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1
Indrišionis, Darius. "“Imitating Bandits”: The Mimesis of Criminal Groups in Soviet Lithuania (1945–1957)." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 43 (August 8, 2019): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2019.43.4.
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During the 1940s–1950s, the Supreme Court of the Lithuanian SSR solved 44 criminal cases of “banditry” (Article 59 part 3 of RSFSR Criminal Code of 1926) with some noticeable facts of mimesis: these bandits, during their raids, were trying to create an illusion to their victims that these raids were performed by Lithuanian partisans (freedom fighters) or by some Soviet oficials (militia officers, the “defenders of the People,” or Soviet army personnel). This article focuses on the mimesis of various criminal groups in Soviet Lithuania of the 1940s–1950s. The first issue to solve in this research is the problematic terminology used by the Soviets: the term bandit was oftenly used in Soviet ideological discourse: an attempt to intertwine anti-Soviet partisan operations (“political banditry,” according to Soviet terminology) and the activities of “simple criminals” (burglars, raiders, rapists, murderers – any of such organized groups were referred to as “criminal bandits” by Soviet terms) under a single dubious term – the banditry. An analysis of criminal raids performed by fake partisan (or fake Soviet) bandit groups showed that criminals were more often inclinded to appear as if they were Soviets rather than partisans (21 bandit group used the mimesis of partisans, and 27 bandit groups used the mimesis of Soviets, while there were also 4 bandit groups that used both roles: fake partisans during one raid and fake Soviets during another). This can be explained by the bandits’ avoidance of becoming the targets of partisan revenge or by a large number of various criminals that migrated to Soviet Lithuania from the eastern republics of the Soviet Union. It may also be explained in terms of simpler imitation: for these criminals, it was more difficult to imitate Lithuanian partisans than Soviet militia.The real widespread effect of this phenomenon cannot be easily revealed. As there several few different types of courts (Soviet military courts, the “People’s” courts) that could solve the criminal cases of various criminal bandits, it is not even possible to give a real number of all mimetic bandits that were active in Soviet Lithuania. Also, not every raid case was documented by the Soviet side; not every raid case was even reported to the Soviets. Sometimes, Lithuanian partisans used to catch and punish these criminals themselves – all these circumstances makes the task of stating the real number of bandit groups who used various mimesis techniques an unsolvable one.
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MENDRAS, MARIE. "The French Connection: An Uncertain Factor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001003.
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France's long relationship with the Soviet Union has varied according to the political climate. The crucial factors in the French-Soviet relationship are the state of U.S.-Soviet affairs and Moscow's objectives in Western Europe. Mendras reviews the history of French-Soviet relations from the de Gaulle years. By the early 1970s, she argues, détente with the United States and the recognition of postwar borders in central Europe reduced the instrumentality and priority of France in Soviet policy. In the 1980s, as their relations with the United States deteriorated, the Soviets took a renewed interest in France. But the Socialist government in Paris, more critical of the USSR than were its predecessors, has developed a policy that the Soviets denigrate as “Europeanist” and “Atlantist” and no longer truly independent. Although recent events have made the French leadership more receptive to the Soviet Union, bilateral relations will remain essentially a diplomatic ritual.
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Dudchenko, Oksana. "Constitutional and legal principles of formation of governance and governance of the Moldovan ASSR (1924–1940) as part of the Ukrainian USSR." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.4.2020.07.
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The constitutional and legal basis for the establishment and functioning of state authorities and administration of the MoldavianAutonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (1924–1940) as a part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic were analyzed in the article.The Constitution of the USSR of 1919 enshrined the system and powers of state authorities and administration of Soviet Ukraine.Amendments to the Constitution of the USSR in 1925. Reorganized it in accordance with the All-Union Constitution of 1924.An importantissue in the formation of Soviet Ukraine was the formation of the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. The systemof state authorities and administration of the Autonomous Moldavian Socialist Soviet Republic and their powers were determined byResolution of the IX All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets “On Amendments to the Constitution of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic”№ 302 of May 10, 1925, the Constitution of the Autonomous Moldavian Socialist Republic. The Constitution of the USSR of 1929enshrined the system, powers and structure of state authorities and administration of the Autonomous Moldavian Socialist SovietRepublic: the Congress of Soviets of Moldova, the Central Executive Committee of Moldova, the Council of People’s Commissars ofthe USSR also regulated their relations with state authorities and administration of Soviet Ukraine. The Autonomous Soviet SocialistRepublic of Moldova had its permanent representative to the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR, who had the right to anadvisory vote in all central bodies of Soviet Ukraine. Based on the analysis of normative legal acts of the USSR, the order of creationand powers of state authorities and administration of the Autonomous Moldavian Socialist Soviet Republic and their interaction withstate authorities and administration of Soviet Ukraine are studied. The law-making activity and types of normative-legal acts of theAutonomous Moldavian Socialist Soviet Republic and their place in the system of normative-legal acts of the USSR are characterized.
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Mir, Andrey. "Media-ecological engineering of the Soviets." Explorations in Media Ecology 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/eme_00126_1.
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This article explores the hypothesis that the Soviets built a society on the principles of media ecology. The media ecology of the Soviets had three sources: the materialistic (economic) determinism of Marxism, the environmentalism of Russian literature and the Bolsheviks’ goals of socialist upbuilding. Moreover, the determination to build a new society made Soviet ‘media ecology’ not just descriptive or critical but proactive. The Soviet media ecology could be nothing else but applied media ecology. The notion of media-ecological engineering is advanced in this article to describe the applied character of Soviet ‘media environmentalism’. The article is a part of a larger project, ‘The media ecology of socialism’, which aims at a media-ecological analysis of socialism in general and the Soviet mentality particularly.
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Rywkin, Michael. "VII. “Federation, Confederation, or Disintegration?”." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408287.
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Is the Soviet Union heading towards a new federation, a new confederation, or simply disintegration? At this point, the Soviets themselves do not know, and this is due in part to the fact that they seem confused about the meaning of these terms. Professor Rywkin analyzed recent trends in the Soviet Union, noting three competing principles currently being voiced in the Soviet Union.
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Edemskiy, Andrey. "Additional evidence on the final break between Moscow and Tirana in 1960-1961." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 375–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950375e.
