Academic literature on the topic 'Soviet Union; Northeast Asia; Post Cold War'
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Journal articles on the topic "Soviet Union; Northeast Asia; Post Cold War"
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Danielewski, Mateusz. "Polityka zagraniczna Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich i Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo-Demokratycznej (1948–2016)." Poliarchia 5, no. 9 (January 25, 2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.05.2017.09.01.
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Foreign Policy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Russian Federation toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (1948–2016) Foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) during the Cold War were based on support of the North Korean regime and a distrustful attitude toward Kim Il‑sung, who remained neutral in the Soviet‑Chinese split. After the political transformation, the Russian Federation is pursuing pragmatic policy toward the DPRK. Moscow seeks to deepen economic cooperation in order to maintain security in Northeast Asia. The aim of this article is to analyse the USSR’s and Russia’s relations with the DPRK. The author describes events before, during and after the Cold War. The article draws attention to the extent to which national interests and the foreign policy of the Russian Federation coincide and differ from those pursued by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
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Bromley, Simon. "Connecting Central Eurasia to the Middle East in American Foreign Policy Towards Afghanistan and Pakistan: 1979-Present." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207685.
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AbstractDuring the Cold War, United States (US) policies towards the Middle East and towards Afghanistan and Pakistan were largely unrelated. India's non-alignment and relations with the Soviet Union were reasons for close US-Pakistani relations, but the Chinese success in the war with India in 1962 also highlighted the importance to the West of India's position. 1979 marked a major turning point in US foreign policy towards the Middle East and Central Eurasia (CEA) because of the two events which were to shape so much of politics and geopolitics in those regions as well as in the wider international system: namely, the Iranian revolution in February and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December. Taken together, these developments posed a major challenge to US strategy towards the Soviet Union, to the wider Middle East and to relations with China, Pakistan, and India. After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan during 1988/89, the US lost interest in Afghanistan and followed the policies of Pakistan for most of the 1990s. Then came 9/11 and President Musharraf took the historic decision to break with the Taliban. In March 2003, the US began its second war against Iraq. Whatever the rationale for the conflict, the outcome has been to turn the future of Iraq into a key fault-line of geopolitics in the Greater Middle East. Now, with the instability following the collapse of the Soviet Empire in CEA, the defeat of the Taliban and the ongoing future of Iraq, the US faces what the Department of Defense describes as an "arc of instability" running from the Middle East through CEA to Northeast Asia. This is the region that lies at the centre of planning for the "long war" announced in the Pentagon's 2006 quadrennial review.
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BAAZ, MIKAEL. "Dissident Voices in International Criminal Law." Leiden Journal of International Law 28, no. 3 (July 30, 2015): 673–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156515000357.
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Since the end of the Cold War, societies from the former Soviet Union and others throughout Eastern Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America have overthrown dictators and other authoritative rulers in the hope of allowing democracy, the rule of law, and human rights. In some cases, the change has been violent and drawn out, while in other cases the change has been quick and (more or less) non-violent. Regardless of whether the change has been violent or not, a crucial question during and after transition is: In what ways should post-authoritarian and/or post-conflict societies deal with their ‘evil’ past in order to ‘enable the state itself to [once again] function as a moral agent’? This question constitutes the very core of what is known as ‘transitional justice’ (TJ).
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Vo, Sen Van, and Trung The Nguyen. "The geopolitical change in the east sea (from the post-cold war until now)." Science and Technology Development Journal 17, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v17i1.1244.
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After Vietnam War and especially the disintegration of the Soviet Union (1991), a “geopolitical vacuum” has appeared in the East Sea. However, the East Sea has not become a geopolitical dispute of the world after a long time. In recent years, after the settlement of hot spots in the Balkans, the Middle East, Central Asia,... and the rise of China, there has been an increase in the East Sea’s geopolitical status. The U.S. has declared its interest in this region. The geopolitics of the East Sea has attracted the attention of many countries all over the world. At the same time, it has also had great influence on the strength, the status and the foreign policy of countries like the U.S., China, Japan, India, Russia and the ASEAN community. When controlling the East Sea, China can break the “siege” of the U.S. and other countries near the East Sea, control the second busiest sea lane in the world, enhance its power and political status. This means that Japan, Russia and India will be surpassed by China in the “Eurasian chessboard”. Thus, there would be so many changes in the complexion of the world. The U.S. concern stems from the rise of China, the freedom of navigation, the U.S. allies and the U.S. unique status. ASEAN Community fears “the claims” of China - a major power trying to extend its power from “regional” to "worldwide". It can be said that just from a regional matter, the geopolitics of East Sea has become a global one. This paper will clarify that geopolitical change.
