors internal to the EU’s foreign policy decision-making system. Its policy towards the region has changed in important ways over time and appears to have come to be more and more incoherent. Adapting existing Foreign Policy Analysis frameworks to the specific context of the EU’s foreign policy, this thesis seeks to understand how factors of bureaucratic politics shape the EU’s foreign policy towards third actors. It is hypothesized that where an analytical perspective which evaluates the EU’s increased policy incoherence towards Latin America as the result of rational decision-making is not satisfactory, bureaucratic politics need to be considered instead. Under this perspective, the EU’s policy incoherence is influenced by policy inertia arising out of previous commitments, the divergence of views between different internal EU actors, the autonomy of these to take decisions without prior consultation or coordination with others, and lastly the complexity and duration of EU foreign policy decision-making processes themselves. This research framework is then applied empirically by analysing the EU’s negotiations for international agreements with partners in the Latin American region, and particularly those with regional organizations since the 1990s. This thesis finds that despite attempts to strengthen foreign policy coordination and coherence in the EU over time, the coherence of its Latin America policy has indeed been affected by bureaucratic politics arising out of factors such as changes to the internal organization of the European Commission or the disruption of established coordination mechanisms through the Treaty of Lisbon. The findings contribute to our understanding of the evolution of EU-Latin American relations, on-going debates on the study of interregionalism, as well as more generally to the literature on EU foreign policy-making.
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Marshall, John G. "U.S. Intervention in Latin America: An Evolving Policy, or a Quest for Supremacy?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1221.

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All nation's foreign policy attempts to create social, economic, and political conditions in the world that most favor that nations interests. This thesis outlines the major decision points in U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, analyzing the reasoning behind the decisions and their impact. Recent U.S. counter-insurgency efforts have offered a different justification for intervention, and this thesis explores the authenticity of these new justifications in light of recent terrorist events.
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Cronin, Jason William. "Soft power and its impact on U.S. influence in Latin America." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1276.

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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.
The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally.
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
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Vio, Teresa <1993&gt. "REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA: A STUDY OF THE EU-MERCOSUR TRADE AGREEMENT (2000-2004)." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12617.

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Per oltre vent’anni, il MERCOSUR e l’Unione Europea hanno portato avanti negoziati per firmare un trattato di libero scambio che semplifichi e incrementi i rapporti commerciali tra le due regioni. Gli sviluppi futuri di tale trattato dipendono, oltre che dalle relazioni reciproche, anche da trasformazioni politiche aventi luogo al di fuori dei negoziati, da conflitti interni ai due blocchi, e da cambi di direzione da una delle due parti nei negoziati commerciali multilaterali. La presente tesi si propone di ripercorrere le tappe dei negoziati tra MERCOSUR e Unione Europea, concentrandosi in particolare sui fattori che ne influenzano lo sviluppo in negativo o in positivo. In particolare, il periodo analizzato sarà prevalentemente quello che parte dall'ultimo decennio del Novecento e si conclude ai giorni nostri. Tuttavia, verranno presi in considerazione anche periodi precedenti, in particolare nel primo capitolo, riguardante il commercio internazionale nel Novecento, e nel secondo, dedicato ai processi di integrazione in America Latina.
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Books on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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1939-, Wiarda Howard J., ed. Iberian-Latin American connection: Implications for U.S. foreign policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1986.

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Trusted, Marjorie. The arts of Spain: Iberia and Latin America 1450-1700. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007.

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America, Hispanic Society of, ed. The arts of Spain: Iberia and Latin America 1450-1700. London: V&A Publications/The Hispanic Society of America, 2007.

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1943-, Roy Joaquín, and Galinsoga Jordá Albert, eds. The Ibero-American Space: Dimensions and perceptions of the special relationship between Spain and Latin America. Miami: Iberian Studies Institute, University of Miami, 1997.

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Early U.S.-Hispanic relations, 1776-1860: An annotated bibliography. Metuchen, N.J: Scarecrow Press, 1994.

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Response to revolution: Imperial Spain and the Spanish American revolutions, 1810-1840. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

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Madrid : "Capital de dos mundos" und Brücke nach Lateinamerika: Europäische Hauptstadt mit lateinamerikanischer Berufung. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2008.