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Disagreement between Khrushchev and Enver Hoxha, leaders of the Soviet Union and Albania, had been ripening since the mid-1950s. Until the spring of 1960 the leadership of the small country did not show readiness to challenge the Soviets perceived as the great power at the head of Socialist bloc countries and the world Communist movement. But when the Chinese leadership indicated their disagreements with official Moscow in the spring of 1960, Albania joined them without fearing the inevitability of open confrontation with the Soviets. The article reveals the further course of events in chronological order during the deepening rift between the two leaders and their entourage, and analyses the Soviet decision-making process at the highest level consulting newly-declassified documents from the Russian State Archives of Contemporary History in Moscow. By the end of 1961, within less than two years, relations between the Soviet Union and Albania sank to their lowest. The Soviet leadership, presumably Khrushchev himself, failed in their attempts to stop another growing conflict in the Soviet bloc by discussing controversial issues face to face with the Albanian leadership. Researchers have already accumulated considerable knowledge about these processes, but substantial gaps are yet to be filled. Many relevant Soviet documents from Russian archives are not yet declassified. Nevertheless, the already available ones allow researchers to take a broader look on the developing Soviet-Albanian rift and to establish how, in parallel with the collapse of Soviet-Albanian connections in the early 1960s, Soviet-Yugoslav contacts intensified.
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YEŞILBURSA BEHÇET, KEMAL. "FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-1-92-105.
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On 26 February 1921, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Friendship» with Iran which was to pave the way for future relations between the two states. Although the Russians renounced various commercial and territorial concessions which the Tsarist government had exacted from Iran, they secured the insertion of two articles which prohibited the formation or residence in either country of individuals, groups, military forces which were hostile to the other party, and gave the Soviet Union the right to send forces into Iran in the event that a third party should attempt to carry out a policy of usurpation there, use Iran as a base for operations against Russia, or otherwise threaten Soviet frontiers. Furthermore, in 1927, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Guarantee and Neutrality» with Iran which required the contracting parties to refrain from aggression against each other and not to join blocs or alliances directed against each other’s sovereignty. However, the treaty was violated by the Soviet Union’s wartime occupation of Iran, together with Britain and the United States. The violation was subsequently condoned by the conclusion of the Tripartite Treaty of Alliance of 29 January 1942, which permitted the Soviet Union to maintain troops in Iran for a limited period. Requiring restraint from propaganda, subversion and hostile political groups, the treaty would also appear to have been persistently violated by the Soviet Union: for example, the various radio campaigns of «Radio Moscow» and the «National Voice of Iran»; the financing and control of the Tudeh party; and espionage and rumour-mongering by Soviet officials in Iran. Whatever the Soviet’s original conception of this treaty may have been, they had since used it one-sidedly as a treaty in which both countries would be neutral, with one being «more neutral than the other». In effect, both the 1921 and 1927 treaties had been used as «a stick to beat the Iranians» whenever it suited the Soviets to do so, in propaganda and in inter-governmental dealings. During the Second World War, the treaty between the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and Iran, dated 29 January 1942 - and concluded some 5 months after the occupation of parts of Iran by allied forces, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union were entitled to maintain troops in Iran, but the presence of such troops was not to constitute a military occupation. Nonetheless, Soviet forces in the Northern provinces used their authority to prevent both the entry of officials of the Iranian Government and the export of agricultural products to other provinces. The treaty also required military forces to be withdrawn not later than six months after «all hostilities between the Allied Powers and Germany and her associates have been suspended by the conclusion of an armistice or on the conclusion of peace, whichever is the earlier». This entailed that the Soviet Union should have withdrawn its forces by March 1946, six months after the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile, however, there emerged in Iranian Azerbaijan, under Soviet tutelage, a movement for advanced provincial autonomy which developed into a separatist movement under a Communist-led «National Government of Azerbaijan». In 1945, Soviet forces prevented the Iranian army from moving troops into Azerbaijan, and also confined the Iranian garrison to barracks while the dissidents took forcible possession of key points. At the same time, Soviet troops prevented the entry of Iranian troops into the Kurdistan area, where, under Soviet protection, a Kurdish Republic had been set up by Qazi Mohammad. In 1946, after Iran had appealed to the Security Council, the Russians secured from the Iranian Prime Minister, Qavam es Saltaneh, a promise to introduce a bill providing for the formation of a Soviet-Iranian Oil Company to exploit the Northern oil reserves. In return, the Soviet Union agreed to negotiate over Azerbaijan: the Iranians thereupon withdrew their complaint to the Security Council, and Soviet forces left Azerbaijan by 9 May 1946. In 1955, when Iran was considering joining a regional defensive pact, which was later to manifest itself as the Baghdad Pact, the Soviet Government threatened that such a move would oblige the Soviet Union to act in accordance with Article 6 of the 1921 treaty. This was the «big stick» aspect of Soviet attempts to waylay Iranian membership of such a pact; the «carrot» being the conclusion in 1955 of a Soviet-Iranian «Financial and Frontier Agreement» by which the Soviets agreed to a mutually beneficial re-alignment of the frontier and to pay debts arising from their wartime occupation of Northern Iran. The Soviets continued their war of nerves against Iranian accession to the Pact by breaking off trade negotiations in October 1955 and by a series of minor affronts, such as the cancellation of cultural visits and minimal attendance at the Iranian National Day celebrations in Moscow. In a memorandum dated November 26, the Iranian Government openly rejected Soviet criticisms. Soviet displeasure was expressed officially, in the press and to private individuals. In the ensuing period, Soviet and Soviet-controlled radio stations continued to bombard their listeners with criticism of the Baghdad Pact, or CENTO as it later became. In early 1959, with the breakdown of the negotiations for a non-aggression pact, Iran-Soviet relations entered into a phase of propaganda warfare which intensified with the signature of the bilateral military agreement between Iran and the United States. The Soviet Union insisted that Iran should not permit the establishment of foreign military bases on its soil, and continued to threaten Iran despite the Shah’s assurance on this issue. Consequently, the Iranians denounced Articles 5 and 6 of the 1921 treaty, on the basis of which the Soviet Union was making its demands. Attempts by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to improve relations met with little success until September 1959, when Russia offered massive economic support on condition that Iran renounced its military agreements with the United States. This offer was rejected, and, as relations continued to become strained, the Soviets changed their demand to one neither for a written agreement that Iran would not allow its terrain to be used as a base of aggression nor for the establishment of foreign missile bases. The publication by the Soviet Union of the so-called «CENTO documents» did nothing to relieve the strain: the Soviet Union continued to stand out for a bilateral agreement with Iran, and the Shah, in consultation with Britain and the United States, continued to offer no more than a unilateral assurance. In July 1962, with a policy of endeavouring once more to improve relations, the Shah maintained his insistence on a unilateral statement, and the Soviet Government finally agreed to this. The Iranian undertaking was accordingly given and acknowledged on 15 September. The Instruments of ratification of the 1957 Agreements on Transit and Frontier Demarcation were exchanged in Moscow on 26 October 1962 and in Tehran on 20 December, respectively.