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Mudiam, Prithvi Ram. "Indian Power Projection in the Greater Middle East: Tools and Objectives." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 417–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207810.
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AbstractIndia's approach to the Middle East during the Cold War years was weighed down by the partition of the subcontinent and the creation of Pakistan on a religious basis, the dispute with Pakistan over the Muslim majority province of Jammu and Kashmir and its own large Muslim minority. Hence, its policy towards the region tended to be defensive and reactive, and a general policy of support to the Arab causes, particularly that of the Palestinians, and a non-relationship with Israel were considered necessary to serve India's broad interests in the region. India's projection of secularism into the region was meant to prevent Pakistan from organizing an anti-Indian Islamic bloc in the region, and its projection of nonalignment was meant to scuttle the Western attempts to build anti-communist alliances there. However, the transformation in the superpowers relations following the collapse of the Soviet Union, changes in the regional environment in the Greater Middle East (GME) as well as South Asia and changes in India's domestic sphere created a new strategic and economic context for India to pursue its interests in the GME in the 1990s. There is an increasing convergence of strategic interests between the two regions and a growing complementarity of their economies in the post-Cold War world. Iran and Israel have become the two lynchpins of India's policy toward the region and, as an emerging global player, India, unlike during the Cold War, is in a strong position to promote its own interests as well as those of the international system in the region, which largely seem to coincide in the post-Cold War milieu.
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Singh, Ripu Sudan. "State-Nation Dilemma and Kurdish Issue: Crisis of Governability in West Asia." Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 4 (November 22, 2017): 672–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117726845.
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Ever since the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, the process of state and nation making in modern times is going on. The collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and post-Cold War period saw the emergence of fifteen new states and several other sovereign states from the ruins of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia in Eastern Europe. The problems of governance and political legitimacy are directly linked with the demand for new nation-states globally. The threats unleashed by interstate Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL) in Syria and Iraq have substantially posed problems of governance and legitimacy threatening the survival of several states in the Middle East. The question of nation-state was almost accepted as resolved and settled in the region but the end of Cold War and Soviet collapse again brought the issue on the global forefront and the political structure of several states have been challenged. The state-centred, faith-centred and ethnicity-centred forces are confronting each other and the nation-state dilemma has got more pronounced and complicated, as states are not in a position to manage the nations within. This article tries to probe the issues of governance, political legitimacy and gross violation of basic human rights of the ethno-national groups, minority ethnic groups and weaker sections of society. It also makes an attempt to look for and devise certain alternatives and methods to resolve the dilemma of nation-state in the Middle East in general and drawing lessons for the rest of the globe. The Kurdish issue may be taken as a case study which has once again become a matter of deep concern and its timely resolution has drawn worldwide attention and concern. The survival of a large number of people is at stake as a result of the nation-state dilemma, and if this is not properly taken care of, it will spread globally and affect world peace and order.
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Park, Junghyun. "FRUSTRATED ALIGNMENT: THE PACIFIC PACT PROPOSALS FROM 1949 TO 1954 AND SOUTH KOREA–TAIWAN RELATIONS." International Journal of Asian Studies 12, no. 2 (July 2015): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591415000157.
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This research deals with South Korea–Taiwan relations from 1949, when the concept of a “Pacific Pact” was first introduced, to 1954, when the Asian People's Anti-Communist League (APACL) was formed. Thus far, studies on the regional order of East Asia during the early Cold War period have focused on U.S. policies toward East Asia and U.S. relations with individual East Asian states. In contrast, this present work examines the multilateral nature of the international relations in the region at the time. The extended cooperation, conflict, and competition between South Korea (ROK) and Taiwan (ROC) over the Pacific Pact from 1949 to 1954 vividly show how actively the two nations attempted to engage in the international arena to ensure their own security. Certainly, the primary purpose of this pact was not to form an autonomous regional alliance independent of the United States. In post-World War II Asia, the United States sought to reorganize a new regional order in Asia, with Japan at the center of this proposed order. Under these circumstances, Taiwan and South Korea, standing at the front line of the Cold War, were desperate to attract the U.S.'s attention. Once the two new nations had secured U.S. military and economic aid, however, they no longer pursued their former aggressive and expansive diplomatic strategies. After the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty, signed on December 2, 1954, Taiwan discarded the Pacific Pact as an offensive and defensive treaty and concentrated on the APACL. South Korea, for its part, did not further pursue the Pacific Pact after the ROK–U.S. Mutual Defense Agreement was concluded on October 1, 1953.South Korea and Taiwan maintained an exceptionally close relationship even after signing individual treaties with the United States. At times, the two nations competed to play a leading role in the international relations of Asia. Yet, their differences of opinion did not cross the line of cooperation between the two countries until the collapse of the Soviet Union brought an end to the Cold War system: South Korea then normalized relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1992.