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Cumbre Iberoamericana (1st 1991 Guadalajara, Mexico). Primera Cumbre Iberoamericana, Guadalajara, México, 1991: Discursos, Declaración de Guadalajara y documentos. 2nd ed. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1992.

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Cumbre Iberoamericana (3rd 1993 Salvador, Brazil). Tercera Cumbre Iberoamericana, Bahía, Brasil, 1993: Discursos y documentos. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1994.

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Cumbre Iberoamericana (2nd 1992 Madrid, Spain). Segunda Cumbre Iberoamericana, Madrid, España, 1992: Discursos y documentos. 2nd ed. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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Avilés, William. "Global capitalism, transnational relations, and U.S. foreign policy." In The Drug War in Latin America, 10–27. New York: Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in US foreign policy: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315456690-2.

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Rabe, Stephen G. "US Relations with Latin America, 1961 to the Present: A Historiographic Review." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 387–403. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch21.

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Önsoy, Murat. "Latin America-Turkey Relations: Reaching Out to Distant Shores of the Western Hemisphere." In Turkish Foreign Policy, 237–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_12.

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Sanchez, Peter M. "U.S. Policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean during the Cold War." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 380–90. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-33.

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Saunders, Olivia. "The United States and Latin America and the Caribbean, c.1898–1940." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 257–75. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-23.

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Funk, Kevin. "How Latin America Met the Arab World: Toward a Political Economy of Arab–Latin American Relations." In Latin American Foreign Policies towards the Middle East, 11–36. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59939-1_2.

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Lesser, Jeffrey H. "Colonial Survival and Foreign Relations in Rio Grande Do Sul, Brazil: The Jewish Colonization Association Colony of Quatro Irmãos, 1904–1925." In The Jewish Diaspora in Latin America, 143–60. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250012-11.

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Moreno-Fuentes, Francisco Javier. "Migrants’ Access to Social Protection in Spain." In IMISCOE Research Series, 405–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51241-5_27.

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Abstract From traditional country of emigration, Spain became a country of immigration in a relatively short period, practically catching up with the rest of Western European countries in terms of percentage of population of foreign origin by 2010. The hybrid nature of its welfare regime, a combination of social insurance schemes and universalistic programs, determined the eligibility of foreign populations to each specific social protection scheme. In basic terms, foreigners can access Spanish social protection schemes through their participation in the labour market (for social insurance programs), and their residence in Spanish territory (for schemes based on a universalistic logic). The international agreements signed by Spain are a key aspect as well in determining welfare entitlements for foreigners, particularly in the case of nationals from other EU member states and Latin America. The strong reliance on contributory schemes, and the significant role played by the underground economy, leave economic migrants (particularly undocumented ones) without much social protection. The economic crisis initiated in 2008 implied an increase in immigrants’ vulnerability, but their actual welfare take-up decreased due to their more limited access to the formal labour market, and the restrictive conditions of targeted social assistance schemes.
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Jarty, Julie, and Karina Batthyány. "Recent Evolutions of Gender, State Feminism and Care Models in Latin America and Europe." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 361–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_12.

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AbstractThis chapter presents and characterises the way in which, in the twenty-first century, after years of feminist struggles inside and outside of institutions, gender relations are organised in the different countries of the INCASI project (on the European side, Spain, Italy, Finland, France and the United Kingdom, on the side of the South American Southern Cone, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay). It pays special attention to the implementation of feminist issues on political agendas, and in particular the assignment of women to unpaid care work—an aspect of the power continuum that we look to relate to other aspects. Gradually and for almost a century all countries in both continents have granted women the status of subjects, citizens and employees. However, the conditions, challenges and timelines of this process differ considerably from one continent to another, so they need to be addressed separately. The neoliberal era did not have the same impact in Europe as it did in South America (nor was it exactly the same between particular European countries or among South American ones).
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"The recent history of Spain–Latin America relations." In Contemporary Spanish Foreign Policy, 120–44. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315756790-13.

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Reports on the topic "Spain – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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Baamonde Silva, Xosé Manuel, Fermín Galindo Arranz, and Jorge Marinho. Web 2.0 e redes sociais: ferramentas de relações públicas dos centros de eventos em Espanha, Portugal e América Latina. Web 2.0 and social networks: public relations tools of exhibition centres in Spain, Portugal and Latin America. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, December 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-2-2011-08-139-156.

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