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Rak, Krzysztof. "Niemiecko-sowieckie konsultacje w sprawie polsko-sowieckiego paktu o nieagresji na przełomie 1931 i 1932 roku." Język. Religia. Tożsamość. 1, no. 29 (June 5, 2024): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.5843.
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One of the key problems of German-Soviet relations in 1925-1932 was the treaty agreement between Warsaw and Moscow. For Germany, the conclusion of a political treaty between Poland and the USSR posed a threat to the realisation of its main foreign policy priority, namely the revision of the eastern border. Berlin was therefore very suspicious of any attempt at Polish-Soviet rapprochement. When the Soviets and Poles began final negotiations for a Polish-Soviet non-aggression pact in November 1931, this issue became a problem in Soviet-German relations. The problem was so significant that the Soviets consulted the Germans about the content of this agreement. German diplomacy tried to torpedo it, but as this article shows, it did not have very strong arguments. As a result, Berlin had to accept that Moscow and Warsaw concluded a political compromise in 1932.
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Panin, E. V. "Party composition of the II Congress of Soviets." Izvestiya MGTU MAMI 8, no. 2-5 (September 20, 2014): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/2074-0530-67411.
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The article deals with the first steps of the Soviet government for the construction of the state apparatus. The authors analyzed the party composition of the main authority in Soviet Russia - II All-Russian Congress of Soviets.
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Franckx, Erik. "Marine scientific research and the Soviet Arctic." Polar Record 27, no. 163 (October 1991): 325–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400013085.
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AbstractScientific cooperation in the Arctic has gained momentum during the last two years. The changing attitude of the Soviet Union, the most advanced Arctic state in this respect, has played a crucial role in this evolution. This article, which focusses on non-Soviet research efforts in Soviet Arctic waters, concludes that the Soviet Union has lately given a clear signal by allowing foreigners, after many years of repeated refusal, to conduct marine scientific research close to its own coasts. In doing so the Soviets have further clarified the legal status of their northern waters.
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Bunce, Valerie. "The empire strikes back: the evolution of the Eastern bloc from a Soviet asset to a Soviet liability." International Organization 39, no. 1 (1985): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004859.
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The structure of the Soviet bloc would appear to be ideal for the maximization of Soviet domestic and foreign interests. The actual ledger of Soviet gains and losses from control over Eastern Europe, however, reveals a different picture. Over the postwar period Eastern European contributions to Soviet national security, economic growth, and domestic stability have declined. This decline in the value of empire to the Soviets is a function of three factors. The first is growing regime-society tensions in Eastern Europe as a result of East Europe's dependence on the Soviet Union and the derivative structures of its Stalinist political economies. The second is the Soviet role within the bloc as a political and economic monopoly and monopsony. And the third is the unexpected costs, both to the Soviet Union and to Eastern Europe, that attended the bloc's reunion in the early 1970s with a global capitalist system in crisis.
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Nechemias, Carol. "Sources on the Soviet Union." Political Science Teacher 1, no. 2 (1988): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089608280000012x.
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The Soviets have complained that they know more about us than we know about them. While the veracity of this view is difficult to assess, the level of American ignorance about the USSR clearly is appalling. Many Americans do not know which side the Soviets fought on in World War II and are taken aback to discover that not all Soviet citizens are Russians. Those who engage in serious study of the Soviet Union disagree, sometimes vociferously, regarding the fundamental nature and future prospects of the USSR but an understanding of the terms of the debate should form a part of American education.For those teachers seeking to address this need by developing new courses on the Soviet Union, the first obstacle involves resources: How do I find—and select—readings for my students? And where do I secure materials which will provide me with the background necessary to deliver lectures on topics like collectivization and socialist realism? With the current growth of interest in the USSR more high school and college instructors find themselves in the position of offering courses about the Soviet Union, while, at the same time, they seek to move from being relative novices to reasonably accomplished (and confident) teachers of Soviet politics and society.Although every academic trained in Soviet area studies probably has his or her own recipe concerning “How to teach about the Soviet Union,” there are some fundamental approaches—and texts—which reflect a certain underlying consensus about what kinds of materials should be included in the student diet.
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Vorobyov, Sergei V. "ORGANIZATION OF THE CITY ADMINISTRATION IN EKATERINBURG — SVERDLOVSK (NOVEMBER 1923 — OCTOBER 1930)." Ural Historical Journal 80, no. 3 (2023): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2023-3(80)-45-54.
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The paper examines the activities of the Sverdlovsk City Soviet (Council) in the period from the formation of the Ural oblast to the liquidation of district system of administration. It is possible to distinguish several stages of the functioning of the City Soviet, which were determined by legislative steps of the central government in relation to local administration, including the publication of regulations on City Soviets. The paper proves that an independent City Executive Committee was not created in the structure of the City Soviet, and the activities of the City Soviet were serviced by the apparatus of the Gubernatorial Executive Committee, and later the District Executive Committee and its respective departments. The City Soviet in its activities was largely accountable to the district authorities. The paper examines the evolution of administrative apparatus of the City Soviet, its main divisions (Presidium, Departments, Sections) and their subordination, as well as the working order of its structural parts. It analyzes the degree of involvement of deputies in the work of the City Soviet. The paper also shows the role and place of Party and Soviet authorities on the regional and district levels in the management of the city, their relationship with the Sverdlovsk City Soviet and the division of powers between them in solving issues of daily functioning of the city and key directions of its development. The author found that the tendency to expand the rights of City Soviets in the administrative, financial and economic spheres gradually took shape, and they received additional powers to address city issues. The result of this trend was the transformation of Sverdlovsk in 1929 from a regional center into an independent administrative-territorial unit with its subordination to the regional authorities.
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Surovell, Jeffrey. "Soviet Perspectives and Policies toward Reactionary Regimes in the Developing World." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, no. 2 (2016): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05002008.