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SCHOENHALS, MICHAEL. "Recruiting Agents in Industry and Trade—Lifting the Veil on Early People's Republic of China Operational Work." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 5 (November 25, 2011): 1345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000734.
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AbstractThis paper is concerned with the operational activities of the public security organs of the People's Republic of China during the immediate post-1949 period of regime consolidation. The main part of the paper is a case-study of a 1950 pilot scheme to recruit agents in critical sectors of industry and trade in the city of Yingkou in Northeast China, a scheme in due course subsumed under a nationwide programme with a similar focus. In the years to follow, the operational recruitment of agents would become one of China's arguably most important operational responses to the twin Cold War threats of economic espionage and—above all—sabotage. This paper's findings suggest, with respect to operational activities, that in order to represent and explain more fully, in Leopold von Ranke's words, ‘how things really were’, social and political historians may well want to shift their focus away from successive highly public Maoist ‘mass movements’ and look instead to what transpired out of the public eye in the interregnum of ordinary times that such movements punctuated. If and when they do, they will discover significant yet hitherto largely unexplored similarities between the work of the early People's Republic of China public security organs and their counterparts in the Soviet Union and other (former) socialist states.
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Horvath, John. "The Plight of Islam in Europe." American Journal of Islam and Society 12, no. 4 (January 1, 1995): 579–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v12i4.2361.
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With the cold war officially “over,” political scientists are busy settingthe stage for the next pattern of conflict. Cold war ideology, best describedas “a perpetual war for perpetual peace,” has left an unexpected vacuumin world politics. With the post-cold war world order more unstable anddangerous than at any time since the end of the Second World War, manyin the West find themselves struggling with an identity crisis. The goldenage that was to arise from the defeat of communism has not come-oneither side of the Iron Curtain-and prospects for world peace are moreunlikely now than at any time during the cold war. In order to come toterms with this bankruptcy of present-day foreign policy, western societyhas begun to search for pariahs. As Kunstler observes, “it seems that theAmerican public perennially needs identifiable villains to stimulate itsgastric juices.” Consequently, Islam and Muslims have become the latesttarget.Unlike previous enemies and opponents, which were based onnation-states and stimulated through nationalism and calls for patriotism,today’s “evil empire” is based on civilizations and fueled byracism. According to Huntington, “the fault lines between civilizationswill be the battle lines of the future.” Hence Islam is seen as a distinctthreat. The cultural fault lines between Islamic civilization and other civilizationsaround the world, from the Balkans and the bulge of Africa toCentral Asia, are considered the most violent and unstable areas onearth. In Huntington’s words, “Islam has bloody borders.”’ Such a viewof Islam and Islamic civilization as something cancerous to global stabilityis a perfect replacement for the former enemy and its ideology: theex-Soviet Union and communism. Once again, the American (and westem)military-industrial complex can justify the continued need to producearms while “defense” budgets continue to divert monies fromsocial expenditures.In Europe, as elsewhere, there is a basic misunderstanding of whatIslam is and represents. Stereotypes of “Muslim terrorists” have permeatedsociety. Anyone with a beard and/or a dark complexion is often treated assuspect. Muslims are generally seen as fanatics, worshipping the likes ofAyatollah Khomeini and Saddam Hussein and wanting nothing more in lifethan to kill Salman Rushdie. While many Westerners consider Muslims tobe fundamentalists, Muslims can view Westerners as being just as ...
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Arbatova, N. "Euro-Atlantic Relations in the XXI Century: Problems and Scenarios." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-31-37.