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In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.
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Sukhonos, V. V. "THE SOVIET MODEL OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY: ADMINISTRATIVE, LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS." Legal horizons, no. 17 (2019): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i17.p:42.
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The article is devoted to the political and legal problems of the organization of local authorities. At the same time, the main attention is paid to the Soviet model of local government in the period of its first reform, which falls on the day of the so-called “New Economic Policy”, when the liberalization processes started, called the “Leninist line for the development of socialist democracy”. However, the expansion of this democracy was greatly complicated by the fact that the Soviet state apparatus did not have its own bureaucracy, and therefore, for the most part, relied on the bureaucracy of the old, bureaucracy, raised on the bureaucratic traditions of the royal apparatus. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that many of the workers of the party and Soviet bodies, especially the grassroots, were hardly deprived of previous methods of state administration, which usually had military-administrative character. The transition to a new economic policy (NEP), a certain liberalization of the Soviet system could not but cause a revival in the work of the party, trade unions, and the Soviets. But if the restructuring of the party and trade unions was implemented within a rather short time, then in relation to the Soviets, it was a bit delayed. The newly formed Soviet state apparatus proved to be unprepared for various kinds of social experiments. Among other things, this was due to the inadequate level of farming in the first years of the NEP, the general deterioration of the civil war, the still hard financial situation of the people and the use of all these circumstances by the opponents of the Bolsheviks in the countryside. The most effective means of improving the Soviet apparatus and eliminating bureaucratic “tricks” was the regular campaign in the form of wide involvement in the management of the state of workers and peoples. Particularly relevant was the issue of improving the forms of party leadership by the activities of the Soviet state and economic apparatus. It was necessary to find the right forms of relations between the party and Soviet bodies, to eliminate the practice of substituting Soviets by party bodies not removed from the civil war since the times of civil war. This kind of branching should have provided a more systematic discussion and solution of economic issues by the Soviet authorities while increasing the responsibility of each Soviet worker and the case he was entrusted with. On the other hand, this provided the opportunity for party bodies to focus on the overall management of the work of all state bodies, paying particular attention to the education and organization of working classes. However, despite a certain liberalization of the Soviet system, the model of the organization of local government in the USSR in the period of the New Economic Policy remained ineffective, both as a result of its virtually “curious” character and absolute domination of the members of the Bolshevik Party in the Soviets. Keywords: Local Government; a system of Councils; local Councils; Councils of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies; Soviet local government.
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Sukhonos, V. V. "THE SOVIET MODEL OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE OF THE FATE OF THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY: THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS." Legal horizons, no. 18 (2019): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i18.p20.
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The article is devoted to the constitutional and legal issues of local government organizations. The main attention is paid to the Soviet model of local government, which, in the period of the industrialization of the country, focused on the further strengthening of the Soviet state apparatus, the deployment of the so-called “Soviet democracy” and the fight against bureaucratic defects. However, such a situation as a whole was not typical of the Soviet system. That is why the Bolsheviks attempts to attract the poor sections of the rural population. However, success in this direction was caused not so much by the strengthening of the Soviet economy as a whole, but by the opportunity for the rural poor to plunder wealthy peasants, which had developed because of the dictatorship of the proletariat existing in the USSR. Subsequently, the Bolshevik Party raised the issue of organizing special groups of poverty or factions for an open political struggle to attract the middle peoples to the proletariat and to isolate wealthy peasants (the so-called “kulaks”) during the elections to the Soviets, cooperatives, etc. With the onset of socialist reconstruction, there was a need to organize poverty, because it was an important element and the establishment of “Soviet democracy in the countryside.” The Stalin Constitution of 1936 transformed the Soviets. From 1918, they were called the Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’ and Red Army Deputies, and now, with the entry into force of the Stalin Constitution, the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. This transformation of the Soviets reflected the victory of the socialist system throughout the national economy, radical changes in the class composition of Soviet society, and a new triumph of “socialist democracy”. In addition, the “victory of socialism” in the USSR made possible the transition to universal, equal, and direct suffrage by secret ballot. On December 24 and 29, 1939, citizens of the Soviet Union elected their representatives to the local Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. 99.21 % of the total number of voters took part in the vote. The election results are another testament to the growing influence of the Bolshevik Party on the population of the Soviet Union, which has largely replaced the activities of the Soviets themselves, including the local ones. Holding elections to the regional, regional, district, district, city, village and settlement councils of workers’ deputies completed the restructuring of all state bodies in accordance with the Stalin Constitution and on its basis. With the adoption in 1977 of the last Constitution of the USSR, the councils of workers’ deputies were renamed the councils of people’s deputies. In 1985, the last non-alternative elections were held for 52,041 local councils, and in 1988, their structure became more complicated: there were presidencies organizing the work of regional, regional, autonomous regions, autonomous districts, district, city and rayon in the cities of Soviets. People’s Deputies. Within the framework of the city (city subordination), village, and town councils, this work is carried out directly by the heads of the designated Councils. On December 26, 1990, the Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR introduced regular amendments to the Constitution of the USSR, which formally abolished the Presidencies, but did not prohibit their existence. On September 5, 1991, the Constitution of 1977 was effectively abolished. Finally, it happened after December 26, 1991, when the USSR actually ceased to exist. Thus, existing in the USSR during the period of socialist reconstruction and subsequent transformations that began with the processes of industrialization and ended as a result of the collapse of the USSR, the model of local government organization remained ineffective due to its actual replacement by the activities of the governing bodies of the ruling Communist Party. Keywords: Local Government; the system of Councils; local Councils; Council of Deputies of the working people; Council of People’s Deputies; Soviet local government.
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Goshulak, Glenn. "Soviet and Post-Soviet." Ethnicities 3, no. 4 (December 2003): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796803003004003.
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Penter, Tanja, and Ivan Sablin. "Soviet federalism from below: The Soviet Republics of Odessa and the Russian Far East, 1917–1918." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520901922.
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In early 1918, the Bolshevik-dominated Third Congress of Soviets declared the formation of a new composite polity—the Soviet Russian Republic. The congress’s resolutions, however, simultaneously proclaimed a federation of national republics and a federation of soviets. The latter seemed to recognize regionalism and localism as organizing principles on par with nationalism and to legitimize the self-proclaimed Soviet republics across the former Russian Empire. The current article compared two such non-national Soviet republics, those in Odessa and the Russian Far East. The two republics had similar roots in the discourses and practices of the Russian Empire, such as economic and de facto administrative autonomy. They also took similar organizational forms, were run by coalitions, and opposed their own inclusion into larger national and regional formations in Ukraine and Siberia. At the same time, both of the Soviet governments functioned as ad hoc committees and adapted their institutional designs and practices to the concrete—and very different—social and international conditions in the two peripheries. The focus of the Odessa and Far Eastern authorities on specific problems and their embeddedness in the peculiar contexts reflected the very idea of federalism as governance based on decentralization and nuance but contradicted the party-based centralization and the exclusivity of the ethno-national federalism in the consolidated Soviet state.
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Arabaev, A. A. "Constitutional acts of Kyrgyzstan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic." Juridical Journal of Samara University 7, no. 1 (July 7, 2021): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-047x-2021-7-1-40-45.
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The article is devoted to the research of forming constitutional legislation of Republic of Kyrgyzstan, that originates from the moment of acceptance of the first constitutional acts as a Autonomous Republic in the composition of Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic. The author of the article researches law and political specifications of the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, that has been accepted in 1929 by the all-Kyrgyz congress of Soviets. One of the features of that Constitution was a determination of the status of Kyrgyzstan as a part of Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic. The author comes to the conclusion that as a fact Soviet Kyrgyzstan as a part of Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic in spite of having a constitution and the higher authority and other state elements as a territory, nationality, language, symbols most likely represented not an autonomous state, but the administrative unit with some state elements, forming a part of Russian State. In the article the author concludes that in spite of the fact, that the Kyrgyz Constitution of 1929 wasnt adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and All-Russian congress of Soviets as it was determined, that Constitution was valid and formed the national statement of Kyrgyzstan in such a period of time.
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Marácz, László. "The Hungarian Fencing Elite in the Service of the Soviet Union." Erdélyi Társadalom 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.278.
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The Soviet Union was not part of the international sports circuit during the Interwar period. After the Bolshevik October Revolution, the newly formed communist state focused on developing its own political structures, which also affected sports in the Soviet Union. After the Second World War, the policy of isolation was given up and the Soviet sports management targeted the Olympic Games as a platform to demonstrate the superiority of the communist system by planning to win the Olympic medal tally. The Soviets considered fencing a class-hostile, ‘bourgeois sport’ and did not promote it among civilians during the Interwar period. This radically changed as soon as the Soviet political and sports leadership decided to participate in the Helsinki Olympic Summer Games of 1952. The 21 medals that the Olympic fencing competition had to offer became interesting for the medal ranking. Against the backdrop of the Cold War, knowledge and experience in fencing became highly relevant for the USSR. The geopolitical relations had changed after the Second World War; now, the Soviet Union was ruling over Central and Eastern Europe, and Hungary became one of its satellites. Hungary had a long fencing tradition and dominated international and Olympic fencing competitions, especially in saber, during the Interwar period. By the end of 1951, a delegation of Hungarian elite fencers and coaches was brought to Moscow to prepare Soviet fencers for the 1952 Olympic Games. Based on this exchange and its follow-up sessions in the first half of the 1950s, the success of the Soviet fencing team progressed quickly, and in the course of the 1960s, the Soviets took over the Hungarian hegemony in the Olympic discipline of fencing.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 1)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3364.
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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germanyand the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations withGermany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany beforeWorld War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed specialconditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normalexchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based from the very beginningon a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission to Berlin under which the Soviet Union wasgranted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with Soviet Union, promotedby the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached itshighest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as regime assertedpower and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versaillesdecreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s ascent to powerincreased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Unionmade repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chieflysought to repay, with raw materials, the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, whileGermany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. The saidagreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937, the loans amountingto 200 million Reichsmarks, to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle,liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss inmid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new periodin the development of Soviet–German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–MolotovAgreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
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Frost, Howard. "The Bear and the Eagles: Soviet Influence in The 1970 and 1980 Polish Succession Crises." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 702 (January 1, 1988): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1988.33.
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The extent and dynamics of Moscow's control over its East Europeanneighbors have always been of considerable interest to Western analysts. The nature of this influence has become particularly important as the Soviet Union has, within certain parameters, condoned a modicum of East European flexibility in domestic and foreign policy since the mid-1960s. One of the most intriguing areas in the study of Soviet policy toward Eastern Europe is Soviet-East European crisis management, and particularly the extent to which the Soviets can affect the outcome of crises their allies face.
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Dickins, Alistair. "Rethinking the Power of Soviets: Krasnoiarsk, March–October 1917." Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9, no. 1 (October 17, 2016): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102388-00900012.
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This article examines the basis of power of the Krasnoiarsk Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies in 1917. It challenges the still-commonplace ‘dual power’ paradigm, using Krasnoiarsk as an example to counter the contention that soviets seized outright power in particular localities. As the Krasnoiarsk Soviet became active in state affairs, it increasingly engaged other local organisations in the processes of power. The article draws on previously unexamined archival materials from Krasnoiarsk, including administrative records of the Soviet and other local organisations involved in delivering state functions.
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CÎRSTEA, Marusia. "1930. Documents Regarding the Passage of Soviet Warships Through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles Straits." Anuarul Institutului de Cercetări Socio-Umane „C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopșor”, no. XXII/2022 (December 19, 2022): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/csnpissh.2022.04.
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"The article refers to “the problem of the straits” and the entry into the Black Sea of the Soviet warships “Parischkaya Komuna” and “Profintern”, which led to a “diplomatic conflict” between the Soviet Union and the Straits Commission. The incident came under the attention of Romanian diplomats, who feared that “the Soviets were preparing to attack”."
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Melkonyan, Ashot A., Karen H. Khachatryan, and Igor V. Kryuchkov. "Проблемы советского национально-государственного строительства (историко-критический анализ на примере Армении)." Oriental studies 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 340–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-66-2-340-352.