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The Euro-Atlantic relations after the end of the Cold war have been strongly influenced by the impact of three interrelated crises: the existential crisis of NATO, the world economic and financial crisis, and the crisis in the Russia-West relations. The end of bipolarity has changed the threat environment and revealed how different alliance members formulate their threat perception and foreign policy interests. Europe stopped to be the US foreign policy priority. The US pivot to Asia has raised European concerns about American commitments to collective defense. The removal of the threat of a global conflict resulted in the EU initiatives aimed at promoting integration in the field of common security and defense policy (CSDP). Even though the US has officially welcomed a stronger European pillar in NATO, it has become concerned about new approaches that could divide transatlantic partnership and take resources away from military cooperation. At the same time the unilateralist preferences of the Bush administration generated deep political divisions between the United States and the European Union. The world economic and financial crisis contributed to a dangerous gulf between American and European defense spending. The US has complained about the tendency of the alliance’s European members to skimp on defense spending and take advantage of America’s security shield to free ride. In the absence of a clear external threat NATO tried to draft new missions, which were found in NATO’s expansion to the post-Communist space and Alliance’s out of area operations. But these new missions could not answer the main question about NATO’s post-bipolar identity. Moreover, the Kosovo operation of NATO in 1999 fueled Russia’s concerns about NATO’s intentions in the post-Soviet space. The creeping crisis in the Russia-West relations resulted in the Caucasus and Ukrainian conflicts that provided kind of glue to transatlantic relations but did not return them to the old pattern. There can be several representing possible futures lying ahead. But under any scenario EU will be faced with a necessity to shoulder more of the burden of their own security.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Soviet Union; Northeast Asia; Post Cold War"
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Lho, Cholsoo. "The transformation of South Korea's foreign policy 1988-1993 : Nordpolitik, Moscow and the road to Pyongyang." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310333.
Full textBooks on the topic "Soviet Union; Northeast Asia; Post Cold War"
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Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. Divided Allies. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501741845.001.0001.
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By directly challenging existing accounts of post-World War II relations among the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand, this book is a significant contribution to transnational and diplomatic history. At its heart, the book examines why strategic cooperation among these closely allied Western powers in the Asia-Pacific region was limited during the early Cold War. The book probes the difficulties of security cooperation as the leadership of these four states balanced intramural competition with the need to develop a common strategy against the Soviet Union and the new communist power, the People's Republic of China. It exposes contention and disorganization among non-communist allies in the early phase of containment strategy in Asia-Pacific. In particular, it notes the significance of economic, racial, and cultural elements to planning for regional security and highlights how these domestic matters resulted in international disorganization. The book shows that, amidst these contentious relations, the antipodean powers Australia and New Zealand occupied an important role in the region and successfully utilized quadrilateral diplomacy to advance their own national interests, such as the crafting of the 1951 ANZUS collective security treaty. As fractious as were allied relations in the early days of NATO, the book demonstrates that the post-World War II Asia-Pacific was as contentious, and that Britain and the commonwealth nations were necessary partners in the development of early global Cold War strategy.
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Below, Amy. Latin American Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.253.
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Latin American foreign policy has drawn the attention of scholars since the 1960s. Foreign policy–related literature began to surge in the 1980s and 1990s, with a focus on both economic and political development. As development in the region lagged behind that of its northern neighbors, Latin American had to rely on foreign aid, largely from the United States. In addition to foreign aid, two of the most prevalent topics discussed in the literature are trade/economic liberalization and regional economic integration (for example, Mercosur and NAFTA). During and after the Cold War, Latin America played a strategic foreign policy role as it became the object of a rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union hoping to expand their power and/or contain that of the other. This role was also explored in a considerably larger body of research, along with the decision of Latin American nations to diversify their foreign relations in the post–Cold War era. Furthermore, scholars have analyzed different regions/countries that have become new and/or expanded targets of Latin American foreign policy, including the United States, Canada, Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. Despite the substantial amount of scholarship that has accumulated over the years, a unified theory of Latin American foreign policy remains elusive. Future research should therefore focus on the development of a theory that incorporates the multiple explanatory variables that influence foreign policy formulation and takes into account their relative importance and the effects on each other.
Book chapters on the topic "Soviet Union; Northeast Asia; Post Cold War"
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Peterson, James W. "The imbalance of power in 1991: collapse of the Soviet Union and allied victory in the Persian Gulf War." In Russian-American Relations in the Post-Cold War World. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105783.003.0004.
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The two unrelated events of the break-up of the Soviet Union and the allied victory in the Persian Gulf War made the year 1991 a significant turning point for both Moscow and Washington. A full fifteen nations emerged from the shell of the former Soviet Union, while revolutions in the formerly communist managed states of East Europe led to the emergence of democratic forms in all of them. The resulting Russian state was much smaller and weaker than the Soviet state that it supplanted. In contrast, American power surged forth with the coordinated victory in the Persian Gulf War over Iraq, after its invasion of Kuwait, that restored U.S. military credibility after the quagmire of the War in Southeast Asia. New doctrinal formulations emerged on both sides with the new Russian Constitution of 1993 that paralled the rise of the Yeltsin government, and with the New World Order as articulated for a time by the George H.W. Bush administration. The resulting imbalance of power was a major change from the dynamics of the Cold War but also a prod to the ambitions of Russian leaders like Vladimir Putin. However, balance remained with the mutual negotiations that characterized START diplomacy.