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Introduction. Throughout the shaping of the Soviets, the Armenian nation passed its historical way of development as a union member and grew to be administratively represented by two Soviet Armenian ethnic entities — the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ranked a union republic) and Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (a territory within the Azerbaijan SSR). The First Republic was established in late May 1918 to be replaced by the Second Republic, or Soviet Armenia, in early December 1920. In 1920–1922, the latter was officially referred to as ‘independent Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia’, and then as a territory within the Transcaucasian Soviet Federation (1922–1936) and the Soviet Union (1936–1991). After Transcaucasian Federation was abolished in 1936, Soviet Armenia was incorporated into the USSR as a self-sufficient union republic under the name Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Goals. The study seeks to show the process of nation-state building in the USSR through the example of Armenia. Materials and methods. The article analyzes archival materials represented by official documents and acts dealing with Soviet nation-state building, as well as collections of laws and party decrees. The main research methods employed are the historical/comparative and historical/genetic ones. Results. Soviet Armenia within the USSR, as well as other Soviet republics and autonomies, was no independent state in the conventional sense, but at the same time it was endowed with many attributes and symbols of statehood. Finally, it was Soviet Armenia that — for first time in the history of Armenian statehood — obtained its own Constitution. Conclusions. Soviet Armenia was a nation in the unified Soviet state, and in the conditions of seven decades of unlimited power of the Communist Party preserved and developed the Armenian Soviet statehood to a maximum possible then and there. Most Armenian historians believe the present-day independent Third Republic would never have emerged (since 1991) but for the period of Soviet Armenia.
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Sadovnikova, G. D. "Procedural norms and their significance in the implementation of the competence of representative bodies." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)) 1, no. 12 (March 22, 2024): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2023.112.12.135-143.
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On the eve of the centenary of the birth of Professor E. I. Kozlova, who devoted her scientific life to the study of the problems of democracy and the forms of its implementation, attention should be paid to the problem of improving the mechanisms of parliamentary activity, which she repeatedly raised in her writings of the soviet period. Revealing the legal nature and essence of the representative bodies of the soviet period — the soviets of workers’ deputies, later — the Soviets of People’s deputies, in the post-Soviet period — parliaments, E.I. Kozlova emphasized the enduring importance of the procedures of the representative bodies. Analyzing the scientific heritage of Professor E. I. Kozlova, the author substantiates the relevance of the scientist’s conclusions and proposals for modern representative bodies, defines some directions for the development of the scientist’s ideas.
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Miszewski, Dariusz. "Slavic idea in political thought of underground Poland during World War II." Review of Nationalities 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 67–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2017-0003.
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Abstract After the German invasion in 1941, the USSR declared to be the defender of the Slavic nations occupied by Germany. It did not defend their allies, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, against the Germans in the 1938-1941. In alliance with Germans it attacked Poland in 1939. Soviets used the Slavic idea to organize armed resistance in occupied nations. After the war, the Soviet Union intended to make them politically and militarily dependent. The Polish government rejected participation in the Soviet Slavic bloc. In the Polish political emigration and in the occupied country the Slavic idea was really popular, but as an anti-Soviet idea. Poland not the Soviet Union was expected to become the head of Slavic countries in Central and South-Eastern Europe.
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Roth-Ey, Kristin. "Finding a Home for Television in the USSR, 1950-1970." Slavic Review 66, no. 2 (2007): 278–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060221.
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In this article, Kristin Roth-Ey explores the complex and often convoluted reception of television technology in the USSR of the 1950s and 1960s. Television held out the potential to fulfill the long-standing dream of a universal Soviet culture—propaganda, art, and science delivered directly to every home—and it offered a compelling symbol of a modern Soviet “way of life” in a Cold War context as well. Soviet consumers and technological enthusiasts embraced the new medium with gusto and played an important role in its promotion. As Roth-Ey elucidates, however, the nature of television production and consumption—and, in particular, the Soviets’ decision to promote a home-based broadcasting system—put television in implicit conflict with important Soviet traditions, ideals, and, at times, interest groups. The development of the mature form of centralized Soviet television symbolized by Moscow's Ostankino complex is the story of how political and cultural elites, consumers, and the Soviet system in an abstract sense struggled to make a “home” for television technology in the USSR.
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Atkin, Muriel. "Token Constitutionalism and Islamic Opposition in Tajikistan." Journal of Persianate Studies 5, no. 2 (2012): 244–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341245.
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Abstract Tajikistan is a predominantly Muslim country where the concept of having a constitution is not controversial, but the content of that constitution is. Roughly seventy years of Soviet rule over the territory that became independent Tajikistan at the end of 1991 introduced constitutions as a norm, although the rights the constitutions appeared to accord did not jibe with political reality. The years of Soviet rule also created an environment hostile to Islam, as a result of which some of Tajikistan’s inhabitants ceased to be believers, while many who continued to practice their faith knew little about it other than the rituals of everyday life. In the last years of the Soviet era and the two decades after the breakup of the USSR, Islam was caught up in the political as well as religious controversies that developed in Tajikistan during this upheaval. There was an upsurge of attention to Islam, in a religious sense for some, a cultural and nationalist sense for others, and as a bogeyman for yet others. The Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), the only legal Islamic political party in post-Soviet Central Asia, along with the head of the religious establishment in the republic, the qadi, joined with secular groups advocating reforms that would promote political and economic change. The power struggle between neo-Soviet ruling elites and the opposition led to a civil war (1992-97) in which the neo-Soviets prevailed. Tajikistan’s post-Soviet constitution reflects the emphatic secularism of the neo-Soviets, despite the objections of the IRPT. The post-civil-war government has also enacted legislation reestablishing Soviet-style constraints on Islamic institutions and personnel and has used its power to thwart genuinely pluralistic politics. The IRPT as well as secular opposition parties have felt the effects of the rigged elections and harassment by the regime.
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Clark, Terry D. "A House Divided: A Roll-call Analysis of the First Session of the Moscow City Soviet." Slavic Review 51, no. 4 (1992): 674–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500131.
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The March 1990 elections to republican and local Soviets in the USSR resulted in the transfer of power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the nascent democratic movement in a number of republics and localities. Among these was the Moscow City Soviet (Mossoviet). Of the 472 people's deputies elected to the Mossoviet, the clear majority were elected under the umbrella of the political bloc Democratic Russia. Running on a platform calling for the rejection of continued CPSU control of political life in the Soviet Union and Moscow, Democratic Russia's candidates won decisively in a majority of the electoral districts.
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Wiedlack, Katharina. "A feminist becoming? Louise Thompson Patterson’s and Dorothy West’s sojourn in the Soviet Union." Feminismo/s, no. 36 (December 3, 2020): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2020.36.05.
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This article follows the socialist activist Louise Thompson (later Patterson) and the writer Dorothy West on their infamous journey to Soviet Russia to shoot a film about North American anti-Black racism in 1932. The film about the US history of racial oppression was ultimately never made, but the women stayed in the Soviet Union for several months, travelling to the Soviet republics, meeting famous Soviets, and experiencing Soviet modernization. Looking at the travel writings, correspondence, and memoirs of Thompson and West through the lens of intersectionality, this article analyses the women’s distinctly gendered experiences and their experience of socialist women’s liberation movements. It argues that a close reading of the literary writing, travel notes, letters, and memoirs and their biographical trajectories after they returned to the United States reveals how their experiences in the Soviet Union created a feminist consciousness within the two women that crucially altered their political and personal views of Black women’s agency and significantly altered their life trajectories.
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STASIUK, OLEKSANDRA. "THE ROLE OF THE SOVIETS IN THE SOVIETIZATION PROCESS OF THE WESTERN REGIONS OF THE UKRAINIAN SSR (1939-1941)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/2018-31-26-37.
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The article analyzes the role and tasks of the Soviet workers' council in the process of establishing the Soviet power in the western regions of Ukrainian SSR in 1939–1941. The paper touches upon the issue of the gradual formation of the Soviet branch of power in the region and its staffing, dependence of the representative branch of power and its executive structures from the party committees of the Executive Committee of the Communist Party (VKP (b)) and Communist Party of Ukraine (Bolsheviks) (CP(b)U), as well as the highest state authorities. It is emphasized that the formal character of decision-making regarding the most important socio-political and economic changes in the region by the representative organs of the Ukrainian SSR and local authorities pushed the Western Ukrainians away from the process of Soviet democracy and Soviet power in general. Keywords: Western regions of Ukrainian SSR, Sovietization, the activity of the soviets (councils), decorative democracy.
33
Gan, Irina. "The reluctant hosts: Soviet Antarctic expedition ships visit Australia and New Zealand in 1956." Polar Record 45, no. 1 (January 2009): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247408007675.
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ABSTRACTRussian and Australian primary sources were examined in an attempt to reconstruct the voyage of the first composite Soviet Antarctic expedition to Antarctica and from thence to Leningrad [St Petersburg]. This expedition had the aim of constructing a base for the Soviet International Geophysical Year (IGY) commitment. In a time of cold war tension and unresolved Antarctic claims, the Australian and New Zealand governments were wary of Soviet intentions and barely tolerated visits by Soviet expeditions. However, in their interactions with Australians and New Zealanders, the Soviets were careful to underline the friendly nature of their visits and avoided any sensitive political questions. The two governments’ apparent lack of enthusiasm for Ob and Lena entering their ports after fulfilling their task in Antarctica is contrasted with the generally more enthusiastic attitude of the Australian and New Zealand scientists and expedition members, with whom the Soviet personnel came into contact, some of whom developed lasting scientific relationships with the visitors.
34
Wiedlack, Katharina. "A feminist becoming? Louise Thompson Patterson’s and Dorothy West’s sojourn in the Soviet Union." Feminismo/s, no. 36 (December 3, 2020): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/2020.36.05.
Full textAbstract:
This article follows the socialist activist Louise Thompson (later Patterson) and the writer Dorothy West on their infamous journey to Soviet Russia to shoot a film about North American anti-Black racism in 1932. The film about the US history of racial oppression was ultimately never made, but the women stayed in the Soviet Union for several months, travelling to the Soviet republics, meeting famous Soviets, and experiencing Soviet modernization. Looking at the travel writings, correspondence, and memoirs of Thompson and West through the lens of intersectionality, this article analyses the women’s distinctly gendered experiences and their experience of socialist women’s liberation movements. It argues that a close reading of the literary writing, travel notes, letters, and memoirs and their biographical trajectories after they returned to the United States reveals how their experiences in the Soviet Union created a feminist consciousness within the two women that crucially altered their political and personal views of Black women’s agency and significantly altered their life trajectories.
35
Sun, Yizhi. "The Soviet Union and the May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120021382-1.
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This article focuses specifically on the Soviet factor in The May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai, including the degree of central and local Soviet authorities' involvement in the preparation and course of the Movement and financial assistance to Chinese strikers. It also examines Soviet intelligence activities in Shanghai during this period. Until May 30 the central organs of the USSR and the RCP(b) were not the initiators of the Movement. The largest workers' movement in Shanghai occurred spontaneously and was not under the control of the Comintern or the Politburo. However, we cannot completely deny the existence of attempts to organize and control the Movement by the Soviet Consulate as early as the first days of the strikes and it has been documented that the practical actions of Soviet agents began even before the Politburo began to pay attention to the Shanghai events. The All-Union Central Trade Union Council represented the "legal" support for the strikers by the Soviet authorities. The arrival of a delegation of Soviet trade unions in Shanghai was open and contained no elements of secret diplomacy. In the field of "secret politics", G.N. Voitinsky was sent to Shanghai to lead the Movement through the CCP. During the May Thirtieth Movement, Soviet intelligence had to work in intensified mode. However, in the Shanghai municipal police files we can only find references to the activities of Soviet spies at the beginning of the Movement. The reason for this is that all police attention in July and August was concentrated on the so-called "Dosser case", which was essentially of a small scale, but was hyped up by the Shanghai press and the Municipal Council of International Settlement. Nevertheless, one should not exaggerate the influence of the Soviets on the May Thirtieth Movement. The Soviets could only control, through the CCP and the General Trade Union, the workers' and partly the students' part of the strikes. The leading role in the May Thirtieth Movement was still held by the Shanghai merchants, not by the Politburo and the Comintern.