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Peterson, James W. "America and Russia pivot towards Asia: political differences yield to economic rivalry." In Russian-American Relations in the Post-Cold War World. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105783.003.0010.
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Both America and Russia, for different reasons, decided to undertake a policy pivot towards Asia. For President Obama, such a pivot may have represented a needed change from preoccupation with tough issues in the Middle East, Iraq, and Afghanistan. President Putin may have looked East in an effort to get away from constant preoccupation with issues related to Crimea and the eastern edge of Europe. The Asian-Pacific Economic Community (APEC) offered a common forum of communication for both wth other Asian states. However, both powers had different historical reasons for pursuing the overture to Asian states. For the United States, a major defense agreement with South Korea was a result of the Korean War of the 1950s, while its long engagement in the Vietnam War of the 1960s and 70s provided it with additional historical experiences in the region. Russia concerned itself with intensified trade relations and also defined the region to include Central Asian states that had formerly been republics in the Soviet Union. U.S. troops had been a presence in the region for decades, and the multi-state controversy over Chinese actions in the South China Sea also bore in part a defensive component.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "3. Empire, Cold War, and Decolonization, 1945–53." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0004.
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This chapter examines decolonization and the changes that took place within the European empires during the early years of the Cold War. Decolonization constituted a crucial element of the new international order after the Second World War and formed part of the broader shift in the global balance of power. The war marked the end of the European-dominated system of nation states and was followed by the decline of the major European powers, with international dominance lying for a quarter of a century with the United States, challenged only by the Soviet Union. The chapter considers the challenges to colonial rule that were evident in both Africa and Asia during the inter-war years. It also discusses the imperialism and the struggles against it that have formed part of a post-war landscape in the Middle East.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "3. Empire, Cold War, and Decolonization, 1945–53." In International Relations Since 1945, 70–102. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0003.
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This chapter examines decolonization and the changes that took place within the European empires during the early years of the Cold War. Decolonization constituted a crucial element of the new international order after the Second World War and formed part of the broader shift in the global balance of power. The war marked the end of the European-dominated system of nation states and was followed by the decline of the major European powers, with international dominance lying for a quarter of a century with the United States, challenged only by the Soviet Union. The chapter considers the challenges to colonial rule that were evident in both Africa and Asia during the inter-war years. It also discusses the imperialism and the struggles against it that have formed part of a post-war landscape in the Middle East.
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Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. "Introduction." In Divided Allies, 1–9. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501741845.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of post-World War II relations among the four Western powers: the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand. In contrast to the broad strategic cooperation that emerged in Europe after World War II, no formal alliances between Western powers existed throughout the Asia-Pacific until the 1950s. Even when established, these security agreements remained limited in terms of military planning and scope of membership, despite the rising threat posed by the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. To be sure, the Western powers that exerted most influence on security pacts in the region continued to enjoy close relations in many quarters and each held serious concerns about the Communist threat. All four states shared the ties of ancestry, language, and democratic institutions and maintained close economic and security relationships around the world. Yet, however close these four powers might have been to one another, they remained separate, sovereign states with their own interests. Although the pressures created by the Cold War could unite Western powers on an ad hoc basis, long-term strategic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific remained curiously limited. Thus, the purpose of this book is to examine why strategic cooperation among these four powers was so challenging in the Asia-Pacific during the early Cold War.
Conference papers on the topic "Soviet Union; Northeast Asia; Post Cold War"
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Azer, Özlem Arzu. "The Central Asia and Caucasia Politics of China in the Context of Energy Security." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00441.
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After the dissolution of Soviet Union, the geo-strategical importance of Caucasia, the Central Asia and the Black Sea region increased fastly. This transition period had been difficult while central planned economies had transformed into free market economies and meet capitalism. Geo-strategic importance of the region increased for the West and Russia as well as some countries as China due to the oil and gas resources besides being transit countries of the energy pipelines. The Central Asia, Caucasia and the Black Sea Region had been so important because the region owns rich natural resources and pipelines as well as being a door to Afghanistan and the exit to the Black Sea. During Post Cold-War era, the region became a chess table for imperial countries. While USA and Russia had been playing hegemony game in this region, some other countries as China had been investing silently in important areas. The investments of China in the region are actually so invincible. In this paper, it will be analysed the investments of China in this region and its economically and political interest in Caucasia and the Central Asia.