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Kononenko, Valerii. "National Policy of Ukrainian Soviet State Formations at the Stage of Formation of the Bolshevik Regime (1917–1920)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 36 (June 2021): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-42-49.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the state policy towards the national minorities of Ukraine of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations of the period of formation of the Soviet goverment in Ukraine. The author explores the peculiarities of the formation and change of the national policy of the Bolsheviks on the eve of the October coup of 1917 and during the functioning of the Ukrainian People’s Republic of Soviets (UPR Soviets) and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (USSR). The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods of scientific research. Using the method of content analysis, the main Bolshevik legal acts of the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime are analyzed, which reflect the basic principles and provisions of the national policy of the first Ukrainian Soviet state formations on the territory of Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author focused on the evolution and functioning of the national policy of the Bolsheviks in Ukraine depending on internal and external factors that were associated with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime of 1917 – 1920’s. Conclusions. We believe that the policy of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations during the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime towards the national minorities of Ukraine was an indispensable component of the national policy of the Bolsheviks of the RSFSR. The flirtation with the national liberation movements of the former peoples of the Russian Empire through the «right to self-determination» and the «right to national and cultural life» weakened with the stages of Bolshevism in Ukraine, and disappeared altogether with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime. Belief in the rapid and «triumphant» future victory of communism at the initial stage of Soviet rule in Ukraine deprived the Ukrainian Bolsheviks of the opportunity to determine the basic principles and provisions of national and cultural policy toward Ukraine’s ethnic minorities. Preserving the «independent» status of Soviet Ukraine during the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian SSR was nothing more than a tactical step in the process of «convergence» of national Soviet formations in the natural process of victory of communism.
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Nejad, Kayhan A. "Provincial Revolution and Regional Anti-Colonialism: The Soviets in Iran, 1920–1921." Slavic Review 82, no. 2 (2023): 378–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2023.165.
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By focusing on the northern Iranian province of Gilan, this article rethinks the role of non-socialist revolutionary movements in the Soviets’ early retreat from West and South Asia. Drawing primarily on the records of the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive, it probes programmatic divisions within the Soviet Socialist Republic of Iran (SSRI, 1920–1921), a self-governing provincial exclave where the Soviets attempted to reorient social democratic currents toward socialism. This article asks how, in a moment of revolutionary optimism, internal factionalism and the consequent collapse of the SSRI impeded Soviet designs not only in Iran, but also on the colonized and semi-colonized fronts that lay beyond Iranian borders. In so doing, it reflects on the directions of early Soviet engagement with West and South Asian revolutionaries, and the importance of bridging socialist and non-socialist political projects to realizing the broader aim of regional decolonization.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 2)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.2999.
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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germany and the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations with Germany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany before World War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed special conditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normal exchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based, from the very beginning, on a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission in Berlin under which the Soviet Union was granted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with the Soviet Union, promoted by the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached its highest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as the regime asserted power and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versailles decreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s rise to power increased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Union made repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chiefly sought to repay, with raw materials the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, while Germany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. That agreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937 the loans amounting to 200 million Reichsmarks which were to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used 183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle, liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss in the mid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new period in the development of Soviet-German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–Molotov Agreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
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GUSEYNOV, Yu M. "THE FIGHT AGAINST ‘ADATS AND SHARI‘A IN THE FAMILY LIFE OF KUMYKS IN THE FIRST SOVIET DECADES." Islam in the modern world 15, no. 2 (July 20, 2019): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2019-15-2-107-118.
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The article is devoted to the correlation between the norms of ‘adat and shari‘a in the Kumyk family life in the fi rst years of Soviet power. During this period, on the territory of the entire state, including Dagestan, Soviet legal doctrine was actively introduced with its own laws, principles and rules.The new laws of the country of the Soviets sharply contradicted the traditional norms of the Kumyks. This contradiction has been expressed in many issues, including family and domestic. At fi rst, the Soviet leadership strongly supported the norms of ‘adat and shari‘a. This was refl ected in the invitation to the dualistic marriage-according to the Soviet and shari‘a laws. However, by the end of the 20s of the 20th century, an ideological campaign unfolded against the ‘adat and shari‘a norms.
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BRIDGES, BRIAN. "‘An Ambiguous Area’: Mongolia in Soviet-Japanese relations in the mid-1930s." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (August 6, 2019): 730–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1800015x.
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AbstractThe Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) became the focus of intense competition between the Soviet Union and Japan in the 1930s, when it was more commonly known as Outer Mongolia. The Soviet Union viewed the MPR as an ideological and strategic ally, and was determined to defend that state against the increasingly adventurist actions of the Japanese military based in northern China. Japanese ambitions to solve the so-called ‘Manmo’ (Manchuria-Mongolia) problem led the Soviets to initiate ever-closer links with the MPR, culminating in the 1936 pact of mutual assistance which was intended to constrain Japanese pressure. Using unpublished Japanese materials as well as Russian and Mongolian sources, this article demonstrates how the Soviet leadership increasingly viewed the MPR as strategically crucial to the defence of the Soviet Far East.
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Reklaitis, George. "Cold War Lithuania: National Armed Resistance and Soviet Counterinsurgency." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1806 (January 1, 2007): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2007.135.
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Following the defeat of Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union sought to reestablish its control over the areas of Eastern Europe that it had occupied prior to the RussoGerman war. These areas included Western Ukraine, Byelorussia, and the Baltic States of Lithuanian, Latvia, and Estonia.2 In these regions, the Soviets found wellorganized underground resistance movements that were determined to hold off the complete Sovietization of their homelands, a task the Soviets had initially begun in 1940 and 1941, but which had been interrupted by war. While complete victory over the Soviets was recognized as an unreachable goal, these resistance fighters fought on in the hope that either the Soviets would grow weary of waging war or, as the above statement by Juozas Luksa suggests, the Western powers would return to finish the job of liberating Europe. Therefore, the period of 1944 to 1953 in this region is marked by an intense conflict between Eastern European guerrillas and Soviet counterinsurgency forces.
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Gitelman, Zvi, and Alfred D. Low. "Soviet Jewry and Soviet Policy." Russian Review 51, no. 1 (January 1992): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131275.
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Weickhardt, George G., and Olimpiad S. Ioffe. "Soviet Law and Soviet Reality." Russian Review 45, no. 3 (July 1986): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130129.
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Dyker, David A. "Soviet industrialisation and Soviet maturity." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 514–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619310.
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Baker, Victor R., and Valentina Sumin Finn. "Soviet and Post-Soviet Science." Science 265, no. 5170 (July 15, 1994): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.265.5170.301.a.
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Christersson, Lars. "Soviet and Post-Soviet Science." Science 265, no. 5170 (July 15, 1994): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.265.5170.301.b.
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Christersson, Lars. "Soviet and Post-Soviet Science." Science 265, no. 5170 (July 15, 1994): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.265.5170.301-b.
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Campbell, John C., and Alfred D. Low. "Soviet Jewry and Soviet Policy." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 4 (1990): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044558.
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Campbell, John C., and Vladimir Voinovich. "The Anti-Soviet Soviet Union." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 2 (1986): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043039.
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